[🇧🇩] Forming Election Commission/Conducting Elections

[Saif]

EC to review nine key areas of electoral reform

The Election Commission has been asked to provide its opinion on the Electoral Reform Commission’s recommendations, focusing on nine key areas of reform.

www.thedailystar.net

EC to review nine key areas of electoral reform

File photo

The Election Commission has been asked to provide its opinion on the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations, focusing on nine key areas of reform.

Speaking at the Election Bhaban in Agargaon yesterday, EC Senior Secretary Akhtar Ahmed said, "The Cabinet Division has sought our opinion on these nine issues, and we will respond as soon as possible."

The proposed reforms include amendments to the Representation of the People Order, changes to the Election Commission Secretariat Act, election officer regulations, election observation and media guidelines, political party and candidate codes of conduct, draft affidavits, voter registration (including expatriates), postal ballots, transparency in electoral financing, and governance measures.

Ahmed said the chief election commissioner and EC members had discussed the proposals but could not yet disclose their recommendations.

When asked about the impact on upcoming elections, Ahmed said, "The impact will depend on the proposals. Our priority is to resolve these issues quickly so we can prepare for the December elections."

BCP challenges NCP's abbreviation

The Bangladesh Citizen Party (BCP) has objected to the abbreviation "NCP" used by the newly formed National Citizen Party, arguing that its correct short form should be "JNP" (Jatiya Nagorik Party).

BCP General Secretary Shahriar Khan Abir sent a letter to the EC on March 22, saying, "A party's name does not change regardless of the language it is written in."

EC Additional Secretary KM Ali Nawaz said the matter would be reviewed before a decision is made.

BCP, founded in 2018, is yet to be registered with the EC, while NCP, formed on February 28 by leaders of the July uprising, is the newest political entrant.

Meanwhile, a faction of the Jatiyo Party (JP) loyal to Raushan Ershad has applied to the EC for recognition of Raushan as party chair and Kazi Mamunur Rashid as secretary general.

The faction claims that JP's former chairman, GM Quader, led the party into the 2024 elections despite opposition from many leaders. At a meeting on February 24, they decided to remove Quader and General Secretary Mujibul Haque Chunnu.

Their letter argues that the leadership change aligns with party regulations and seeks EC recognition.​

 

[Saif]

Who will the citizens vote for in the next election?

Survey says BNP leads with 41.7%, but data is from a fraction of total sample.

www.thedailystar.net

Who will the citizens vote for in the next election?

Thanks to consecutive rigged elections after 2008, voters' preference structure has become almost like a black box to us. Now that the July uprising has created an opportunity to restore the democratic system in Bangladesh, surveys are being conducted to understand the evolving voters' preferences. Recently, Innovision, a research and consulting organisation, conducted a survey on this. It released the results of the survey on March 8, focusing on capturing citizens' election-related perceptions through a set of sharp and well-designed questions. The survey covered a total sample of 10,696 respondents across eight divisions and 64 districts.

The most discussed aspect of the survey—circulating widely on social media and in mainstream media—was the findings of voting preferences. According to the survey results, of those who expressed a party preference in the upcoming election, 41.7 percent expressed support for Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), 31.6 percent for Jamaat-e-Islami, 13.9 percent for Awami League (AL), and 5.1 percent for the youth-led political party. The remaining 7.6 percent opted for other parties. While some of the political parties and their supporters were excited about the result, some were quite upset about the findings and discarded them outright.

While the survey was accurate, the presentation of the statistics was not. This particular question, "Whom would you vote for if the election was held now?" was part of a broader set comprising three distinct questions. The first question—whether they decided whom to vote for—was asked to the entire sample of 10,696 households, among which 6,632 responded yes. The next question was asked to those 6,632 respondents. It was if they were willing to reveal their decisions, to which 4,356 agreed. The final question was asked only to these 4,356 respondents who had decided on their vote and agreed to disclose it. So, the percentage that is circulating in the public domain is not based on the entire sample; rather, it represents a fraction of the total sample. If we use a different representation of the data based on the full sample, then we would get a preference landscape, as shown in the figure. The figure indicates that out of the total sampled population, we only know the preferences of around 41 percent, and as of now, we don't know whom the remaining 59 percent will vote.

