[🇧🇩] Forming Election Commission/Conducting Elections

[Saif]

EC to review nine key areas of electoral reform

The Election Commission has been asked to provide its opinion on the Electoral Reform Commission’s recommendations, focusing on nine key areas of reform.

www.thedailystar.net

EC to review nine key areas of electoral reform

File photo

The Election Commission has been asked to provide its opinion on the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations, focusing on nine key areas of reform.

Speaking at the Election Bhaban in Agargaon yesterday, EC Senior Secretary Akhtar Ahmed said, "The Cabinet Division has sought our opinion on these nine issues, and we will respond as soon as possible."

The proposed reforms include amendments to the Representation of the People Order, changes to the Election Commission Secretariat Act, election officer regulations, election observation and media guidelines, political party and candidate codes of conduct, draft affidavits, voter registration (including expatriates), postal ballots, transparency in electoral financing, and governance measures.

Ahmed said the chief election commissioner and EC members had discussed the proposals but could not yet disclose their recommendations.

When asked about the impact on upcoming elections, Ahmed said, "The impact will depend on the proposals. Our priority is to resolve these issues quickly so we can prepare for the December elections."

BCP challenges NCP's abbreviation

The Bangladesh Citizen Party (BCP) has objected to the abbreviation "NCP" used by the newly formed National Citizen Party, arguing that its correct short form should be "JNP" (Jatiya Nagorik Party).

BCP General Secretary Shahriar Khan Abir sent a letter to the EC on March 22, saying, "A party's name does not change regardless of the language it is written in."

EC Additional Secretary KM Ali Nawaz said the matter would be reviewed before a decision is made.

BCP, founded in 2018, is yet to be registered with the EC, while NCP, formed on February 28 by leaders of the July uprising, is the newest political entrant.

Meanwhile, a faction of the Jatiyo Party (JP) loyal to Raushan Ershad has applied to the EC for recognition of Raushan as party chair and Kazi Mamunur Rashid as secretary general.

The faction claims that JP's former chairman, GM Quader, led the party into the 2024 elections despite opposition from many leaders. At a meeting on February 24, they decided to remove Quader and General Secretary Mujibul Haque Chunnu.

Their letter argues that the leadership change aligns with party regulations and seeks EC recognition.​

 

[Saif]

Who will the citizens vote for in the next election?

Survey says BNP leads with 41.7%, but data is from a fraction of total sample.

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Who will the citizens vote for in the next election?

Thanks to consecutive rigged elections after 2008, voters' preference structure has become almost like a black box to us. Now that the July uprising has created an opportunity to restore the democratic system in Bangladesh, surveys are being conducted to understand the evolving voters' preferences. Recently, Innovision, a research and consulting organisation, conducted a survey on this. It released the results of the survey on March 8, focusing on capturing citizens' election-related perceptions through a set of sharp and well-designed questions. The survey covered a total sample of 10,696 respondents across eight divisions and 64 districts.

The most discussed aspect of the survey—circulating widely on social media and in mainstream media—was the findings of voting preferences. According to the survey results, of those who expressed a party preference in the upcoming election, 41.7 percent expressed support for Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), 31.6 percent for Jamaat-e-Islami, 13.9 percent for Awami League (AL), and 5.1 percent for the youth-led political party. The remaining 7.6 percent opted for other parties. While some of the political parties and their supporters were excited about the result, some were quite upset about the findings and discarded them outright.

While the survey was accurate, the presentation of the statistics was not. This particular question, "Whom would you vote for if the election was held now?" was part of a broader set comprising three distinct questions. The first question—whether they decided whom to vote for—was asked to the entire sample of 10,696 households, among which 6,632 responded yes. The next question was asked to those 6,632 respondents. It was if they were willing to reveal their decisions, to which 4,356 agreed. The final question was asked only to these 4,356 respondents who had decided on their vote and agreed to disclose it. So, the percentage that is circulating in the public domain is not based on the entire sample; rather, it represents a fraction of the total sample. If we use a different representation of the data based on the full sample, then we would get a preference landscape, as shown in the figure. The figure indicates that out of the total sampled population, we only know the preferences of around 41 percent, and as of now, we don't know whom the remaining 59 percent will vote.

Based on the survey result, it gets difficult to predict the electoral outcome. However, we may get some idea if we analyse the background information available on these 59 percent voters. The survey shows that a higher percentage of urban, Gen Z (18-28 years), and female voters are mostly undecided, and there is a possibility that these groups will play an important role in determining the electoral outcome.

