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Southeast Asia Indonesia weighs acquisition of Chinese J-10C fighter jets
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[🇮🇳] AMCA- India's state of art 5.5 generation aircraft- Tracking the development.
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[🇧🇩-Airforce] Lalmonirhat Air Base---A Nightmare for India
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South Asia India overtakes Japan to become world’s 4th largest economy: NITI Aayog CEO
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[🇧🇩] Human Rights and Bangladesh
- By Saif
- Bangladesh Defense Forum
- 12 Replies
‘We must challenge not just regimes, but also oppressive legal machinery'
VISUAL: STAR
Taqbir Huda is currently pursuing graduate legal studies at Harvard University and has previously served as the South Asia regional researcher at Amnesty International, specialising in documenting gross violations of human rights by the state and advocating for accountability, including for the atrocities committed during the July uprising in Bangladesh. In an exclusive interview with Noshin Nawal of The Daily Star, he talks about the current state of human rights in Bangladesh and the potential way forward.
How pivotal were human rights violations in precipitating the eventual ouster of the Awami League?
Human rights violations—egregious ones—became a hallmark of Awami League rule, particularly over the past decade. As human rights defenders, we felt quite frustrated by the impunity with which the regime operated, no matter how severely or frequently it committed violations. However, the sheer scale of atrocities during the July uprising was unprecedented. It was arguably the deadliest protest in our history and among the most lethal in the world this year.
The rapid escalation of civilian deaths, the shockingly young age of many victims, the complete communication blackout, the shoot-on-sight curfew orders, the sheer brutality of force used against unarmed protesters, vividly documented in videos and images—all of it was so horrific that it shook the conscience of the international community.
Human rights are only as good as the power of those who care about them. Usually, the best and only leverage that human rights defenders have is the ability to stigmatise perpetrators and the informational politics that flows from it. Ultimately, it was the determination of the student-led mass movement that proved decisive to Awami League's ouster, but the discourse of human rights played an important role in characterising the enemy.
What were the most rampant human rights violations that characterised the Awami League rule?
Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances were undoubtedly the most egregious and systematic violations that were instrumentalised as tools of repression, with at least 708 people forcibly disappeared during the Awami League's 15-plus years of rule, according to conservative estimates by Odhikar. Human Rights Watch dubbed this period as a "decade of disappearance." Victims' families often told us that death was preferable to disappearance—at least death allowed them to start mourning and find closure.
At the same time, thousands were killed extrajudicially, usually under the guise of anti-drug or counterterrorism campaigns. All this happened against the wider backdrop of suppressing dissent, with freedom of expression being systematically dismantled through draconian laws like the Digital Security Act. These laws allowed the regime to criminalise dissent under the guise of legality, creating an atmosphere of fear and silencing opposition voices.
How was dissent silenced during Awami rule, and what were the implications for freedom of speech?
The Awami League was alarmingly effective in eradicating dissent, particularly in the online sphere. I can refer to two cases I had directly investigated and campaigned for while serving at Amnesty. Take the case of Khadija, a university student who hosted a webinar when she was 17 where a retired army officer criticised the Awami League. Since they couldn't target him—as he was abroad—they went after her. Khadija endured nearly 15 months of pre-trial detention before being released under immense national and international pressure.
During her imprisonment, Khadija was subjected to what could arguably be described as inhuman treatment. She was forced to do manual labour, placed in solitary confinement, and denied basic medical treatment for kidney-related illnesses. To see such tyranny inflicted on a young woman highlights how authoritarianism had trickled down to the lowest levels.
Another striking example is the case of Anisha Siddika, a victim of arbitrary detention whose case I investigated while working at Amnesty. She was a 58-year-old woman who was arrested at the dead of night in August 2023, after her son made a Facebook post critical of the Awami League and procedural irregularities of the international crimes tribunal. Her son was residing in the US at the time. The state sent a chilling message: no matter where you are, if you criticise the Awami League, they will retaliate by targeting your loved ones who remain in Bangladesh.
They arrested his mother under trumped-up terrorism charges using the draconian Special Powers Act, accusing her of conspiring to commit sabotage against the government. Although Anisha observed the full-face veil as a matter of religious practice, the police forcibly unveiled her face, photographed her, and uploaded her image to their Facebook page. Such a blatant violation of her dignity should have sparked public outrage. Yet, there was a conspicuous silence from the usual circles of civil society and human rights defenders who are usually the first to respond to suppression of dissent. I would like us to reflect on why we failed to stand in solidarity with Anisha Siddika, despite the very public manner in which the state violated her human rights.
Have you personally been affected by this clampdown on dissent?
