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[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Forming Election Commission/Conducting Elections

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[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Forming Election Commission/Conducting Elections
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Short Summary: Monitoring the activities of interim govt. to hold national election.

Won’t allow AL in election before trial for mass killing: Sarjis
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 19 Nov 2024, 19: 20

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Sarjis AlamCollected

The general secretary of July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, Sarjis Alam, has expressed a firm determination that they would not allow deposed Awami League in any election before they undergo a trial for mass killing.

“We will not let Awami League participate in any election before their trial for mass killing. If necessary, there will be a second uprising,” he wrote on his verified Facebook handle on Tuesday afternoon.

Earlier on the day, Hasnat Abdullah, a key coordinator of the anti-discrimination student movement, lambasted Awami League and the entities that are trying to rehabilitate them.

In a Facebook post, he said any desire to attain power by stepping on the youth’s blood and turning New Delhi into the qibla (direction of prayer or loyalty) means betraying the people’s aspiration for freedom.

“Those who will take initiatives to rehabilitate Awami League, history will identify them as public enemies,” he wrote.

He further said those who uphold the spirit of the July uprising and aim to represent the people’s aspirations must unequivocally demand trial for the Awami League in post-2024 Bangladesh, and there should be no different statements.

On the previous day, youth and sports adviser Asif Mahmud echoed similar sentiments while speaking at a discussion.

“When we, on behalf of the government, talk about banning the Awami League, political parties try to hinder the attempt through their speeches. As the Nazi Party was banned in Germany in 1945 and still remains so, it should be a precedent to understand the fate of the Awami League,” he said.​
 

Elected govt needed to revive economy
Says Pran-RFL Group chief Ahsan Khan Chowdhury

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The sooner the country returns to a democratic process, the better it is for the economy, said top industrialist Ahsan Khan Chowdhury.

"Businesses will do better [under an elected government]," Ahsan Khan Chowdhury, chairman and chief executive director of PRAN-RFL Group, told The Daily Star in an interview recently.

Pran-RFL wants to invest and expand its business but the sprawling conglomerate, whose turnover is to the tune of Tk 30,000 crore, cannot do so without a stable political and economic environment.

"Because, the political and economic situation highly influences such plans. If there is hartal here today or worsening law and order, I cannot do anything even if I want."

Unrest among people will subside under a democratically elected government.

"If we can do so and create a mentality of constructive discussion, our country will advance fast," said Chowdhury, who employs about 145,000 people.

He urged policymakers to improve the law and order situation so that normal business and economic activities run smoothly.

Chowdhury, however, said the interim government must succeed if the country is to move forward.

If the law and order situation returns to normal, entrepreneurs will be able to pay attention to their businesses and focus on investment and job creation needed to rejuvenate the economy, which has been facing headwinds for more than two years because of depleting foreign exchange reserves and high inflation.

Businesspeople should not run after politics, according to Chowdhury, who looks after 32 factories in Bangladesh.

"Let's not waste our time on politics and let the politicians do their job. For me, my business is my politics. My politics is how I can make PRAN-RFL the best company in the world. But political and economic situations influence my decision to do so."

To encourage investment, the government should make rules and procedures easy for investors to comply with, he said, citing the cumbersome process to get trade licences from city corporations and factory and environmental clearance from agencies.

"We need to change our total mindset. We will reap no benefit of establishing a one-stop service window unless we ease the business processes."

Bangladesh is competing with India, Vietnam and Cambodia for foreign investment, so the country needs a competitive edge. So the one-stop service window must be made world-class.

"You see industrialisation is taking place in Dubai even though they do not have any comparative advantage. They have made the business processes so easy that investors from Africa and Europe are going there. But we are failing to attract investors."

Bangladesh can become the best place for business if the processes are eased.

"We can advance quickly if our political mindset, business mindset, and bureaucrats are aligned together."

Employment generation should be the topmost national agenda, Chowdhury said, adding that the PRAN-RFL Group aims to create 100,000 additional employment by investing in the labour-intensive sectors, especially those that would exit from China.

"We have seen that footwear, bag making, small electric appliances and home appliances will be forced to leave China. Our job will be to see how we can take that opportunity."

Chowdhury lauded the role of the banking sector in supporting entrepreneurs.

Organisations such as PRAN-RFL Group might not have grown were it not for the funding from banks.

"Our banking sector has given birth to many entrepreneurs. When we talk about the creation of oligarchs, we should also remember that numerous entrepreneurs have been created because of this sector."

In the '90s, no bank other than the then-Bangladesh Shilpa Bank would provide loans to the industrial sector. Today, every bank finances industries.

