[🇧🇩] Press Freedom in Bangladesh

[Saif]

Time to rethink media transformation

Media today has transformed into a spectacular performance focused on visibility.

www.thedailystar.net

Time to rethink media transformation

VISUAL: COLLECTED

I started my career as a cub journalist for a long-deceased daily. I worked there for three months without an appointment letter, or any pay, only to hear the editor one day telling a district correspondent to use his ID and collect wheat from the local DC instead of payment. The next day, I showed up at this daily's office. With S.M. Ali as its editor at the time, seasoned journalists with international experience, experienced sub-editors, and a fresh bunch of talented graduates, the place was vibrant with professional enthusiasm. Early in my career, I became aware of two types of journalism divided by their personal and public interests.

Every day, I learnt something new while typing on manual typewriters. I learnt the use of "reportedly" and "allegedly" as safeguards. I learnt the need for presenting both sides of the story to give balanced news and restrict myself from views. In the 1990s, "bothsideism" was still considered a principled journalistic norm. I started my career after the fall of an autocratic regime, when the media literally took up the role of the fourth estate. There was a renewed urgency to investigate, interrogate, and inform. Unfortunately, while the situation at present is somewhat similar, the mainstream media is now on the verge of being irrelevant in a political climate that thrives on distrust.

Media today has transformed into a spectacular performance focused on visibility. Instead of news, we have diluted and digitised versions of views. In the so-called post-truth era, a significant segment of the media no longer prioritises presenting the truth to power. Most media outlets are in survival mode. Truth is filtered through algorithms, while dissent is punished through digital mobs or official or unofficial sanctions on ads (with stories of such sanctions becoming common during Awami League's tenure). A large number of media outlets have been reduced to factories of consent. One contributing factor of such a change is the "digital transformation" of media and the emergence of new media. With the decline of print subscriptions and increasing disengagement of young readers from newspapers, media houses are all trying to stay afloat by chasing online clicks. Their platform performance comes at the expense of public trust.

Most mainstream media use aggressive PR machinery to inflate their algorithms to seek advertisements. Newspapers, like any other business house, pursue search engine optimisation (SEO), thumbnail attractiveness, and emotionally charged photo cards. The goal is no longer to give both sides of the story so the reader can come to their own intelligent conclusion. Instead, complex issues are chopped into bite-size testers and teasers. The trend has become to simplify, sensationalise, and provoke. The audience is given infographics, explainer videos, and amplified opinions. Clickbait is the new malaise that is conditioned by the desire to be viral. Contexts are often ignored, and facts conveniently trimmed. In the process, the core journalistic ethic of telling all sides of a story is compromised.

During the previous regime, surveillance, censorship, and even oppression were used to turn newsrooms into ideologically gated communities. Still, there were avenues to express dissent. But in a changed political milieu, one would have expected real reform that does not shy away from truth. But once again, we are seeing a return to the "either with us or against us" mentality. When the main exponents of the July uprising criticised binary thinking shortly after the political changeover, it gave us reasons to be optimistic. But as time rolls on, the motto "Either you're with us, or you're part of the problem" is striking firm ground. The sociopolitical polarisation is further deepened by the complicity of some media outlets. Voices of dissent are touted as agents of sabotage.

Any attempt to hold the dominant power or pressure groups accountable is considered a sacrilege. "Where have you been in the last 15 years?" is used to defuse any hint of criticism. The fear factors unleashed by some instances of ransacking media offices and withdrawal of press accreditation cards have tamed the watchdogs. Most media outlets function as echo chambers that endorse state actions under the guise of patriotism or stability. And many dissenting voices find themselves in the underground matrix, aired from foreign locations, preaching to their choirs.

The personal survival or profiteering strategy of some news outlets abandons public service. Credible investigative journalism is the biggest casualty of this transformation. Often foreign news agencies are no different, as they align themselves with the greater geopolitical interests. Reporters, with few exceptions, don't have the time or the protection to explore facts. The dwindling culture of whistleblowers and editorial courage has created a vacuum that allows power to thrive unchallenged. Algorithmic obedience has replaced editorial autonomy as newspapers now prioritise counting likes and angry reactions on social media. This fear of anonymous bot networks can drive any individual to their emotional nadir. The fear is more than an arrest under the cyber law. It involves social annihilation. Every digital footprint is monitored and vulnerable. As a coping mechanism, many of us resort to self-censorship. Every time I type something, I have to be careful of the editorial Ctrl+x as well as external reactions.