At the same time, it is important to note that the undecided voters (29.4 percent) are most likely to be swing voters (who could go either way) because their choices are not determined by rigid party loyalty. We have converted the multiple response question to a single response for simplifying. The responses of 40 percent indicate that they are likely to consider the qualifications of the candidates to determine their preferences, while 27 percent of them would make their decisions based on the political situation before the election. It is likely that among the undecided voters, there is a percentage of "shy" AL voters, especially the five percent who are concerned that their preferred party may not participate in the next election. About eight percent of the undecided voters mentioned that they are undecided because they don't trust any mainstream political parties, and three percent of them are not satisfied with the options available. Therefore, there is a possibility that this 11 percent (8+3) of the undecided voters may opt for a new political party if the party succeeds in playing its card right. This is not surprising because, over the years, different surveys have shown that people in Bangladesh are getting frustrated with the mainstream political parties and are looking for alternatives. For instance, in the TAF-BIGD surveys in 2018 and 2022, more than 60 percent of respondents said they would affiliate with a new party if its ideology matched theirs.

The survey also sheds light on how citizens make their voting decisions. Family voting history and community political norms appear to play a disproportionately significant role in shaping individual choices. When we categorise the responses to the question asking participants to identify the three most influential factors in their electoral decisions, two broad groups emerge. Again, we convert the multiple-response question to single responses for simplicity.

The first group encompasses personal and community influences, including family members (28.6 percent), neighbours (12.1 percent), friends (5.5 percent), colleagues (2.1 percent), and religious and community leaders (2.4 percent). The second group consists of influence by various media sources such as social media news (11.1 percent), television news (9.2 percent), social media content (three percent), newspapers (2.6 percent), and talk shows (1.3 percent). Combining the responses of the first group, it appears that the majority (51 percent) of responses pointed to the influence of family, friends, and community, while only about 27 percent indicated that media sources played a role in shaping voting decisions.

The first of the key trends that we can observe from the most recent survey is that the old and predictable electoral scenario of AL and BNP's duopolistic and hegemonic control over voters' choices seem to be eroding. Second, such breakdown of the duopolistic control can be, perhaps, attributed to the rise of Jamaat and the resurfacing of smaller religion-based groups, and the entry of a new challenger—the youth-led political party. However, such emerging voters' choice structure is in a fluid state, and we will have to wait for a few months to see what shape it takes. Third, the formation of voters' preferences seems to be predominantly influenced by family traditions, community norms, as well as history of voting. Such primordial, collective, and sticky norms seem to be casting a long shadow over current voters' preferences, and this will, perhaps, hugely benefit BNP and, to a limited extent, Jamaat. The youth-led new party—NCP—will need to embark on a Herculean task to deal with this.

Dr Mirza Hassan is senior research fellow at Brac Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD).

Syeda Salina Aziz is fellow of practice in the politics and governance cluster at BIGD.

Dr Asif Shahan is professor at Dhaka University and visiting research fellow at BIGD.​

 

[Saif]

Parliamentary polls to be conducted in line with July Charter: Ali Riaz

The Election Commission will conduct the next parliamentary polls in line with the July Charter, incorporating the views of political parties and the public, according to Ali Riaz, vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission. Speaking at the LD Hall of the parliament complex on Tuesday, he

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Parliamentary polls to be conducted in line with July Charter: Ali Riaz
bdnews24.com
Published :
Apr 08, 2025 19:28
Updated :
Apr 08, 2025 19:28

The Election Commission will conduct the next parliamentary polls in line with the July Charter, incorporating the views of political parties and the public, according to Ali Riaz, vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission.

Speaking at the LD Hall of the parliament complex on Tuesday, he said that, for the first time since the Liberation War, an inclusive approach had been adopted to drive state reforms.

“It was possible due to the struggle of the country’s people and the political parties,” he said.

The commission, led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, began its work on Feb 15. It aims to hold discussions with political parties and forces to build a national consensus, and review recommendations from the other reform panels ahead of the next parliamentary elections.

After various reform commissions submitted their recommendations, the consensus panel requested 38 political parties to provide their feedback on them by Mar 13.

Nine parties have yet to respond.