"I think PRAN-RFL is the discovery of Bangladesh's banking sector. We have grown and repaid loans timely. No bank in Bangladesh can say it has dues to the PRAN-RFL. We have borrowed, repaid on time; and sought more loans from the banks for doing business and not for buying cars, homes or to siphon money abroad."​
 

Election timetable: perspectives, challenges, & opportunities
Serajul I Bhuiyan
Published :
Nov 21, 2024 00:45
Updated :
Nov 21, 2024 00:45

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Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus addresses the nation to mark his interim administration’s 100th day in office on November 17 Photo : Agency

Dr Muhammad Yunus, the globally renowned Nobel Laureate and the head of Bangladesh’s interim government, recently delivered a historic speech commemorating the first 100 days of his administration. At the heart of his address was the contentious issue of the nation’s election timetable, a critical topic that has become the centerpiece of political discourse and public debate in Bangladesh.

With the nation standing at a decisive juncture in its political history, Yunus’ speech has drawn widespread attention for offering a roadmap aimed at diffusing tensions, fostering political consensus, and ensuring the path to free and transparent elections. While his vision has earned praise for its foresight, it has also sparked scepticism and debate, revealing divergent reactions from political factions, civil society, and the general public.

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of Yunus’ speech, assessing its core themes, evaluating its strengths and weaknesses, and presenting actionable recommendations to navigate the complexities of this pivotal moment in Bangladesh’s democratic journey.

Key highlights of Yunus’ speech: Commitment to electoral integrity. Yunus emphasized the interim government’s dedication to ensuring free, fair, and inclusive elections. He stressed that credible elections necessitate institutional reforms to eliminate vulnerabilities that have marred past electoral processes.

Proposal for timelines. Yunus proposed linking the election timetable to the completion of critical reforms, ensuring that elections are not rushed at the expense of transparency and credibility.

Inclusivity and dialogue. Acknowledging the importance of collective decision-making, Yunus called for inclusive dialogue with political parties, civil society, and other stakeholders to achieve national consensus.

Focus on institutional reforms. His speech highlighted ongoing efforts to depoliticize key state institutions such as the Election Commission, judiciary, and law enforcement agencies, with the aim of creating a level playing field for all political actors.

Strengths of THE speech: Emphasis on electoral integrity. Yunus’ focus on linking the election timetable to critical reforms underscores his commitment to ensuring that elections are not merely procedural but genuinely democratic. This approach resonates with civil society’s demand for substantive changes before elections are held.

Promotion of national consensus. The call for inclusivity and dialogue reflects an understanding of the need for collective decision-making in a polarized political landscape. By inviting all parties to participate, he demonstrated a willingness to foster unity and collaboration.

Strategic vision for long-term stability. The speech presented a long-term perspective, recognizing the systemic issues that have undermined previous elections. Yunus’ emphasis on reforms seeks to establish a sustainable democratic framework that prevents a recurrence of past political crises.

Restoration of public trust. The focus on transparency and impartiality is likely to resonate with a public disillusioned by years of electoral controversies and authoritarian governance, offering hope for a more credible political process.

Shortcomings of the speech

Lack of specific timelines.
While Dr Yunus outlined broad reform objectives, the absence of specific deadlines or milestones left room for ambiguity, potentially undermining public confidence in the interim government’s intent and ability to deliver.

Insufficient emphasis on dialogue: Though he mentioned inclusivity, the speech lacked a concrete framework for engaging stakeholders in meaningful dialogue. A clearer roadmap for fostering consensus among political parties and civil society would have strengthened his vision.

Resistance from political parties. The speech did not adequately address the divergent positions of major political parties. For example, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) demands immediate elections, while Jamaat-e-Islami prioritizes reforms. These conflicting priorities require careful negotiation and compromise.

Public frustration with delays. A lack of tangible progress on key reforms risks alienating the public, particularly those eager for a return to normalcy through timely elections.

Public perspectives: To better understand public sentiment, a snap poll was conducted by this author with 50 respondents from diverse backgrounds, including professionals, students, civil society members, and the general public in Bangladesh and United States of America (USA). The survey captured a range of opinions on Dr Yunus’ speech and the broader political context. (See- Box)

Perspectives of political parties and civil society: Bangladesh’s political landscape is highly polarised, with significant divergence among key stakeholders regarding the election timetable and reform agenda. The views of major political parties, smaller parties, and civil society reflect varied priorities, ranging from immediate elections to comprehensive institutional reforms. Here is an expanded analysis of these perspectives:

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)

Position.
The BNP has consistently maintained that immediate elections are imperative to restore democratic continuity. As the primary opposition party, the BNP believes that delaying elections undermines public confidence in governance and exacerbates political uncertainty.