The ownership structure of media houses is also responsible for the decline of media. The privileges enjoyed by the owners close to the previous regime have created a template for the usurpers, or new media owners. Meanwhile, Dhaka-based tech-savvy reports dominate news today, creating an illusion of national consensus while excluding marginal voices or contributions. The media, by ignoring the locals, is partly responsible for this erasure.

But let me end on a positive note. The decline of mainstream media coincided with the rise of citizen journalism. Many independent vloggers have emerged as alternative voices, enjoying considerable trust among younger audiences. Then again, this citizen journalism can be vulnerable and dangerous without proper training, institutional backing, legal protection, and the editorial support that traditional media provides.

So when we talk about reform as part of the July protocol, we must rethink the media's transformation. The reform needs to be approached with courage and open-mindedness. For journalism to be the fourth estate of our democracy, media houses must recommit to truth over traffic. Claiming that we live in a post-truth era can only offer confusion. Media houses must unite to defend editorial autonomy over political compliance. Journalists need protection from all types of threats—physical and cyber. Instead of direct interventions, the transitional government must act through independent regulatory bodies, transparent ad policies, and genuine protection laws to spare the audience and the state from misinformation and disinformation. We have gone beyond the stage of performative declarations. Now is the time for change.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.​

 

[Saif]

Govt forms new Press Council committee

The government has announced a new committee of the Bangladesh Press Council for a two-year term. The committee includes representatives from journalists’ associations, the Editors’ Council, the University Grants Commission (UGC), and the Bangladesh Bar Council, according to a notice i

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Govt forms new Press Council committee

FE Online Desk
Published :
Jul 29, 2025 18:13
Updated :
Jul 29, 2025 18:13

The government has announced a new committee of the Bangladesh Press Council for a two-year term.

The committee includes representatives from journalists’ associations, the Editors’ Council, the University Grants Commission (UGC), and the Bangladesh Bar Council, according to a notice issued by the information ministry on Monday, reports bdnews24.com.

Among the members are Obaidur Rahman Shahin, acting president of the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), Daulat Akhtar Mala, president of the Economic Reporters’ Forum, and Md Shahidul Islam, president of the Dhaka Union of Journalists (DUJ). Editors Mahfuz Anam of The Daily Star, Nurul Kabir of New Age, and Dewan Hanif Mahmud of the daily Bonik Barta have also been included.

From the editorial and publishing sector, the nominees are Shamsul Huq Zahid, editor of The Financial Express, Ramiz Uddin Chowdhury, editor of Dainik Purbokone, and Akhtar Hossain Khan, advisor to the Newspaper Owners’ Association of Bangladesh (NOAB).

Additional representatives include Prof Mohammad Azam, director general of the Bangla Academy, Md Fakhrul Islam, secretary of the UGC, and Zainul Abedin, vice-chairman of the Bangladesh Bar Council.

The term of the nominated members will last two years from the date of issuance of the notification.

Earlier, the interim government appointed retired High Court justice Md AKM Abdul Hakim as the new chairman of the Press Council. He has been appointed on a three-year contract. His predecessor, retired justice Md Nizamul Huq, who served under the Awami League government, had his appointment cancelled on Sept 9, 2024.​

 

[Saif]

A pioneer of economic journalism in BD

Seven years have passed since my best friend, Moazzem Hossain, left this mortal world leaving me and many others sorely deprived of his sharp intellect and intimate friendship. On the first anniversary of his demise I wrote in this newspaper, to which he had devoted his entire journalistic career,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Commemorating Moazzem Hossain
A pioneer of economic journalism in BD

Zaidi Sattar
Published :
Aug 01, 2025 00:20
Updated :
Aug 01, 2025 00:20

Seven years have passed since my best friend, Moazzem Hossain, left this mortal world leaving me and many others sorely deprived of his sharp intellect and intimate friendship. On the first anniversary of his demise I wrote in this newspaper, to which he had devoted his entire journalistic career, that he was a journalist par excellence. I believe Bangladesh's journalist community recognises that.