“We’re hoping by continuing the process that we’ll find footing to produce a national charter. The National Consensus Commission’s tenure will run until Jul 14, we want to complete the work by then,” he said.

“One of its main goals is to formulate the July Charter to pave a roadmap for Bangladesh’s future. The election will be held as a part of this. The July Charter will play a big role in conducting a proper election.

“We’re looking for ways to ensure paths to fulfilling our goals so that we can move forward together.”

After the Eid break, the Consensus Commission resumed work by holding a dialogue with the AB Party on Monday.

On Tuesday, the commission sat with a 10-member Nagorik Oikya delegation led by the party’s Presidium Member Zillur Chowdhury around 3pm.

Zillur said, “Over the past 54 years of independence, people’s desire for liberation and democracy was only expressed in words. What the current government has moved to do to establish democracy after 54 years is a groundbreaking step.”

“We believe that through the initiative, the people of Bangladesh will be able to achieve the desired democracy, the right to law, the right to good governance, that is, 100 percent democracy."

In the first phase, the recommendations were sent to 38 political parties in a spreadsheet.

“We’ve agreed to 114 recommendations out of 166 in the spreadsheet you provided, partially agreeing with 11 others. But for the rest, we couldn’t agree with you. Hopefully, we’ll be able to explain in the discussion.”

On Monday, Riaz said the commission would soon start seeking the people’s views on national reforms through an online survey.

Nagorik Oikya is the sixth party to sit on the commission.​

 

[Saif]

EC’s accountability is key to Bangladesh’s electoral reform

Success of wider electoral reforms depends heavily on the EC’s willingness to adopt reforms.

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EC’s accountability is key to Bangladesh’s electoral reform

FILE VISUAL: BIPLOB CHAKROBORTY

In recent discourse in Bangladesh, terms like independence, empowerment, and accountability have often been used interchangeably in the context of elections and institutional reforms related to the Bangladesh Election Commission (EC). While these concepts are interconnected, it is critical to understand that they differ significantly in legal and operational terms, each requiring distinct reform measures.

The Electoral Reform Commission's report, with its 200-plus recommendations across 18 key areas, underscores the breadth of electoral reforms needed. Yet, a specific focus on the EC's institutional reforms is critical, as Bangladesh's broader reform context stems from the systematic erosion of democratic institutions, with the EC at the core. The success of wider electoral reforms, whether in full or in part, depends heavily on the EC's willingness to adopt reforms enhancing its independence, empowerment, and accountability.

This article aims to emphasise accountability—a glaring systemic gap; but first, it is worth clarifying the linked concepts of independence and empowerment to frame the EC's institutional challenges.

First up, independence. The EC, established under Article 118 of the constitution, is mandated to operate independently in fulfilling its duties. Independence means the EC has been given the ability to function and operate free from external influence, be it government, political parties, or other vested interest groups. While the EC does possess features supporting its autonomy, the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations aimed to strengthen this further by integrating national context and global standards.

Next up, empowerment. This refers to equipping the EC with the capacities, resources, and tools necessary to effectively carry out its mandate. Unlike independence, which ensures freedom from interference, empowerment focuses on the EC's capacity to act decisively—enforcing electoral rules and addressing challenges without legal or practical constraints. Here too, the Electoral Reform Commission proposed measures to reinforce institutional empowerment such as mandating EC clearance for executive decisions that may have an impact during elections, granting staffing autonomy, etc.

Finally, we turn to accountability of the election commission. Accountability requires the EC to be answerable to an oversight body and, ultimately, the public, ensuring transparency in delivering on its mandate. As a constitutional entity tasked with safeguarding a critical democratic process, the EC is indeed granted independence from the executive branch, in particular. However, this independence does not exempt it from the broader governance framework of the State. Every national institution, whether constitutional, statutory, or regulatory, typically operates within a clear accountability structure.

Astonishingly, since its inception 52 years ago, the EC, a key democratic institution, has operated without any accountability mechanism, free from oversight regardless of election outcomes. This has allowed political governments to manipulate the constitutionally "independent" EC—glaringly obvious in the last three national elections—with no repercussions for subverting fair polls, violating the institutional mandate, or the commissioners violating their oath of office. Despite repeatedly failing to deliver on its mandate of fair elections, there was no mechanism in place to hold the EC accountable. The Electoral Reform Commission's in-depth analysis revealed that this gap has directly and indirectly fuelled many of the persistent issues undermining Bangladesh's electoral system.