Concerns. The BNP has expressed apprehension that a prolonged timeline for reforms might marginalize their political influence and allow the interim government to consolidate its power. This perception is particularly sensitive given the party’s recent history of strained participation in previous electoral processes. BNP leaders also fear that extended delays could diminish the urgency of addressing electoral irregularities and hinder their ability to mobilize grassroots support.

Recommendation. To address the BNP’s concerns, the interim government should establish a clear and binding election timetable with transparent milestones for reforms. This would reassure the BNP that the interim government is not attempting to extend its tenure indefinitely. Visible progress in reforming the Election Commission, updating voter rolls, and ensuring impartial law enforcement could help build trust and facilitate their participation in the democratic process.

Jamaat-e-Islami

Position.
Jamaat-e-Islami has advocated for reforms to take precedence over elections, emphasizing that without comprehensive changes, the electoral process risks repeating the same systemic flaws seen in previous elections. Their position reflects a cautious and methodical approach, prioritiaing the integrity of the process over its speed.

Concerns. Jamaat fears that a rushed election could compromise its credibility, perpetuating existing issues such as voter fraud, political interference, and biased administration. These concerns are particularly acute given the party’s diminished political leverage and historical challenges in contesting elections under fair conditions.

Recommendation. To address Jamaat’s reservations, the interim government should consider forming a bipartisan reform oversight committee. This body, comprising representatives from all major political parties, civil society, and independent experts, could monitor and evaluate the progress of reforms, ensuring transparency and inclusivity. By actively involving Jamaat in the reform process, the government can foster trust and demonstrate its commitment to creating a fair and level playing field for all political actors.

Smaller Parties and Civil Society

Position.
Smaller political parties and civil society groups generally support the interim government’s reform agenda. They view systemic reforms as critical to ensuring free and fair elections, and many have lauded Dr. Yunus’ emphasis on depoliticizing key institutions. However, they also stress the importance of inclusivity in the reform process to reflect the diverse interests of Bangladesh’s population.

Concerns. Smaller parties often fear being overshadowed by dominant political actors like the Awami League or BNP in shaping electoral policies. Civil society groups, meanwhile, are concerned about the lack of mechanisms to ensure that reforms are implemented transparently and equitably. These stakeholders worry that without meaningful engagement, their voices may be sidelined in the broader political discourse.

Recommendation. To address these concerns, the interim government should prioritise greater inclusivity and representation in decision-making processes. Establishing consultative forums where smaller parties and civil society organizations can actively contribute to discussions on reforms would enhance the legitimacy of the interim government’s efforts. Furthermore, ensuring proportional representation in electoral oversight committees can provide a platform for diverse perspectives and build consensus on critical issues.

Collective insights: The perspectives of political parties and civil society reveal the complexity of navigating Bangladesh’s political terrain. While the BNP demands urgency, Jamaat advocates caution, and smaller parties emphasize inclusivity, their shared concern is the credibility and transparency of the electoral process.

The interim government, under Dr. Yunus’ leadership, must strike a delicate balance by addressing these concerns while adhering to its reform agenda. Proactive communication, visible progress, and inclusive policymaking are essential to bridging these divides and fostering a unified path toward democratic restoration.

By engaging all stakeholders in constructive dialogue and demonstrating its commitment to credible reforms, the interim government has an opportunity to lay the foundation for a stronger, more inclusive democratic system in Bangladesh.

Public sentiments on Dr. Yunus’ leadership: Respondents widely praised Dr. Yunus for his integrity, global reputation, and commitment to reforms. Many view him as a transformative leader capable of addressing Bangladesh’s deep-seated political and institutional challenges. However, some expressed impatience with the interim government’s pace, emphasizing the need for tangible progress.

A general citizen remarked:

“Dr. Yunus is a leader of exceptional integrity. We believe in his vision, but the interim government must act faster to prove its commitment to meaningful reforms.”

This survey highlights a public deeply invested in the nation’s democratic future. While Dr. Yunus’ speech and interim government enjoy mixt support, citizens demand tangible progress and greater inclusivity in decision-making. Reform is necessary for a strong democracy and stop returning autocracy and fascism in the future. These insights underscore the importance of balancing immediate political pressures with the long-term need for systemic reform.

For many, the interim government’s inability to set definitive deadlines has heightened political uncertainty, leaving citizens anxious about the future. These individuals argue that immediate elections are necessary to restore a sense of normalcy and democratic continuity. They believe that delaying elections risks undermining public confidence in the interim government’s intent and credibility, as well as exacerbating social unrest in an already polarized environment.

A young entrepreneur from Dhaka shared, “The country cannot afford to remain in limbo. People need an elected government to address the economic challenges we are facing. Every day of delay makes things worse for ordinary citizens.”