You had to know him from close quarters, from intense exchanges and debates, from his sense of justice and empathy for the common man, from his grasp of the principles of economics, to realise how he felt about politics and economics, and how the two knowledge areas influenced his judgment about societal ebbs and flows. I found him assiduously focused on two fundamental tenets of journalism: objectivity and neutrality. He was never swayed by emotions in analysing any breaking news or events, often holding back a final assessment till all the facts were in. These were the qualities that endeared him to the journalist community, as a friend, mentor and guide. They also earned him respect from policymakers and business leaders alike.

Moazzem is no more but his contributions to the evolution of financial journalism in Bangladesh lives on in the institution he built, the Financial Express. For him, it was hardly a job but a mission to which he gave his abiding commitment till his last breath. He would ruminate endlessly on how to upgrade the content and substance of news and analysis. I remember his efforts to significantly improve the quality and content of the country's first financial daily newspaper during its 25-year journey. He lived and worked through its humble beginnings and brought it to where it stands today, by keeping an unflinching faith in its sustainability and growth. In the process, he trained up a whole new crop of diligent young journalists capable of daily reporting on economic and financial developments in the country so much so that there is no business entity or international agency that functions in the country without keeping a close watch on the news and analysis dispensed by FE and its agile reporters, some of whom clearly stand out among the top in their fields.

Moazzem, who became editor of the Financial Express in 1995, led this newspaper during its trying times and steered it to where it is today. What made FE so readable as well as fabulously informative was the timely and strategic syndication arrangement with Financial Times (FT) of London. That syndication added tremendous value to FE's content giving its hungry readers access to not only the highest standards of financial journalism but also brought them face to face with the unique journalistic style of presenting the most complex economic issues in simple comprehensible prose that the FT is known for. I believe Moazzem Hossain had a lot to do with bringing FT on board at a time when the world's business community had already recognised it as the most reliable publication in reporting and analysing financial and economic issues of the time.

From the get go, the editorial team, led by Moazzem Hossain, chose a path of non-partisan and objective journalism, never allowing the FE to be identified with any political camp. It is for that reason FE had an extremely cordial and effective relationship with the finance ministers of the two major political parties in the country. Not only the finance ministers, my information is that FE commanded a lot of respect from other ministers and high officials of ministries for its credible and objective reporting on the state of the economy and analysis of critical issues impinging on public welfare. It was clearly the outcome of Moazzem's effective and non-partisan leadership in a challenging political landscape. Not just government functionaries, the style and objectivity of FE earned it accolades from the business community and wide readership of academics and researchers as well.

Moazzem Hossain is a man to be missed by his friends, colleagues, and all his well-wishers. Like many whom he touched by the warmth of his camaraderie, I miss his company, his intellectual sagacity, his sharp wit and sense of humour, and the long conversations about life and times we had over cups of tea following monthly Board meetings at the Southeast Bank where he and common friend, Zakir Khan (ex-Finance Secretary) would indulge in smoking breaks. It is a pity that we paid no heed to his habit of chain smoking, a habit that would eventually snatch away this kind and warm human being from our midst.

I have been missing the weekly telephone conversations we used to have on wide ranging subjects yet focused on issues of the day. I find no substitute for his creative and erudite perspectives he so generously shared with me. Above all, he had a unique view of the world we live in. My understanding of national policy issues was no match to his practical grasp of policies that worked and those that did not. Gone with him is a leading light and a pioneer of financial and economic journalism in Bangladesh.

Dr Zaidi Sattar is Chairman, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh (PRI). The piece is slightly updated version of the original writeup published on August 1, 2021 in FE.​

 

[Saif]

Experts seek absolute media freedom, journalists’ protection in Bangladesh

Speakers at a dialogue on Wednesday emphasised the importance of media freedom and the need for quality journalism free from personal or political bias. They pointed out that harassment, tagging and fascist tactics continue to persist, even in an environment with relatively freer media, reports UN

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Experts seek absolute media freedom, journalists’ protection in Bangladesh

Published :
Aug 06, 2025 20:13
Updated :
Aug 06, 2025 20:13

Speakers at a dialogue on Wednesday emphasised the importance of media freedom and the need for quality journalism free from personal or political bias.

They pointed out that harassment, tagging and fascist tactics continue to persist, even in an environment with relatively freer media, reports UNB.

