[🇧🇩] Iran, US- Israel War: It's Impact On Bangladesh

[🇧🇩] Iran, US- Israel War: It's Impact On Bangladesh
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G Bangladesh Defense

Bangladesh economy caught in the crossfire

Govt must fix fragile economy to weather shockwaves from Middle East

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VISUAL: STAR

The economic shockwaves from the Iran war are rippling far beyond the Middle East. Heavily dependent on the Gulf for energy and sustained by remittances from the same region, Bangladesh remains particularly exposed, and a new World Bank assessment warns that this external shock could amplify our existing vulnerabilities, slowing growth, fuelling inflation, and pushing thousands back into poverty.

The growth outlook has already dimmed. Real GDP expansion, previously downgraded to 4.6 percent for the current fiscal year, is now projected to fall further to 3.9 percent. For an economy that needs momentum after three consecutive years of rising poverty, this is a serious setback. An estimated 12 lakh people who were expected to move out of poverty will now remain trapped, while about 600,000 jobs risk disappearing altogether.

Bangladesh imports 60-65 percent of its crude oil from the Gulf and also sources up to 75 percent of its LNG from the region, primarily Qatar. As energy prices climb, the import bill swells, widening the trade deficit and putting pressure on the taka. These costs ripple quickly through the economy, raising the price of transport, food production, and industrial output. Inflation, already elevated, is likely to gather further pace, hitting the poorest households hardest. At the same time, a second pressure point looms: remittances. Millions of Bangladeshi workers are now employed in economies that are themselves vulnerable to prolonged instability. If hiring slows or wages weaken, the impact will be felt directly in Bangladesh’s villages and towns. The flow of remittances could begin to thin.

What makes this moment more precarious is the condition of the domestic economy. Bangladesh is entering this external storm with structural weaknesses already exposed. The new government has inherited tight fiscal space, a fragile banking system, and persistently weak revenue mobilisation. These constraints leave little room to absorb additional shocks.

Higher global energy prices will inevitably deepen fiscal pressures. Subsidy requirements for power, gas, and fertiliser are set to rise sharply. If domestic prices are not adjusted, subsidy spending could climb to 2.8 percent of GDP in FY26 from 2 percent now, crowding out investment in health and education and forcing the government to depend more on borrowing. In an already constrained financing environment, that path is risky. Public debt, if left unchecked, is projected to exceed 45 percent of GDP by FY28.

The policy response, therefore, cannot be timid. The central bank must resist the temptation to rely on unsterilised money creation to prop up weak banks and instead maintain a firm monetary stance to contain inflation. At the same time, relief measures should be carefully targeted, reducing import duties on essential food items and expanding safety nets for the most vulnerable households. The authorities must also move on long-delayed reforms. Energy subsidies need to be gradually rationalised to ease fiscal pressure. Tax policy and administration must be overhauled to broaden the revenue base and reduce dependence on domestic borrowing. Without these steps, short-term firefighting will only deepen long-term fragility. If the government is to withstand the current turbulence and return to a path of inclusive growth, decisive reform is urgent.​
 

Managing the crisis thru unity

Tanim Asjad

Published :
Apr 10, 2026 23:16
Updated :
Apr 10, 2026 23:16

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A vigilance team seized some drums of fuel, stored illegally at a hidden place in Sylhet last month —Agency Photo

Bangladesh is facing a major crisis due to the ongoing war in the Middle East, which has disrupted the oil supply chain and driven up prices. Despite temporary ceasefire, the oil shock will make the already vulnerable economic conditions more fragile. It will be truly challenging for the government to address the socio-economic disturbances in the coming days. At such a critical juncture, elected lawmakers are expected to join hands as a gesture of unity to inspire citizens. Unfortunately, there is no sign of progress so far.

Though the government has taken several austerity measures to address the looming crisis, it has not yet invited other political parties for consultation. The opposition parties are also not showing interest in overcoming the crisis by offering suitable suggestions. It might appear to many that neither the government nor the opposition is serious about addressing the socio-economic crisis, which has the potential to intensify in the coming days.

Instead, the government seems to delegitimise the referendum verdict, which was validated by around 70 per cent 'Yes' votes. The referendum was framed as consent to implement various constitutional reform measures under the July National Charter. Opposition parties, however, are pressing to adopt the proposed reforms by amending the constitution. The two sides are now fighting over the referendum verdict as if there are no other problems in the country.

As the government's immediate task is to address the energy crisis stemming from the Iran war, it has a valid argument to suspend talks on the referendum and constitutional reforms for now. It may also seek cooperation of the opposition in Parliament by setting a clear deadline. However, any attempt to ignore the people's verdict is unfortunate and illegitimate.

The government is moving to scrap various ordinances issued by the Yunus-led interim government to implement comprehensive reforms across the fiscal, judicial, and administrative spheres. A special committee of the National Parliament recommended approving 113 ordinances, but suggested ignoring four and not immediately presenting 16 as bills in the house. These 16 ordinances will be re-examined and revised before introduction as new bills. As a result, the effectiveness of 20 ordinances ended after April 10.

The ordinances related to the appointment of Supreme Court judges and the establishment of the Supreme Court Secretariat were nullified in parliament last week. Moreover, the fate of 16 ordinances, including those related to the National Human Rights Commission, the prevention of enforced disappearances, strengthening the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the separation of fiscal policy and fiscal management, will be determined later.

These moves send wrong signal to people. Civil society organisations and rights activists have already protested the government's decision. By scrapping the Supreme Court-related ordinances, the government shows its unwillingness to make the judicial system more efficient and seeks to maintain political influence over judiciary, as did the ousted Hasina regime. Instead of scrapping the ordinances now, the government might re-examine them. Deferring 16 ordinances puts the fate of necessary institutional reforms into uncertainty. As the government has the right to re-examine these ordinances thoroughly, it needs to make a clear statement on this.

Reform of the judiciary and administration are tough tasks, as the vested political-bureaucratic nexus seeks to keep the existing system intact. After winning the 9th parliamentary election in December 2008, the Awami League government quickly scrapped some reform measures introduced by the army-backed caretaker government. For instance, the Better Business Forum (BBF) and Regulatory Reforms Commission (RRC), formed by the caretaker government, were abolished by the Hasina government in 2009. A similar trend is visible now.

Be it constitutional reform or energy crisis, the country now needs unified efforts to address it for the greater interest of the nation. As the country has started a new journey after the July uprising, which was marked by bloodshed and intimidation and a series of chaos and mob violence in the post-July period, there is an opportunity to advance the nation by building unity with diversity.​
 

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