Based on the survey result, it gets difficult to predict the electoral outcome. However, we may get some idea if we analyse the background information available on these 59 percent voters. The survey shows that a higher percentage of urban, Gen Z (18-28 years), and female voters are mostly undecided, and there is a possibility that these groups will play an important role in determining the electoral outcome.

At the same time, it is important to note that the undecided voters (29.4 percent) are most likely to be swing voters (who could go either way) because their choices are not determined by rigid party loyalty. We have converted the multiple response question to a single response for simplifying. The responses of 40 percent indicate that they are likely to consider the qualifications of the candidates to determine their preferences, while 27 percent of them would make their decisions based on the political situation before the election. It is likely that among the undecided voters, there is a percentage of "shy" AL voters, especially the five percent who are concerned that their preferred party may not participate in the next election. About eight percent of the undecided voters mentioned that they are undecided because they don't trust any mainstream political parties, and three percent of them are not satisfied with the options available. Therefore, there is a possibility that this 11 percent (8+3) of the undecided voters may opt for a new political party if the party succeeds in playing its card right. This is not surprising because, over the years, different surveys have shown that people in Bangladesh are getting frustrated with the mainstream political parties and are looking for alternatives. For instance, in the TAF-BIGD surveys in 2018 and 2022, more than 60 percent of respondents said they would affiliate with a new party if its ideology matched theirs.

The survey also sheds light on how citizens make their voting decisions. Family voting history and community political norms appear to play a disproportionately significant role in shaping individual choices. When we categorise the responses to the question asking participants to identify the three most influential factors in their electoral decisions, two broad groups emerge. Again, we convert the multiple-response question to single responses for simplicity.

The first group encompasses personal and community influences, including family members (28.6 percent), neighbours (12.1 percent), friends (5.5 percent), colleagues (2.1 percent), and religious and community leaders (2.4 percent). The second group consists of influence by various media sources such as social media news (11.1 percent), television news (9.2 percent), social media content (three percent), newspapers (2.6 percent), and talk shows (1.3 percent). Combining the responses of the first group, it appears that the majority (51 percent) of responses pointed to the influence of family, friends, and community, while only about 27 percent indicated that media sources played a role in shaping voting decisions.

The first of the key trends that we can observe from the most recent survey is that the old and predictable electoral scenario of AL and BNP's duopolistic and hegemonic control over voters' choices seem to be eroding. Second, such breakdown of the duopolistic control can be, perhaps, attributed to the rise of Jamaat and the resurfacing of smaller religion-based groups, and the entry of a new challenger—the youth-led political party. However, such emerging voters' choice structure is in a fluid state, and we will have to wait for a few months to see what shape it takes. Third, the formation of voters' preferences seems to be predominantly influenced by family traditions, community norms, as well as history of voting. Such primordial, collective, and sticky norms seem to be casting a long shadow over current voters' preferences, and this will, perhaps, hugely benefit BNP and, to a limited extent, Jamaat. The youth-led new party—NCP—will need to embark on a Herculean task to deal with this.

Dr Mirza Hassan is senior research fellow at Brac Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD).

Syeda Salina Aziz is fellow of practice in the politics and governance cluster at BIGD.

Dr Asif Shahan is professor at Dhaka University and visiting research fellow at BIGD.​

 

[Saif]

Parliamentary polls to be conducted in line with July Charter: Ali Riaz

The Election Commission will conduct the next parliamentary polls in line with the July Charter, incorporating the views of political parties and the public, according to Ali Riaz, vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission. Speaking at the LD Hall of the parliament complex on Tuesday, he

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Parliamentary polls to be conducted in line with July Charter: Ali Riaz
bdnews24.com
Published :
Apr 08, 2025 19:28
Updated :
Apr 08, 2025 19:28

The Election Commission will conduct the next parliamentary polls in line with the July Charter, incorporating the views of political parties and the public, according to Ali Riaz, vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission.