The discussion also highlighted the need for empowering journalists with absolute, not ad-hoc freedom, along with dignity and financial security, stressing that this would help keep journalists free from greed or partisan pressures.

The speakers urged the interim government to take concrete steps towards these goals during its remaining six months in office.

The Centre for Governance Studies (CGS) hosted the informative dialogue session at CIRDAP Auditorium to discuss reforms related to the mass media.

Head of the Constitution Reform Commission and Vice Chairman of National Consensus Commission Dr Ali Riaz, Editor-in-chief of daily Manab Zamin Matiur Rahman Chowdhury joined the discussion as the guests of honour.

Advocate Subrata Chowdhury, Executive President, Gono Forum; S. M. Shameem Reza, Prof of Department of Mass Communication and Journalism, University of Dhaka; Parvez Karim Abbasi, Executive Director, CGS; Rezwanul Haque Raja, Editor-in-Chief, Maasranga Television and Chairman, Trustee Board, Broadcast Journalist Center; Reaz Ahmad, Acting Editor, Dhaka Tribune; Dr Moudud Hossain Alamgir Pavel, Convener, BNP Media Cell; Asif Bin Ali, PhD Candidate, Georgia State University, Atlanta, US; Mahbub Morshed, Chief Editor and Managing Director of Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS); Mahmuda Habiba, Member, BNP Media Cell and Joint Secretary General, Jatiyatabadi Krishak Dal; Kazi Jesin, freelance journalist ; Manjurul Islam, Executive Editor, Bangladesh Pratidin; Zahid Newaz Khan, senior journalist; Barrister Shihab Uddin Khan, advocate, Supreme Court of Bangladesh also spoke at the discussion moderated by CGS President Zillur Rahman.

Ali Riaz said first, they must talk about the freedom of the media, and they need to understand who they mean by ‘media’.

“Sometimes I ask journalists: stand in front of a mirror and ask yourself, are you a journalist or a politician?” he said, referring to the kind of journalism that the country witnessed during the July movement.

Matiur Rahman Chowdhury said the unhealthy politics also engulfed them and media cannot function freely if it does not get free from politics or political bias.

“Now, you are saying I am free. Yes, we are free. But we are free when it goes in your favour. If it goes against you, I have worries that I might become a target of mob violence,” he said, adding that many journalists lost jobs and the union bodies did not point it out.

“Today, we find ourselves in a crisis. We had high expectations from (Chief Adviser) Prof Muhammad Yunus in relation to the government,” Chowdhury said.

He said there was no need to take 12 or 18 months and the recommendations being presented for media reform - if these are the ones they rely on, then not just for the next ten years, even in the next hundred years, they will never be implemented.

Zillur Rahman said a five-member committee has been formed by the government to ensure autonomy for Bangladesh Betar and Television, and a new committee for the Press Council has also been announced, along with several other committees.

“However, in reality, these committees have not been able to accomplish anything effective. There has been much talk about media reform, and the Chief Adviser has given direct instructions on the matter, but what we have seen in practice is that not much has happened,” he said.

Subrata Chowdhury said journalists working in media houses do not receive proper salaries and benefits. “So how can we expect quality journalism or feel proud of those who represent it? To me, the independence of the judiciary and the freedom of the media now seem like a golden bowl made of stone, an impossible paradox,” he said.

Shameem Reza said the issue of self-regulation, being strongly emphasised, does that mean they are assuming journalists will not receive any other legal protections. “Will the injustices they face, the pressures they endure, not be addressed? Are we simply going to rely on self-regulation alone? It must not be like that,” he said.

Parvez Karim said, “Is the media truly free now, one year after the Monsoon Revolution? While it may not be completely free, it is undeniably freer to a significant extent.”

He, however, said, harassment, tagging, or fascist tactics whatever they call them persist. “Criticism is ingrained in our Bengali identity, yet we struggle to accept it. This is reflected in the media as well. Even if you offer constructive criticism of the government, you may face backlash on social media or other platforms, and various pressure groups may emerge against you.”

Rezwanul Haque said after the Media Commission submitted its report, the commission’s head, Kamal Ahmed, presented a 15-point summary at the request of the Chief Adviser, which could have been implemented immediately.

“One of the key proposals was to dissolve the Press Council and establish a Press Commission. Unfortunately, that recommendation was ignored, and instead, the Press Council was restructured,” he said.