A senior banker expressed concern over the persistent rise in commodity prices, noting that while the government is making efforts to control the situation, continued inflation could erode public support and trust in the administration. He also emphasized the need for prioritization, citing the agitation by Titumir College students demanding university status as an example of a non-urgent issue. ‘Such demands, while important in the long term, should not overshadow critical national priorities. The government must address these protests firmly to maintain focus on urgent and impactful reforms,’ he remarked.

A distinguished trustee board member of a leading private university remarked on Yunus’s unparalleled international stature, emphasising that his position provides a unique opportunity to bring those responsible for extrajudicial killings and disappearances to justice. “Dr. Yunus must be allowed to complete the tribunal process to ensure that these criminals face accountability. Political parties should exercise patience and support his efforts to reform the system and prosecute collaborators of the fascist regime,’ he stated. The trustee also reflected on Yunus’s personal sacrifices, noting, ‘He is perhaps losing more as Chief Advisor compared to his thriving international role in advancing social business and global thought leadership. Yet, his dedication to Bangladesh’s democratic and judicial reforms speaks volumes of his commitment to the nation.’

Recommendations for the way forward

Establish a binding timeline. Set specific deadlines for reforms and elections to build public confidence and counter accusations of delay tactics.

Foster inclusive dialogue. Engage all stakeholders — including political parties, civil society, and marginalized groups — in a structured dialogue to build consensus and ensure reforms reflect diverse perspectives.

Demonstrate tangible progress. Implement quick wins, such as restructuring the Election Commission and depoliticizing law enforcement, to signal sincerity and build momentum.

Enhance public communication. Provide regular updates on reform progress through transparent and accessible channels, maintaining public trust and engagement. A proactive and dynamic press secretary is needed at this moment to communicate government messages on reforms and actions, steps on different sectors.

Leverage Technology for Transparency. Utilise digital tools for voter registration, election monitoring, and public feedback to enhance transparency and reduce inefficiencies.

Involve international experts. Seek neutral international organizations to mediate political disagreements and lend credibility to the reform process.

Reshuffle advisors. A prevailing perception among the public is that while several advisors within the interim government are well-meaning individuals and experts in their respective fields, they are not meeting the expectations required for ministerial responsibilities. To address this, there is a growing call for replacing underperforming advisors with individuals who embody youthful energy, dynamism, and a fresh perspective.

The ideal replacements should not be drawn from NGO backgrounds, nor should they be long-retired loyalists or individuals affiliated with previous governments. Instead, the focus should be on appointing capable professionals who can bring innovative solutions and a non-partisan approach to the government’s reform agenda. This reshuffle would strengthen public confidence in the interim administration and inject much-needed vigor into its operations.

A pivotal moment for Bangladesh: Yunus’ speech marks a critical turning point in Bangladesh’s democratic journey. While his vision reflects a thoughtful balance between immediate political pressures and long-term reform needs, its success depends on effective implementation, transparent communication, and sustained public trust.

The interim government faces the challenge of balancing the urgency for elections with the necessity of systemic reforms. By fostering consensus, demonstrating tangible progress, and engaging citizens, Yunus and his administration can navigate this period with integrity and purpose.

As Bangladesh stands at this historic crossroads,. Yunus’ leadership offers a rare opportunity to build a more inclusive, accountable, and resilient democracy. The path forward requires collaboration, patience, and an unwavering commitment to democratic ideals, paving the way for a brighter future for all Bangladeshis.

Dr. Serajul I. Bhuiyan is a professor and former chair of the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications at Savannah State University in Georgia.​
 

Election Commission must pave the way for fair polls
The electoral process finally begins amid huge expectations

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VISUAL: STAR

We welcome the formation of the new Election Commission headed by former health and energy secretary AMM Nasir Uddin. With this, the "train to the election"—as termed by Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus—has indeed started rolling. While this is just the first step in what promises to be a lengthy journey, it is a momentous one for a nation emerging from the long shadow of fascism. The announcement about the five-member commission, which will be sworn in on Sunday, seemed imminent following the chief adviser's address marking 100 days of the interim government. In the coming days, this moment will serve as a reference point for what follows, and we hope it will be for all the right reasons.

One doesn't need reminding of the immense expectations and challenges facing the new commission. The stakes are high, especially after more than 15 years of autocratic rule by the Awami League regime that systematically disenfranchised citizens, but also because of the enormous sacrifices that went into ousting it. During the July-August uprising, around 1,500 people lost their lives, while nearly 20,000 were injured, many critically. Their demand for democratic rights free from discrimination—underpinned by a fair and credible election—is a mandate that the commission must fulfil. There is optimism that it will not repeat the mistakes of its predecessors, but it must remain vigilant at all times given today's polarised sociopolitical climate.