Between August 2022 and August 2024, I was working as the Bangladesh researcher at Amnesty International, investigating and reporting on human rights violations perpetrated by the state under the former ruling party. For my own safety and that of my family, I was forced to keep my affiliation with Amnesty a well-guarded secret from the outset. The last thing I wanted was to have a criminal case filed against me for "spreading propaganda" or "tarnishing the image of the state"—which had become the former government's default response to even the slightest bit of critique. Awami League had essentially blacklisted Amnesty, and high-ranking party officials would frequently accuse it of conspiring against Bangladesh whenever its human rights violations were exposed. To avoid risk of persecution, I had to use a pseudonym and burner phones for external communications, request my non-Bangladeshi colleagues to front our outputs on Bangladesh, and avoid any public facing engagements (such as media interviews) which would risk putting me on the state's ever broadening radar of surveillance. There were even moments when I added and then removed my Amnesty affiliation from my LinkedIn profile. That's how successful the state was in catalysing a culture of fear.
All this changed on July 16, 2024, a day after the crackdown on the student protesters started, when I decided to accept the first media interview (as a spokesperson for Amnesty) to highlight how the state had used Chhatra League and police to brutalise students, including the killing of Abu Sayeed, on DW News—the first international media outlet to cover the July uprising in any detail. At a moment when the state began killing children while simultaneously imposing a total internet shutdown to block international monitoring, seizing any available opportunity to expose the truth seemed like a moral obligation. So I began seizing every such opportunity that followed, despite the inherent risks which I had assiduously sought to avoid so far.
Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.
What systemic factors allowed such widespread human rights violations to persist for so long?
The roots of this issue lie in the colonial-era criminal laws that the postcolonial state inherited and expanded upon. These laws grant sweeping powers to the police, such as arresting and searching individuals without warrants, seizing their devices, and denying them bail, leading to lengthy arbitrary detention awaiting a trial.
Alarmingly, the latest available statistics show that almost 80 percent of Bangladesh's prison population consists of pre-trial detainees—individuals who haven't even been convicted of any crime. This is a direct result of an authoritarian penal system where human rights of the accused are violated by the state with full legal sanction. Additionally, we lack an independent prosecutorial system; prosecutors are often ad-hoc political appointees, while the police and judiciary have been compromised through partisan recruitment.
If the police, prosecution and judiciary are effectively under partisan control, how can the criminal justice system be anything other than an instrument of oppression at the beck and call of whichever party is in power? The Awami League used the same colonial policing model that the British Raj introduced to quash native rebellion, against protesters during the July uprising and beyond.
We would be remiss if we did not acknowledge that the mass arrests, mob assaults, prolonged remand and detention of former Awami League ministers and high-ranking officials on legally dubious charges are also a cause for concern. The right to a fair trial is not conditional; it is absolute, no matter how egregious the alleged crime may be or how detestable the person accused may be. We owe it to all the victims of Bloody July to ensure that justice for their killings is obtained through a fair and transparent process, rather than one that reproduces injustices. We cannot allow their deaths to be exploited for the settling of political vendettas. We cannot allow the legal system to be misused in the same way that the Awami League had misused it. We cannot slip back to the very despotism we fought so hard to escape.
Authoritarians come and go, but authoritarian institutions and laws remain intact. True emancipation requires dismantling these systems. We must challenge not just regimes but also the oppressive legal machinery that sustains and justifies the state's sweeping punitive powers.
How do you evaluate the role of the National Human Rights Commission?
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has been largely irrelevant in the course of my human rights work in Bangladesh. We were aware of its existence but, as Dr Shahdeen Malik once aptly described it, the NHRC had become "a retirement home for top bureaucrats."
Given that the NHRC does not possess formal executive powers or direct investigative powers over law enforcement agencies (who are accused of committing the bulk of human rights violations), the only possible role it could meaningfully serve is that of a watchdog. Unfortunately, we currently lack robust human rights statistics, relying instead on data published by certain NGOs. Even those are often methodologically dubious because they are primarily based on newspaper-reported incidents, which are not the most reliable sources. If the NHRC were to adopt a methodology for documenting and enumerating human rights violations, it could provide a vital resource (and perhaps even serve as a contact point) for international human rights organisations working on Bangladesh (which typically lack a field presence and are reliant on ground sources), such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Civicus, etc. which have worked persistently to push for accountability for human rights violations in Bangladesh at the international level.
Equally important is shifting our understanding of justice. Victims of human rights violations often require reparations—compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution—but these mechanisms are almost non-existent in our legal framework. For example, the Crime Victims Compensation Act, proposed in 2007, remains a draft even after 17 years. The NHRC could consider taking the lead in ensuring reparative justice for victims of human rights violations.
Have human rights defenders been reduced to mere political pawns?
Not pawns, but human rights defenders were systematically restricted and silenced. The government allowed activism on certain "apolitical" issues—those involving non-state actors—but cracked down on work that exposed state complicity. NGOs working on sensitive issues like extrajudicial killings or enforced disappearances faced defunding, deregistration, intimidation, and freezing of assets.