Reaz Ahmad said the Bangladesh Press Council has almost become a non-existent institution, which is deeply unfortunate. “Had it not been so, incidents like the arrest of ordinary people under the ICT Act, the Digital Security Act, and the Cyber Security Act would not have occurred.”

Asif Bin Ali said in terms of media control, they see that political parties are operating from a political economy standpoint.

“They do not consider who is in power or who is outside of it. Perhaps Salman F Rahman or Mosaddek Hossain Falu are no longer involved, but in a few days, we may see new names emerge,” he said.

Mahbub Morshed said, “How did something as crucial as the Wage Board get excluded from the agenda of such a major Media Reform Commission? Not only was it left out, but in an unethical move to bypass it, they proposed implementing the ninth grade of government service as the starting salary for journalists.”

“I believe one of the biggest scams of the Media Reform Commission is its complete disregard for journalists’ rights, protections, job security, especially financial security. The report was crafted to serve corporate interests and the agenda of a particular group. Legal protection for journalists wasn’t even considered, let alone financial security,” he added.

Mahmuda Habiba said journalists need financial incentives and the media organizations should be encouraged to support them for the risky nature of their work.

He said the Media Commission must have the authority to enforce its laws.​

 

[Saif]

Committed to press freedom, safety, says Shafiqul Alam urging collective efforts

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam on Friday said they “strongly and unequivocally” reject the insinuation that the interim government has been responsible for undermining freedom of expression or media independence over the past year. Alam said they remain committed t

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Committed to press freedom, safety, says Shafiqul Alam urging collective efforts

UNB
Published :
Aug 08, 2025 18:04
Updated :
Aug 08, 2025 19:03

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam on Friday said they “strongly and unequivocally” reject the insinuation that the interim government has been responsible for undermining freedom of expression or media independence over the past year.

Alam said they remain committed to transparency, safety and freedom, and invite all stakeholders to work together to preserve and enhance these fundamental values.

He, however, said they acknowledge the concerns raised by the Newspaper Owners’ Association of Bangladesh (NOAB) in their recent statement regarding the state of media freedom and access to information.

Since taking office, Alam said, the interim government has not interfered in the editorial, operational, or business aspects of any media organisation.

“In fact, we have exercised exceptional restraint, even in the face of misinformation and politically motivated broadcasts,” he said in a post from his verified Facebook account titled ‘Response to NOAB: Setting the Record Straight’.

The Press Secretary said television talk shows and columns have frequently featured false and incendiary claims about this government.

“Yet, we have neither censored nor retaliated. We have not filed complaints, suspended licenses even when provoked, and rather paved the way for some media that had been forcibly closed down by the past regime to republish or return to on air,” Alam said, adding that this clearly underscores their commitment to freedom of speech and a free press.

Access to Government Has Remained Unfettered

Contrary to claims of limited access, Alam said, journalists have had open and direct access to our advisers and special assistants of the Chief Adviser.

He said no journalist has been denied interviews or briefings on account of their outlet or editorial stance. “We believe in transparency and our conduct reflects that.”

Reform of the Secretariat Accreditation Process

NOAB’s criticism of the reformed accreditation system is not only misplaced but misinformed, said the Press Secretary.

He said the previous system was deeply compromised, with access passes falling into the hands of individuals with no legitimate journalistic function, some of whom were politicians, lobbyists and opportunists using privileged access to influence policy unfairly.

“We dismantled that broken structure and replaced it with a temporary pass system that ensures every bona fide journalist continues to have access to the Secretariat,” Alam said.

“This reform was not about restricting access but restoring integrity to a process that had been corrupted,” he mentioned.

The previous accreditation policy made it obligatory for accredited journalists to sing to the tune of the government, the Press Secretary said.

The policy, which included some humiliating clauses contradictory to the constitutional rights of the journalists, has been amended by the interim government, he said.

“The process of issuing fresh accreditation cards with extended renewal period is underway,” Alam mentioned.

Job Security

“It must also be stated clearly: Journalists who have been let go from their roles have done so not by government instruction but as a result of editorial and strategic corporate realignment decisions made by media owners,” Alam said.

“These reflect internal political and business calculations, not any directive or pressure from the Interim Government,” he mentioned.