An election alone will not solve all our problems, however. This is why the chief adviser's emphasis on implementing some essential reforms prior to the election, leaving the rest to a democratically elected government, resonates so strongly. For now, we must keep our eyes on the process—the journey rather than the destination—and that, for the Election Commission, begins with laying down the tracks for necessary electoral reforms. BNP and other parties are calling for an election roadmap which will be issued once decisions on the electoral reforms are made. A commission is currently working on that, and will likely submit its reports between December and January. There is a democratic process in place to finalise the agenda, which we hope will lead to an electoral framework that is not only fair but also perceived as such by all political parties and the public alike.

We look to the Election Commission to ensure that the upcoming election, whenever it is held, genuinely reflects the will of the people. Anything less would—to echo the chief election commissioner—betray the sacrifices of all those who gave their lives in the mass uprising. The authorities must not fail them.​
 

New Election Commission formed with former secy AMM Nasir Uddin as CEC

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A new election commission has been formed, headed by former secretary the Ministry of Health and Family Planning AMM Nasir Uddin.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin also appointed four commissioners — retired additional secretary Anwarul Islam Sarkar, retired district and sessions judge Abdur Rahmanel Masud, retired joint secretary Begum Tahmida Ahmed, and Brig Gen (retd) Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah.

The Cabinet Division has issued a gazette notification in this regard.

On October 29, the interim government formed a six-member search committee to recommend the names of the new chief election Commissioner (CEC) and other commissioners to the president for appointment.

Nasir was also former information and energy secretary and member of Planning Commission.

BNP and several others parties proposed Nasir and former secretary Shafiqul Islam as the CEC to the search committee.

On September 5, the immediate past Election Commission, led by Kazi Habibul Awal, resigned midway through its five-year tenure. This commission had been sworn in on February 27, 2022.

They resigned one month after Awami League government was ousted on August 5 following a student-led uprising.

The EC has been vacant for more than two and half months, the longest period of vacancy in the history of Bangladesh.​
 

Newly appointed CEC, commissioners likely to take oath Sunday
Staff Correspondent 22 November, 2024, 12:58

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New CEC AMM Md Nasir Uddin | Collected photo

The newly appointed chief election commissioner AMM Md Nasir Uddin and four other commissioners are likely to take oaths on Sunday.

The oath-taking ceremony is likely to be held at 1:30pm on Sunday, said Shafiqul Islam, the public relations officer of the Supreme Court.

Chief Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed is scheduled to administer the swearing-in ceremony, he added.

The other four commissioners are former additional secretary Md Anwarul Islam Sarker, former district and sessions judge Abdur Rahmanel Masud, former joint secretary Tahmida Ahmed, and retired brigadier general Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah.

President Muhammed Shahabuddin on Thursday appointed the CEC and four other election commissioners, a day after the EC search committee submitted the shortlist containing 10 names for those posts.

The new Election Commission tasked with the holding of the 13th parliamentary elections has been constituted on the basis of the recommendations of a six-member search committee.

The government, on October 29, formed the search committee led by Appellate Division judge, Justice Zubayer Rahman Chowdhury.

On September 5, the then CEC Kazi Habibul Awal and all the four election commissioners – Ahsan Habib Khan, Rashida Sultana, Md Alamgir, and Anisur Rahman –resigned.

Their resignation came a month after the fall of the Awami League regime amid an unprecedented student-people uprising.

On August 6, the president dissolved the 12th parliament, which was formed through the January 7 one-sided election conducted by the Awal-led election commission.​
 

61pc want polls within a year, 65.9pc prefer reforms first
Reveals VOA survey

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More than three out of every five (61.1 percent) Bangladeshis said they wanted elections within a year, while almost 66 percent said they wanted necessary reforms before the elections, as per a survey by the Voice of America's Bangla service.

Most of the respondents who prioritised reforms before elections were lenient with the election deadline, but some of them said they still prefer elections within a year, reports UNB citing VoA.

The survey was conducted across Bangladesh and included 1,000 participants during October 13-27.

Diverse opinions on election timing

While a majority prefer elections within a year, 31.9 percent favour elections only after urgent electoral reforms are implemented.

Meanwhile, 18.7 percent prefer elections within two and three years, and 8.6 percent believe polls should happen within 18 months. A minority of 5.8 percent want the elections postponed for four years or more.

Interestingly, 4.6 percent respondents did not have a specific preference for an election deadline, while 1.1 percent declined to answer.

The survey highlighted slight variations in preferences between urban and rural populations, with 60.4 percent urban respondents and 61.4 percent rural participants supporting elections within a year.

Gender differences were also evident, as 65 percent women preferred elections within a year compared to 57.3 percent men.