In parliamentary democracies like Bangladesh, a common and effective accountability model for Electoral Management Bodies (EMB), such as election commissions, is oversight by a multi-partisan parliamentary committee. Such a body would review the EC's performance, approve and monitor its budget, and investigate any misconduct. To prevent dominance by the ruling party, these committees are typically balanced with equal representation from both majority and opposition groups, ensuring fair and impartial scrutiny. This approach, recommended by the Electoral Reform Commission, aims to close the critical accountability void in our electoral process.

To expedite the implementation of a comprehensive accountability mechanism, the Electoral Reform Commission drafted a law (annexed in its report) to introduce accountability and oversight—the first of such effort in 52 years. This draft legislature addresses, among other factors, key issues such as transparent appointments of commissioners, budget accountability of the EC to parliament (not the executive), parliamentary probes into oath breaches by commissioners with recommendations sent to the president, etc.

Public feedback, reviewed alongside Bangladesh's electoral history and international standards, places accountability as one of the top reform needs. Without accountability, history risks repeating. Though institution-specific reforms represent only a fraction of the Electoral Reform Commission's recommendations, their adoption is pivotal as a robust EC will determine the broader reform agenda's fate. Clarity regarding these concepts, therefore, is also vital for stakeholders, as they need to ask the right questions to ensure such reforms are duly implemented.

The EC's stance

Assuming that by now, relevant and interested stakeholders have had time to potentially review the recommendations put forward by the Electoral Reform Commission, no analysis would be complete without considering the position of the EC—the entity responsible for adopting and implementing these foundational reforms.

It is, therefore, extremely unfortunate that the EC should choose to reject or oppose some of these most critical reforms proposed by the Electoral Reform Commission, both institutional and beyond, rather than embrace this opportunity as technical collaborators to jointly transform the electoral landscape. The Electoral Reform Commission has meticulously tackled the formidable task of pinpointing the precise reforms needed to align Bangladesh's electoral process with democratic standards—an effort that significantly lightens the EC's burden and positions the current commission favourably, handing them a detailed blueprint for progress. Yet, casting itself as a stakeholder opposing critical, well-justified reforms is deeply disturbing.

The EC's opposition to relatively standard accountability mechanisms such as setting up a parliamentary oversight committee or investigations by such committee into misconduct, mandatory transparency in vote reporting, removing financial control from the executive or making the process of appointment more transparent—all puts it at a risky position of being misunderstood as refusing to confront its own legacy. This stance ignores the broader picture: accountability is not just about punishing missteps; it is about proving that the EC can be held to a higher standard.

Yet more astonishing is the EC's refusal to fully accept reforms designed to increase its empowerment and independence as an institution. While it accepts minor enhancements (e.g., appointing its secretary), it rejects broader powers—like suspending elections or redrawing constituencies—citing concerns about resource strain or political backlash.

While its resistance to institutional reforms remains a central concern, what remains inexplicable is its continued public pushback, rejecting vital reforms across other electoral domains. For instance, reform recommendations regarding the political party registration, designed to increase transparency in candidate nominations, reduce the influence of money politics and tackle persistent systemic flaws, have been sidestepped entirely. Instead, the EC has pressed ahead with the old, defective registration process, with justifications that hardly defend the status quo over a clearly needed overhaul.

Globally, reforms typically follow a three-step process with distinct roles: first, a commission (or a similar body) provides expert recommendations; second, stakeholders like political parties provide input and build consensus; and third, the institution (here the EC), implements them. Here, it appears as though everyone but the EC grasps their role, oddly taking on all three roles—crafting, consensus building, and implementing reforms as it pleases.

The Electoral Reform Commission, comprised of experts with extensive national and international experience in elections and democratic reforms, crafted these recommendations through rigorous analysis, which then have been validated by widespread stakeholder consultations, nationwide surveys, and review of feedback from hundreds of thousands of citizens. As such, the reform report is firmly rooted in Bangladesh's contextual realities with broad-based public support that also mirrors people's perspectives.

Therefore, these recommendations are not mere burdens, they are a lifeline to legitimacy. After decades of flawed elections, we stand at a rare juncture to overhaul our electoral system, a reset that could shape our democratic future for generations. This is not a moment to be myopic or recalcitrant. This is a moment to embrace the transformative potential of reforms, propelling Bangladesh onto the next level. We, the people of Bangladesh, are ready for free, fair, and credible elections. Hence, its current actions notwithstanding, if the EC fails to deliver, we will not relent in holding it accountable. The stakes are too high, and our resolve is unshakable.