Speaking at the LD Hall of the parliament complex on Tuesday, he said that, for the first time since the Liberation War, an inclusive approach had been adopted to drive state reforms.

“It was possible due to the struggle of the country’s people and the political parties,” he said.

The commission, led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, began its work on Feb 15. It aims to hold discussions with political parties and forces to build a national consensus, and review recommendations from the other reform panels ahead of the next parliamentary elections.

After various reform commissions submitted their recommendations, the consensus panel requested 38 political parties to provide their feedback on them by Mar 13.

Nine parties have yet to respond.

“We’re hoping by continuing the process that we’ll find footing to produce a national charter. The National Consensus Commission’s tenure will run until Jul 14, we want to complete the work by then,” he said.

“One of its main goals is to formulate the July Charter to pave a roadmap for Bangladesh’s future. The election will be held as a part of this. The July Charter will play a big role in conducting a proper election.

“We’re looking for ways to ensure paths to fulfilling our goals so that we can move forward together.”

After the Eid break, the Consensus Commission resumed work by holding a dialogue with the AB Party on Monday.

On Tuesday, the commission sat with a 10-member Nagorik Oikya delegation led by the party’s Presidium Member Zillur Chowdhury around 3pm.

Zillur said, “Over the past 54 years of independence, people’s desire for liberation and democracy was only expressed in words. What the current government has moved to do to establish democracy after 54 years is a groundbreaking step.”

“We believe that through the initiative, the people of Bangladesh will be able to achieve the desired democracy, the right to law, the right to good governance, that is, 100 percent democracy."

In the first phase, the recommendations were sent to 38 political parties in a spreadsheet.

“We’ve agreed to 114 recommendations out of 166 in the spreadsheet you provided, partially agreeing with 11 others. But for the rest, we couldn’t agree with you. Hopefully, we’ll be able to explain in the discussion.”

On Monday, Riaz said the commission would soon start seeking the people’s views on national reforms through an online survey.

Nagorik Oikya is the sixth party to sit on the commission.​

 

[Saif]

EC’s accountability is key to Bangladesh’s electoral reform

Success of wider electoral reforms depends heavily on the EC’s willingness to adopt reforms.

www.thedailystar.net

EC’s accountability is key to Bangladesh’s electoral reform

FILE VISUAL: BIPLOB CHAKROBORTY

In recent discourse in Bangladesh, terms like independence, empowerment, and accountability have often been used interchangeably in the context of elections and institutional reforms related to the Bangladesh Election Commission (EC). While these concepts are interconnected, it is critical to understand that they differ significantly in legal and operational terms, each requiring distinct reform measures.

The Electoral Reform Commission's report, with its 200-plus recommendations across 18 key areas, underscores the breadth of electoral reforms needed. Yet, a specific focus on the EC's institutional reforms is critical, as Bangladesh's broader reform context stems from the systematic erosion of democratic institutions, with the EC at the core. The success of wider electoral reforms, whether in full or in part, depends heavily on the EC's willingness to adopt reforms enhancing its independence, empowerment, and accountability.

This article aims to emphasise accountability—a glaring systemic gap; but first, it is worth clarifying the linked concepts of independence and empowerment to frame the EC's institutional challenges.

First up, independence. The EC, established under Article 118 of the constitution, is mandated to operate independently in fulfilling its duties. Independence means the EC has been given the ability to function and operate free from external influence, be it government, political parties, or other vested interest groups. While the EC does possess features supporting its autonomy, the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations aimed to strengthen this further by integrating national context and global standards.