Journalist Safety: A Shared Responsibility

Alam said they are fully committed to the physical safety and dignity of all citizens, including journalists.

Ensuring a secure environment is a priority, but this responsibility is shared between the media institutions and the government, and its law enforcement agencies, he said.

As part of their continued commitment to a safe and secure environment, Alam said, earlier this year the Media Reform Commission under the interim government proposed reforms including a new “Journalists’ Protection Law” to enhance legal safeguards and reduce self-censorship caused by fears of government or security force intimidation.

“The government is considering promulgating the proposed law,” the Press Secretary said.

Call for Reflection within Industry

“While we remain open to constructive criticism, we suggest that NOAB look internally before attributing blame,” Alam said.

“It must scrutinise the actions of its own members and hold them accountable for the abuse of journalists, especially when it comes to wage exploitation, denial of labour rights, working in hostile environments without adequate protective gear, and alleged intolerable working conditions,” he mentioned.

As an administration tasked with overseeing a delicate transitional period, Alam said, they have maintained a hands-off approach precisely to ensure that the media can function without fear or interference.

“Freedom of expression is not merely a slogan for us; it is a principle we live by,” said the Press Secretary.

He said NOAB’s concerns would carry more weight if they were grounded in facts and directed at the right parties.

“Blanket accusations based on a flawed interpretation of events do not advance press freedom, they only distract from the real challenges facing Bangladesh’s media landscape,” Alam said.​

 

[Saif]

Editors’ Council protests ‘sweeping, unwarranted’ allegations against media

The Editors' Council has strongly protested the ‘sweeping and unwarranted’ allegations made against the media at the National Youth Conference organised by Jatiya Juboshakti, the youth wing of National Citizen Party (NCP). In a statement, signed by its President Mahfuz Anam and General

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Editors’ Council protests ‘sweeping, unwarranted’ allegations against media

FE Online Desk
Published :
Aug 13, 2025 19:52
Updated :
Aug 13, 2025 20:06

The Editors' Council has strongly protested the ‘sweeping and unwarranted’ allegations made against the media at the National Youth Conference organised by Jatiya Juboshakti, the youth wing of National Citizen Party (NCP).

In a statement, signed by its President Mahfuz Anam and General Secretary Dewan Hanif Mahmud, issued on Wednesday, the council condemned the remarks and urged all parties to make statements that are fact-based and responsible.

According to the statement, speakers at the conference alleged that “the media is attempting to tarnish the image of those involved in the mass uprising” and is acting as “a mouthpiece for intelligence agencies,” similar to the period of Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic rule.

The Editors' Council said, on the contrary, the media played a crucial role during last year’s mass uprising.

Editors and journalists endured various forms of persecution, harassment, and repression during the Awami League’s 15-year rule, the statement read.

Highlighting the media’s role, the council noted that during the uprising, key issues such as state forces’ killings, human rights violations, the internet blackout, and other critical developments were brought to the public’s attention through courageous reporting.

“In particular, most print media fearlessly presented facts, significantly contributing to shaping public opinion in favour of the uprising while working under considerable threats and intimidation.”

The council further stated that even under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus, most print media are playing a constructive role in building a democratic state, upholding the aspirations of the July uprising, and exposing the government’s shortcomings to the public.​

 

[Saif]

Journalism in Bangladesh is still fighting for its voice

A year after the uprising, Bangladeshi media is still under political, institutional and psychological pressure.

www.thedailystar.net

Journalism in Bangladesh is still fighting for its voice

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

Following the mass uprising of 2024, many in Bangladesh thought that a fresh dawn would emerge over the nation's long-troubled media landscape. The overthrow of an oppressive regime provided a glimpse of hope for increased press freedom, accountability, and an end to years of political and legal persecution of journalists.

Instead, one year after that momentous occasion, Bangladeshi media is still under political, institutional and psychological pressure.

Over 250 cases have been brought against journalists nationwide in the last 12 months alone. While some of these examples seem to be intentional attempts to strangle critical reporting, others are the result of straightforward social media posts. There is no denying the trend: journalists who challenge authority continue to suffer significant consequences.

It may be argued that journalists can be protected from unfair prosecution and protracted harassment, either politically motivated or contrived, by the recently adopted Section 173A of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1898. The new clause allows for the discharge of an accused during investigation if a high-ranking police officer supervising the probe asks for an interim investigation report, and it reveals insufficient evidence against the accused. The question, however, remains whether this mechanism will be employed selectively or impartially.