Support for comprehensive reforms

A vast majority (65.9 percent) of respondents believe all necessary reforms identified by the interim government should be completed before the election.

Among these reforms, key areas of focus include election commission (for 96.5 percent), police (for 92.3 percent), judicial (for 95.3 percent), economic sector (for 96.4 percent), and constitutional reforms (for 92.5 percent).

Only 31.9 percent respondents supported elections after addressing urgent election-related reforms.

Perception of the interim government's performance

The survey assessed public perception of the Yunus-led interim government. It found that 58.4 percent believe the interim government was performing better than its predecessor, while 40.5 percent think it is performing similar or worse.

Among those critical of the incumbent government, 20.4 percent consider its governance worse and 20.1 percent think it is similar to the Awami League administration.

Urban residents (61.9 percent) and men (62 percent) were more likely to rate the interim government's performance favourably than their rural counterparts (57.3 percent) and women (54.8 percent).

Public safety and law enforcement

Regarding law and order, 63.2 percent said the interim government is managing security better than AL. However, opinions on personal safety were evenly divided with 49.8 percent saying they felt safer under the interim government. But 49.9 percent believed their safety had either declined or remained the same.

It is worth noting that the survey has a margin of error of 3.1 percent. Additionally, as the respondents provided their opinions nearly a month ago, the results may differ if the survey were conducted today.​
 

How the new election commission will handle political parties
Sohrab Hassan
Updated: 23 Nov 2024, 22: 28

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There was a meeting between the election system reform commission and editors and senior journalists on Thursday. As soon as I went to the election commission building in the morning, I encountered a blockade on Rokeya Sarani. Following the order to ban battery-run rickshaws by the High Court in three days, the drivers had blocked the road. Their argument was that if their vehicles were suddenly banned without providing alternative work options, they would starve to death.

Although the government has undertaken reform initiatives in various state affairs including the electoral system, it seems it is not thinking about these working people and their employment. The government has declared that battery-run rickshaws will not be allowed on main roads but can still operate in alleys. At the same time, they are saying they won't be allowed anywhere at all. In Dhaka, there are at least 600,000 battery-powered rickshaws. Many people have bought these rickshaws on loans. If they can no longer operate their rickshaws, how will they repay their loans?

I heard a government official on TV saying, "After the court's order, we have nothing to do." I want to remind him not to show excuses by citing the court orders every time. The court also declared the government's decision to abolish the Awami League’s job quotas in public service illegal. I’m sure he is aware of what happened afterward. The point is, the government cannot ban battery-operated rickshaws without offering alternative means of income for the drivers. There is no law that overrides the hunger of the people.

Badiul Alam Majumdar, the head of the election system reform commission, has been working on elections for three decades. When he campaigned for honest and competent candidates during the BNP era, the ruling party labeled him as an ally of the Awami League. And when he criticised the three controversial elections held under the Awami League, they called him an 'enemy of the people.' This is our political culture.

During the discussions with the commission, the role of the administration and law enforcement in elections, the character of elected governments and political parties, and other related issues were raised. Power-hungry politicians are not used to seeing themselves outside of power. It is often claimed that four elections were fair under the caretaker government system (1991, 1996, 2001, 2008). However, the defeated parties did not accept the people's verdict and searched for subtle and gross irregularities in those elections. In the last three elections, people were not even able to vote.

The ruling party has always tried to monopolize everything. On the other hand, the opposition party has sought liberation through boycotting parliament and street movements. As a result, in the last 53 years, the democratic system has failed to sustain itself. Every elected government has become authoritarian—some to a lesser degree, others to a greater extent.

Thus, the problem is not just with elections but with the political culture itself. Everyone in the discussion with the commission agreed that the caretaker system must be reinstated for fair elections. The upcoming 13th parliamentary elections will take place under the current interim government. However, to hold future elections under a caretaker government, new laws must be passed, and this responsibility should be taken on by the next elected government.

The topic of inclusive elections was also discussed. No one wants to see elections like the ones held under Sheikh Hasina's rule, where the opposition was excluded from the electoral process.

The discussants suggested bringing all ministries involved in elections, such as the home ministry and the public administration ministry under the election commission’s control during elections. Many countries have examples of this system. It remains to be seen whether the new commission can implement this.

They also suggested taking action against parties and individuals who violate the code of conduct before the election and, if necessary, canceling their candidature. Any government officials who engage in irregularities or corruption during elections should be punished.

In the 2008 elections, the commission introduced a 'no' vote option, but the Awami League government abolished it. Now, most journalists and commission members are calling for the reintroduction of the 'no' vote.
Previously, police, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), alongside the armed forces, were involved in maintaining law and order. The Awami League changed the law to keep them as auxiliary forces, but it is crucial to revert to the old system. Journalists also emphasized that their professional duties should not be obstructed under any circumstances.