Next up, empowerment. This refers to equipping the EC with the capacities, resources, and tools necessary to effectively carry out its mandate. Unlike independence, which ensures freedom from interference, empowerment focuses on the EC's capacity to act decisively—enforcing electoral rules and addressing challenges without legal or practical constraints. Here too, the Electoral Reform Commission proposed measures to reinforce institutional empowerment such as mandating EC clearance for executive decisions that may have an impact during elections, granting staffing autonomy, etc.

Finally, we turn to accountability of the election commission. Accountability requires the EC to be answerable to an oversight body and, ultimately, the public, ensuring transparency in delivering on its mandate. As a constitutional entity tasked with safeguarding a critical democratic process, the EC is indeed granted independence from the executive branch, in particular. However, this independence does not exempt it from the broader governance framework of the State. Every national institution, whether constitutional, statutory, or regulatory, typically operates within a clear accountability structure.

Astonishingly, since its inception 52 years ago, the EC, a key democratic institution, has operated without any accountability mechanism, free from oversight regardless of election outcomes. This has allowed political governments to manipulate the constitutionally "independent" EC—glaringly obvious in the last three national elections—with no repercussions for subverting fair polls, violating the institutional mandate, or the commissioners violating their oath of office. Despite repeatedly failing to deliver on its mandate of fair elections, there was no mechanism in place to hold the EC accountable. The Electoral Reform Commission's in-depth analysis revealed that this gap has directly and indirectly fuelled many of the persistent issues undermining Bangladesh's electoral system.

In parliamentary democracies like Bangladesh, a common and effective accountability model for Electoral Management Bodies (EMB), such as election commissions, is oversight by a multi-partisan parliamentary committee. Such a body would review the EC's performance, approve and monitor its budget, and investigate any misconduct. To prevent dominance by the ruling party, these committees are typically balanced with equal representation from both majority and opposition groups, ensuring fair and impartial scrutiny. This approach, recommended by the Electoral Reform Commission, aims to close the critical accountability void in our electoral process.

To expedite the implementation of a comprehensive accountability mechanism, the Electoral Reform Commission drafted a law (annexed in its report) to introduce accountability and oversight—the first of such effort in 52 years. This draft legislature addresses, among other factors, key issues such as transparent appointments of commissioners, budget accountability of the EC to parliament (not the executive), parliamentary probes into oath breaches by commissioners with recommendations sent to the president, etc.

Public feedback, reviewed alongside Bangladesh's electoral history and international standards, places accountability as one of the top reform needs. Without accountability, history risks repeating. Though institution-specific reforms represent only a fraction of the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations, their adoption is pivotal as a robust EC will determine the broader reform agenda's fate. Clarity regarding these concepts, therefore, is also vital for stakeholders, as they need to ask the right questions to ensure such reforms are duly implemented.

The EC's stance

Assuming that by now, relevant and interested stakeholders have had time to potentially review the recommendations put forward by the Electoral Reform Commission, no analysis would be complete without considering the position of the EC—the entity responsible for adopting and implementing these foundational reforms.

It is, therefore, extremely unfortunate that the EC should choose to reject or oppose some of these most critical reforms proposed by the Electoral Reform Commission, both institutional and beyond, rather than embrace this opportunity as technical collaborators to jointly transform the electoral landscape. The Electoral Reform Commission has meticulously tackled the formidable task of pinpointing the precise reforms needed to align Bangladesh's electoral process with democratic standards—an effort that significantly lightens the EC's burden and positions the current commission favourably, handing them a detailed blueprint for progress. Yet, casting itself as a stakeholder opposing critical, well-justified reforms is deeply disturbing.

The EC's opposition to relatively standard accountability mechanisms such as setting up a parliamentary oversight committee or investigations by such committee into misconduct, mandatory transparency in vote reporting, removing financial control from the executive or making the process of appointment more transparent—all puts it at a risky position of being misunderstood as refusing to confront its own legacy. This stance ignores the broader picture: accountability is not just about punishing missteps; it is about proving that the EC can be held to a higher standard.

Yet more astonishing is the EC's refusal to fully accept reforms designed to increase its empowerment and independence as an institution. While it accepts minor enhancements (e.g., appointing its secretary), it rejects broader powers—like suspending elections or redrawing constituencies—citing concerns about resource strain or political backlash.