Mir Nadia Nivin is member of the Electoral Reform Commission and an international governance and institutional reform specialist.​

 

[Saif]

Election uncertainty to be resolved through dialogue: Fakhrul

Two days ahead of their meeting with the Chief Adviser, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Monday expressed the hope that the uncertainty over the election roadmap and all related issues will be resolved through dialogue and unity.

en.prothomalo.com

Election uncertainty to be resolved through dialogue: Fakhrul
UNBDhaka
Published: 14 Apr 2025, 22: 57

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir File photo

Two days ahead of their meeting with the Chief Adviser, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Monday expressed the hope that the uncertainty over the election roadmap and all related issues will be resolved through dialogue and unity.

“We want to create a new Bangladesh through dialogue and unity. Undoubtedly, that unity will be possible among us and we will succeed,” he said while talking to reporters at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in the evening upon his return from Singapore.

When journalists drew his attention to the Chief Adviser’s shifting of the election timeline between December and June, Fakhrul expressed optimism that this issue, too, would be resolved during their discussions with the head of the interim government on Wednesday.

Extending greetings on the occasion of Bengali New Year, Fakhrul conveyed a hopeful message to the nation. “This year’s Pahela Baishakh will help us wipe away the burdens of the past and build a new Bangladesh,” he said.

Fakhrul hoped that the Bengali New Year 1432 will bring a new horizon for the entire nation. “The mind of every person will be illuminated with the joy of new possibilities...this is what we hope for.”

Fakhrul, along with his wife Rahat Ara Begum, travelled to Singapore on 6 April for routine medical check-ups.

The BNP leader has been undergoing regular follow-up treatments in Singapore since 2015, when a blockage was detected in his internal carotid artery while he was in jail.

He and his wife had also travelled to Singapore on 1 September 2024 for similar medical purposes.

Meanwhile, a BNP delegation led by Fakhrul is scheduled to meet Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on 16 April to press for a clear and specific roadmap for the upcoming national election and dispel confusion surrounding the polls and proposed reforms.

The meeting is set to be held at the Chief Adviser’s official residence, State Guest House Jamuna, at 12:00 noon.​

 

[Saif]

Election roadmap in June–July, discussions with parties before October: EC

The election commission (EC) is preparing to hold elections next December and will hold dialogue with stakeholders including political parties before October. Election commissioner Anwarul Islam Sarker said this while speaking with journalists at his office in the city's Nirbachan Bhaban.

en.prothomalo.com

Election roadmap in June–July, discussions with parties before October: EC
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 16 Apr 2025, 19: 31

Election commissioner Anwarul Islam Collected

The election commission (EC) is preparing to hold elections next December and will hold dialogue with stakeholders including political parties before October.

Election commissioner Anwarul Islam Sarker said this while speaking with journalists at his office in the city's Nirbachan Bhaban.

He said the EC will exchange views with political parties in August-September or possibly before.

The time of the thirteenth general elections is yet to be fixed. The interim government maintains the elections will be held between December this year and June next year.

The EC says it is preparing to hold the election in ‘earliest time’, which is December, of this timeframe.

Anwarul Islam said the EC has been working with its own action plan since assuming the office.

He said the EC hopes that the work of delimiting the constituencies can be completed within three months if the government decides to amend The Delimitation of Constituencies Ordinance, 1976.

Anwarul Islam said that the preparatory work will be completed in the next three months. The EC hopes that the action plan, which is published by the EC before the elections, will be printed around June-July.

In response to a question about whether preparations for the elections are being made, eyeing the polls in December, the election commissioner said that they are moving around the deadline announced by the government.

Responding to another question, the election commissioner said that before announcing the election schedule, there will be an exchange of views with the stakeholders. They want to exchange views with all the new parties that will get registration and the old parties. If the registration work is not completed, the new political parties will have a grudge. Considering that, the EC has issued a public notice for the registration of political parties at the right time.

The election commissioner said that the EC will hold consultations with stakeholders including political parties before announcing the election schedule. It will be before October, it could be in August-September or if possible, they will hold consultations with stakeholders before that.