During the discussion with the commission, news came in that a new election commission had been formed, with former secretary AMM Nasir Uddin as its head. In his immediate response, he vowed to ensure people's voting rights, stating, "Since 2014, people have been unable to vote. Many people lost their lives during the July-August protests, and the main issue of that movement was securing voting rights. It is impossible to betray the blood of so many people."

The new commission faces significant challenges, but in the changed circumstances, they might find a more favourable environment. The Election System Reform Commission is expected to make their work easier. This will be the first national election under a non-partisan government since 2008. The interim government will not vote itself, so they will not exert pressure on the administration, law enforcement, or other responsible officials.

However, the new commission will face pressure from rival political parties. Everyone will try to align the commission with their own interests. Parties that were once allies in the anti-Awami League-government movement will now compete in the elections. This will likely create some instability in the electoral campaign, which the election commission must manage effectively.

In the last three elections, the commission was fully subservient to the ruling party. The commission worked according to the government’s wishes, and even when some members wanted to act according to their conscience, they ultimately failed. In some cases, where the voting was so low that people could see an empty polling field, the results showed 40 per cent or more voter turnout.

Restoring the trust of voters will be a difficult task for the new commission. It is hoped that the interim government and the election commission will work together to ensure a free and fair election. However, gaining the trust of political leaders and maintaining balance among rival parties will not be easy.

The tendency of public administration and law enforcement will lean in whichever direction the political wind blows. If it becomes clear before the election who will win, then the entire state apparatus, including the administration and police, may work in their favour.

The new chief election commissioner has promised to secure people's voting rights, but we believe this will only be possible if the election is competitive and contested. Alongside voting rights, there must also be open opportunities for choosing candidates.

*Sohrab Hassan is the joint editor at Prothom Alo and a poet​
 

Acceptable polls after reforms: CEC
Staff Correspondent 24 November, 2024, 16:46

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Chief election commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin. | UNB Photo

Newly sworn-in chief election commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin on Sunday vowed to organise a free, fair, impartial and acceptable election soon after completing some reforms.

The pledge came in response to questions from journalists following the oath taking ceremony of the chief election commissioner and four election commissioners at the Judges’ Lounge of the Supreme Court on the day.

‘I see this responsibility as a great opportunity in my life. The people of the country are disenfranchised. They fought hard for a free and fair election. Many movements have taken place over the years and many have given blood. I am committed to giving them a free, fair and acceptable election and I will do my best to do so,’ he said.

‘I am confident that I can do it. I have a very strong team in the Election Commission. We will give this nation a beautiful election with the cooperation from the country’s people and political parties,’ he said.

In answer to the question whether the election would be held before the reforms, he said, ‘Reform is an ongoing process, but if we want to hold elections, some necessary reforms will be needed.’

‘If we want to hold elections, we have to include the young generation, who are looking forward to vote year after year, in our voter list. Some reforms are also necessary, which are hopeful to carry out very soon as a reform commission is already working,’ he added.

Stating that the election would be organised with participation from the political parties, he said, ‘You [people and political parties] rest assured. Our intentions are fair and we want the political parties which have been fighting for 15–16 years to get back the right to vote with us. We will cooperate in implementing their demand. We are committed to the nation.’

When asked how long it would take to carry out reforms and organise elections, he said, ‘We cannot say anything now with the timing. First I have to understand the responsibilities.’

Earlier, newly-appointed CEC Nasir Uddin and four election commissioners Md Anwarul Islam Sarker, Abdur Rahmanel Masud, Begum Tahmida Ahmad, and former brigadier general Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah took oath at the Supreme Court.

Chief Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed administered the oath of office to the chief election commissioner and election commissioners, while Supreme Court registrar general Aziz Ahmed Bhuiyan conducted the function.

Judges of the Appellate Division, members of the Election Commission Search Committee, officials of the Election Commission and employees of the Supreme Court Registrar General office, among others, were present.

On November 21, president Mohammed Shahabuddin appointed former secretary Nasir Uddin as the new CEC and four others as election commissioners.

The Cabinet Division issued separate gazette notifications to this end on that day.

The new Election Commission has been constituted on the basis of the recommendations of the six-member search committee.

Earlier on September 5, then chief election commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal and all four election commissioners, Ahsan Habib Khan, Rashida Sultana, Md Alamgir and Anisur Rahman, resigned.

Their resignation came a month after Sheikh Hasina resigned as prime minister and fled to India on August 5 amid an unprecedented student-people uprising, ending the 15-year Awami League regime.

On August 6, the president dissolved the 12th parliament which was formed through the January 7 one-sided election conducted by the Awal-led election commission.