While its resistance to institutional reforms remains a central concern, what remains inexplicable is its continued public pushback, rejecting vital reforms across other electoral domains. For instance, reform recommendations regarding the political party registration, designed to increase transparency in candidate nominations, reduce the influence of money politics and tackle persistent systemic flaws, have been sidestepped entirely. Instead, the EC has pressed ahead with the old, defective registration process, with justifications that hardly defend the status quo over a clearly needed overhaul.

Globally, reforms typically follow a three-step process with distinct roles: first, a commission (or a similar body) provides expert recommendations; second, stakeholders like political parties provide input and build consensus; and third, the institution (here the EC), implements them. Here, it appears as though everyone but the EC grasps their role, oddly taking on all three roles—crafting, consensus building, and implementing reforms as it pleases.

The Electoral Reform Commission, comprised of experts with extensive national and international experience in elections and democratic reforms, crafted these recommendations through rigorous analysis, which then have been validated by widespread stakeholder consultations, nationwide surveys, and review of feedback from hundreds of thousands of citizens. As such, the reform report is firmly rooted in Bangladesh's contextual realities with broad-based public support that also mirrors people's perspectives.

Therefore, these recommendations are not mere burdens, they are a lifeline to legitimacy. After decades of flawed elections, we stand at a rare juncture to overhaul our electoral system, a reset that could shape our democratic future for generations. This is not a moment to be myopic or recalcitrant. This is a moment to embrace the transformative potential of reforms, propelling Bangladesh onto the next level. We, the people of Bangladesh, are ready for free, fair, and credible elections. Hence, its current actions notwithstanding, if the EC fails to deliver, we will not relent in holding it accountable. The stakes are too high, and our resolve is unshakable.

Mir Nadia Nivin is member of the Electoral Reform Commission and an international governance and institutional reform specialist.​

 

[Saif]

Election uncertainty to be resolved through dialogue: Fakhrul

Two days ahead of their meeting with the Chief Adviser, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Monday expressed the hope that the uncertainty over the election roadmap and all related issues will be resolved through dialogue and unity.

en.prothomalo.com

Election uncertainty to be resolved through dialogue: Fakhrul
UNBDhaka
Published: 14 Apr 2025, 22: 57

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir File photo

Two days ahead of their meeting with the Chief Adviser, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Monday expressed the hope that the uncertainty over the election roadmap and all related issues will be resolved through dialogue and unity.

“We want to create a new Bangladesh through dialogue and unity. Undoubtedly, that unity will be possible among us and we will succeed,” he said while talking to reporters at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in the evening upon his return from Singapore.

When journalists drew his attention to the Chief Adviser’s shifting of the election timeline between December and June, Fakhrul expressed optimism that this issue, too, would be resolved during their discussions with the head of the interim government on Wednesday.

Extending greetings on the occasion of Bengali New Year, Fakhrul conveyed a hopeful message to the nation. “This year’s Pahela Baishakh will help us wipe away the burdens of the past and build a new Bangladesh,” he said.

Fakhrul hoped that the Bengali New Year 1432 will bring a new horizon for the entire nation. “The mind of every person will be illuminated with the joy of new possibilities...this is what we hope for.”

Fakhrul, along with his wife Rahat Ara Begum, travelled to Singapore on 6 April for routine medical check-ups.

The BNP leader has been undergoing regular follow-up treatments in Singapore since 2015, when a blockage was detected in his internal carotid artery while he was in jail.

He and his wife had also travelled to Singapore on 1 September 2024 for similar medical purposes.

Meanwhile, a BNP delegation led by Fakhrul is scheduled to meet Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on 16 April to press for a clear and specific roadmap for the upcoming national election and dispel confusion surrounding the polls and proposed reforms.

The meeting is set to be held at the Chief Adviser’s official residence, State Guest House Jamuna, at 12:00 noon.​