Replying to another question, Anwarul Islam said the deadline for submitting application for registration is 20 April. Three parties have so far applied. No decision has yet been taken on extension of the deadline.

Asked if elections could be held given the current law and order situation, Anwarul Islam said he thinks the situation is improving gradually.

The EC thinks the law and order situation will improve further in the next six to eight months, he added.​

 

[Saif]

Elections won't be delayed beyond next June: Asif Nazrul

Asif Nazrul has said that the national election will not, under any circumstances, be held later than June of next year. "We have categorically told the BNP that the election will not go beyond June. No matter who says what, this is a firm commitment from the chief adviser to the entire...

en.prothomalo.com

Elections won't be delayed beyond next June: Asif Nazrul
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 16 Apr 2025, 18: 07

Following a meeting between BNP leaders and chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus, law adviser professor Asif Nazrul addressed a press conference at the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka on 16 April. Prothom Alo

Asif Nazrul has said that the national election will not, under any circumstances, be held later than June of next year.

"We have categorically told the BNP that the election will not go beyond June. No matter who says what, this is a firm commitment from the chief adviser to the entire nation," he added.

A meeting lasting nearly two hours took place between the BNP delegation and chief adviser Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna on Wednesday afternoon.

Asif Nazrul made these remarks during a subsequent press briefing held by the chief adviser’s press wing.

The law adviser said certain matters were clarified during the meeting with the BNP.

He explained that the timeline of December to June does not imply a deliberate delay to hold the election in May or June. Rather, it means the election will be held as soon as possible—if it can be held in December, then December; if January, then January. This explanation was communicated clearly to the BNP during the discussion.

Addressing BNP’s concern that reforms may face delays, Asif Nazrul said that his government has clarified that even if the July Charter is finalised, there are legal and policy matters that take time to implement.

He also noted that the BNP showed sincere interest in the reform process and responded positively to the proposed Consensus Commission. The party indicated they would meet with the commission within two to three days and agreed with most of the reform proposals.

Asif Nazrul admitted that BNP prefers the election to be held by December.

"But we emphasised that any conflicting or unclear statements from individual advisers should not cause confusion. If any of us speak ambiguously or if any adviser says something contradictory, that should not be taken as the official stance," he added.

Asif Nazrul said the chief adviser has repeatedly made clear in his public addresses that the government’s position is to hold the election between this December and next June.​

 

[Saif]

Unhealthy election controversy must be resolved

Just as the fundamental reforms are necessary for the country, so is an elected government.

www.thedailystar.net

Unhealthy election controversy must be resolved
It is creating uncertainty, suspicion, and discord

The need for reforms, which is a widely accepted notion, should not be used as an excuse to postpone the election. VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The eagerly awaited meeting between Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and the BNP ended, as expected, with a major difference of opinion on the election dates. The CA stuck to his well-known stance that the election will be held anytime between December 2025 and June 2026, and the BNP stuck to its position that the polls must be held by the end of this year. In contrast to most of their previous meetings, the BNP, for the first time, expressed serious dissatisfaction afterwards.

However, Dr Asif Nazrul, law adviser to the interim government had his own narrative that the BNP did not "appear dissatisfied" and stressed that "under no circumstances will the election go beyond June next year." Prior to that, he said the election cannot be held until the trial for the crimes against humanity committed during the July uprising is completed. This raises the legitimate question: can a judicial process be set in a time-barred manner, and if so, will it be acceptable internationally? The chief prosecutor of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), Advocate Tajul Islam, had objected earlier when such a time limit was set for the crucial trials.

The Jamaat-e-Islami ameer, on his part, has said that the election should not go beyond the next Ramadan, which, in calendar terms, means that it should occur before the last quarter of February 2026. It sounds like a well-thought-out middle ground.

The election proponents think setting up a democratically elected government is the most important task at hand. It will restore the people's right to choose their own leaders, to get a parliament where policies will be transparently discussed and adopted, and to get a government that can be held accountable. The interim nature of our present governance process will come to an end, and we will be able to relaunch our democratic journey. Most importantly, the feeling of uncertainty will come to an end and be replaced by a sense of stability that only an elected government with the people's mandate can provide.

At present, the world is dealing with us mostly because of the personal prestige and stature of one person, Prof Yunus, and not due to the legitimacy of the government he heads. Whatever the extent of our pride for having a leader of his stature may be, it cannot substitute for the prestige and acceptance of a government with people's mandate. Genuine democracy has been our source of pride from the time of our Liberation War, and we condemned Sheikh Hasina for having deprived us of that. Thus, restoration of democracy and getting an elected government should not be unnecessarily delayed.