Before the resignation, Awal at a press briefing said that they were resigning from their posts due to the country’s changed scenario.

He said that holding an election was a very difficult task, and all the blames or responsibilities for an unacceptable election had always been heaped upon solely on the Election Commission.

The Awal commission organised the 12th parliamentary polls amid a large-scale boycott by opposition parties and voters. Drawing harsh criticisms, the polls were called a ‘dummy election’ as Awami League’s officially announced candidates contested against own party people who stood as independent candidates in most constituencies.​
 

Everyone has agreed on caretaker government system, says Badiul
bdnews24.com
Published :
Nov 24, 2024 22:40
Updated :
Nov 24, 2024 22:40

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All agreed on caretaker govt system: Badiul

The Electoral Reform Commission chief Badiul Alam Majumdar has hinted at reviving the caretaker government system, which was abolished a decade ago.

After a meeting with representatives from civil society on Sunday, he said: “What is clear from this discussion is that everyone has agreed on the caretaker government system. The Election Commission must be made independent, strengthened, and particularly given financial autonomy.”

Badiul added, “The Election Commission must become another government under the government – in this way, they will become stronger.”

In 1996, the BNP government, under pressure from opposition movements led by the Awami League, passed the 13th constitutional amendment in parliament, establishing the caretaker government system.

Later, when the Awami League returned to power, the hearing of the 13th Amendment case began in the Appellate Division on Mar 1, 2010. In the hearing, the top eight lawyers also presented arguments as amici curiae, in addition to the appellant and the state party.

They expressed support for maintaining the caretaker government system. Even the then attorney general Mahbubey Alam voiced his support for it.

On May 10, 2011, a full bench of seven judges in the Appellate Division, based on a majority opinion, annulled the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. At the time, the chief justice was ABM Khairul Haque.

Before the full verdict was published, the 15th Amendment to the Constitution was passed in the parliament on Jun 30, 2011, and the president approved it on Jul 3.

This amendment abolished the caretaker government system and granted constitutional recognition to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Father of the Nation.

After the fall of the Awami League government, Badiul, along with four others, filed a writ petition in August seeking the repeal of the 15th Amendment.

In the same month, Badiul and the other petitioners also filed a review petition with the Appellate Division, seeking a reconsideration of the verdict that had annulled the 13th Amendment. Later, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir also submitted a similar petition.

On Oct 3, the interim government formed an eight-strong reform commission, headed by Badiul, the general secretary of Shushasoner Jonno Nagorik, or SHUJAN, with the aim of reforming the existing electoral system. The commission is expected to submit its recommendations within 90 days.

“The past election commissions, which conducted disgraceful or rigged elections, broke their oath and violated the Constitution. Everyone has called for holding them accountable,” Badiul said at the Election Commission building on Sunday.

He added, “The people who attended [on Sunday] are highly experienced researchers. We had an open discussion with them.”

Badiul said, “All those who came from civil society have advocated for the reintroduction of the ‘no’ vote provision. They have called for the establishment of democracy within political parties. Without democracy within political parties, democracy cannot be achieved in the country.”

“There was also a discussion on the presidential election. The idea of strengthening the position of the president was also raised,” he concluded.​
 

Citizens’ Committee rejects new Election Commission
FE Online Desk
Published :
Nov 24, 2024 23:11
Updated :
Nov 24, 2024 23:11

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The National Citizens’ Committee on Friday rejected the newly formed Election Commission, terming its formation as 'akin to the betrayal with the spirit of the mass uprising'.

The formation of this commission is 'akin to the betrayal with the spirit of the mass uprising' because it was done under a law enacted during the ousted Awami League government, the committee said at a press conference at its Rupayan Trade Centre office in Dhaka.

It added that the interim government had constituted the new Election Commission by yielding to the pressure from political parties.

Earlier Friday, the newly appointed Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin, a retired secretary, and four commissioners took oath.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin had appointed them a day earlier, acting on recommendations from the Search Committee.​
 

Election would be held once reform works become visible: Mahfuj Alam
UNB
Published :
Nov 28, 2024 21:23
Updated :
Nov 28, 2024 21:23

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The interim government’s adviser, Mahfuj Alam, said on Thursday the much-desired national election would be held once the reform works become visible.

He made remarks while responding to a question at a media briefing at the Foreign Service Academy in the evening.

Environment, Forest and Climate Change Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan, who was present at the briefing, said, the election is the ultimate goal and the government wants the election after necessary reforms as soon as possible.

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam was also present.

Rizwana Hasan said there has been no discussion at the meeting of the Council of Advisers regarding banning any organisation as they differentiate the responsibility of an organisation and an individual.​
 

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