In addition to legal consequences, the profession was recently rocked by the horrific killing of journalist Asaduzzaman Tuhin while on duty on August 7. The incident served as a sober reminder that speaking the truth can be deadly. The day before, another journalist named Anwar Hossain came under brutal attack while trying to report on extortion at a CNG-run auto-rickshaw stand in Gazipur. These instances are not unique; they are part of an increasing trend of violence and intimidation aimed at stifling the media. The profession as a whole receives a terrifying message: be quiet or suffer the repercussions.

Even the Cyber Security Ordinance (CSO), 2025, which replaced the stringent laws such as the Digital Security Act (DSA), 2018 and the Cyber Security Act (CSA), 2023, contains problematic provisions. Though the interim administration abolished some contentious sections of the DSA and CSA from the CSO, Section 42 allows the application of repressive tools previously used to harass and prosecute journalists. It states that, unless otherwise specified, provisions from the ICT Act of 2006, the Evidence Act of 1872, and the CrPC will still apply.

Similar to its predecessors, the CSO includes ambiguously worded provisions like "public confusion," "threats to national security," and "anti-state acts." Without definitions, these concepts are easy to abuse and misinterpret. Such wording has historically made it possible to carry out extensive crackdowns on civil liberties, journalism, and opposition.

Furthermore, a complicated web of corporate domination, editorial compromise, and political influence has silenced media in Bangladesh for years. Once a thriving pillar of democratic accountability, investigative journalism has virtually vanished. There is little space for journalistic independence because many prominent media outlets function at the whim of their owners' political and commercial interests.

There has not been any organised institutional reform since the government shift. The Journalists' Protection Ordinance, 2025 and the National Media Commission Ordinance, 2025, proposed by the Media Reform Commission, are two potentially promising measures that have been put on hold in bureaucratic limbo. Implementation of the "one house, one media" policy—prohibiting individuals or organisations from holding numerous media outlets—which is an admirable concept proposed by the commission, remains elusive.

Even the law that established the Bangladesh Press Council is filled with control-oriented clauses. The council risks becoming another tool of governmental supervision rather than a platform for journalist protection if its legal mandate is not entirely revised.

The structural flaws in journalist unions and media organisations are at the core of the media crisis. There are still significant political differences among many professional journalist associations, with some factions leaning towards those backing the interim government, and others towards political blocs seeking to challenge it. It is impossible to take a unified stance against challenges to press freedom because of this internal division.

Ownership of the media is another issue. It is said that political allegiance determines the allocation of new broadcast licences. Media outlets are often run to serve the vested interests of their owners, many of whom are deeply embedded in the corporate or political elite. Any departure from "approved" tales may result in regulatory harassment, licencing obstacles, or tax audits.

In newsrooms, this poisonous atmosphere often deters truthful reporting. Reporters self-censor because they fear legal issues or professional retaliation. Sensitive stories are put away. Whistleblowers choose to not hear anything. Risk assessments tend to overshadow investigative reports.

A national framework for self-regulation is desperately needed. Adopting an internal editorial code of conduct, grievance redressal mechanism, anti-harassment policy, and straightforward complaint resolution process should be mandatory for all media outlets. This needs to be true for both public accountability and internal ethics. Furthermore, a transparent, independent process should be used to handle grievance or defamation claims against media outlets made by the public, political actors, or public officials. An unbiased, non-partisan media ombudsman organisation can investigate such allegations.

In the end, media reform in Bangladesh is a matter of institutional bravery, political determination, and democratic maturity rather than merely being a legal or administrative matter. Reforms run the risk of becoming cosmetic if the top leadership is not committed. Furthermore, change will not materialise if journalists do not stand together.

Despite its challenges, this moment offers a chance to rethink media freedom in Bangladesh. But time is running short. Every delay erodes public trust, silences more journalists, and buries more truths. Bangladesh must have a free, secure, and independent press if democracy is to be more than just elections and voting booths. Our democracy will continue to be dangerously unfinished until that time.

Zillur Rahman is a journalist and the host of the current affairs talk show 'Tritiyo Matra.' He also serves as the president of the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS).​