Those who are opposed to having the election by December this year feel that time is inadequate for reforms and holding the election will mean restoring the rotten practices of the past, which included dynastic politics and one-person rule. The argument they use—one which has a strong emotional appeal—is that moving to the old-style politics will make a farce of the sacrifice of 1,400 lives during the uprising. This sentiment is very strong and should by no means be ignored. Whatever we do, we must incorporate the fundamental values—democracy, freedoms, rights of all groups and individuals, equality, anti-discrimination, a nation under law, political accountability, etc— that the uprising tried to evoke in all our future actions.

But the need for reforms, which is a widely accepted notion, should not be used as an excuse to postpone the election. Just as these fundamental reforms are necessary, so is an elected government. This author and this newspaper have repeatedly written about how we need and can have both the reforms and election by December.

We have not been able to decipher why the CA insists on the six-month time variation. One could understand this position during the early days, when it was uncertain how much time would be required by the reform commissions. But now all the reform recommendations are in. The follow-up process—dialogue with the political parties—has also been very efficiently started. We think Prof Yunus's approach has so far been hugely effective. If the same pace is followed, then within the eight months that is left before the December deadline, significant reforms can be agreed upon and instituted. If we accept the two and half months delay as proposed by Jamaat—till before next Ramadan—then the interim government should have no reason not to announce the election roadmap. The Election Commission has announced its preparedness.

From this newspaper's point of view, June does pose a lot of challenges for holding the elections in terms of weather conditions. Except for one election in June 1996—following the resignation of Khaleda Zia's government in February 1996 and the constitutional requirement to hold an election within 90 days—all the elections since the fall of military rule in 1990 have been held in winter months. The arguments for elections in winter are solid: no rain, no floods and pleasant temperature, all of which contributes to giving the national polls a festive colour and mood. So why the CA wants to take the risk of facing natural calamity that may jeopardise his fundamental commitment to the people is not really clear.

The election uncertainty has been further exacerbated by a social media campaign that Prof Yunus should continue in power for several more years. This, of course, is a tribute to his stature, prestige, and the public confidence in his leadership. But there are many other forces, with not the best of intentions for the CA, who may be working behind it. There is a public perception that a section of his interim cabinet, who will have to relinquish their coveted position the moment the CA hands over power to an elected government, is adding fuel to this campaign. This suspicion has unnecessarily been given credence by the home affairs adviser, who said people had gone to him saying, "Prof Yunus should prolong his stay for five years." Social media campaigns are one thing, but comments made by a senior cabinet member—which he tried to explain saying that it was not his opinion and that he was only repeating what ordinary people were telling him—generate doubts.

Whether such a step, however well-intentioned, is politically wise, institutionally possible, legally acceptable, and good for Prof Yunus's national and global reputation, is something that should be seriously thought about. As we all know, the legal thread on which the legitimacy of this government hangs is an opinion (not a judgment) by the Appellate Division, made to address a special circumstance. As his lifelong admirer and sincere well-wisher, I think that an undue extension of his tenure would mire Prof Yunus into unnecessary and, for him, undignified controversies.

We understand the BNP's eagerness for an early election, and that not all of it is based on altruism. We also understand that the reluctance of the National Citizen Party (NCP) regarding the election being held before significant reforms and trials of Sheikh Hasina and others has a lot of partisan considerations behind it. Jamaat's ambivalence is also based on partisan factors. So our national interests are not getting the priority that they deserve.

We have three stakeholders on the issue of election: the interim government; the political parties of all shades; and the voters. The viewpoints that we have so far heard belong to the first and second groups of stakeholders. As to what the general public wants, we do not yet know and have heard very little. That has been a major flaw of us journalists. We cannot claim to know. On the bases of our past reporting and experience, we can make an educated guess that they would want their right to vote—which they have been deprived of since 2014—restored. But they would also want stability, economic growth, price stability, employment, etc, all of which is linked to the economy, which in turn needs stability to bear fruit. So both the right to vote and economic growth can be triggered and sustained mainly through the return of an elected government.

Hence, our argument is in favour of an election by December 2025, with an additional six weeks to accommodate Prof Yunus's wish for more time, till the middle of February 2026.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​