One does not have to look further than the retaliation faced by Odhikar. Its leaders were targeted, jailed and its operations crippled, sending a chilling message to others. Human rights organisations had to choose between reporting on the most pressing human rights violations or avoiding state crackdown. Most opted for the latter, perhaps as a matter of survival.
Considering such instances, what is your vision for the future regarding freedom of dissent and human rights in Bangladesh?
I dream of a Bangladesh where dissent is no longer criminalised but celebrated, and where human rights work is allowed to thrive instead of being self-incriminating. Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. By making the seemingly impossible possible, the student leaders of the July uprising have given me the courage to dream the seemingly unthinkable. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.
VISUAL: STAR
Taqbir Huda is currently pursuing graduate legal studies at Harvard University and has previously served as the South Asia regional researcher at Amnesty International, specialising in documenting gross violations of human rights by the state and advocating for accountability, including for the atrocities committed during the July uprising in Bangladesh. In an exclusive interview with Noshin Nawal of The Daily Star, he talks about the current state of human rights in Bangladesh and the potential way forward.
How pivotal were human rights violations in precipitating the eventual ouster of the Awami League?
Human rights violations—egregious ones—became a hallmark of Awami League rule, particularly over the past decade. As human rights defenders, we felt quite frustrated by the impunity with which the regime operated, no matter how severely or frequently it committed violations. However, the sheer scale of atrocities during the July uprising was unprecedented. It was arguably the deadliest protest in our history and among the most lethal in the world this year.
The rapid escalation of civilian deaths, the shockingly young age of many victims, the complete communication blackout, the shoot-on-sight curfew orders, the sheer brutality of force used against unarmed protesters, vividly documented in videos and images—all of it was so horrific that it shook the conscience of the international community.
Human rights are only as good as the power of those who care about them. Usually, the best and only leverage that human rights defenders have is the ability to stigmatise perpetrators and the informational politics that flows from it. Ultimately, it was the determination of the student-led mass movement that proved decisive to Awami League's ouster, but the discourse of human rights played an important role in characterising the enemy.
What were the most rampant human rights violations that characterised the Awami League rule?
Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances were undoubtedly the most egregious and systematic violations that were instrumentalised as tools of repression, with at least 708 people forcibly disappeared during the Awami League's 15-plus years of rule, according to conservative estimates by Odhikar. Human Rights Watch dubbed this period as a "decade of disappearance." Victims' families often told us that death was preferable to disappearance—at least death allowed them to start mourning and find closure.
At the same time, thousands were killed extrajudicially, usually under the guise of anti-drug or counterterrorism campaigns. All this happened against the wider backdrop of suppressing dissent, with freedom of expression being systematically dismantled through draconian laws like the Digital Security Act. These laws allowed the regime to criminalise dissent under the guise of legality, creating an atmosphere of fear and silencing opposition voices.
How was dissent silenced during Awami rule, and what were the implications for freedom of speech?
The Awami League was alarmingly effective in eradicating dissent, particularly in the online sphere. I can refer to two cases I had directly investigated and campaigned for while serving at Amnesty. Take the case of Khadija, a university student who hosted a webinar when she was 17 where a retired army officer criticised the Awami League. Since they couldn't target him—as he was abroad—they went after her. Khadija endured nearly 15 months of pre-trial detention before being released under immense national and international pressure.
During her imprisonment, Khadija was subjected to what could arguably be described as inhuman treatment. She was forced to do manual labour, placed in solitary confinement, and denied basic medical treatment for kidney-related illnesses. To see such tyranny inflicted on a young woman highlights how authoritarianism had trickled down to the lowest levels.
Another striking example is the case of Anisha Siddika, a victim of arbitrary detention whose case I investigated while working at Amnesty. She was a 58-year-old woman who was arrested at the dead of night in August 2023, after her son made a Facebook post critical of the Awami League and procedural irregularities of the international crimes tribunal. Her son was residing in the US at the time. The state sent a chilling message: no matter where you are, if you criticise the Awami League, they will retaliate by targeting your loved ones who remain in Bangladesh.
They arrested his mother under trumped-up terrorism charges using the draconian Special Powers Act, accusing her of conspiring to commit sabotage against the government. Although Anisha observed the full-face veil as a matter of religious practice, the police forcibly unveiled her face, photographed her, and uploaded her image to their Facebook page. Such a blatant violation of her dignity should have sparked public outrage. Yet, there was a conspicuous silence from the usual circles of civil society and human rights defenders who are usually the first to respond to suppression of dissent. I would like us to reflect on why we failed to stand in solidarity with Anisha Siddika, despite the very public manner in which the state violated her human rights.
Have you personally been affected by this clampdown on dissent?
Between August 2022 and August 2024, I was working as the Bangladesh researcher at Amnesty International, investigating and reporting on human rights violations perpetrated by the state under the former ruling party. For my own safety and that of my family, I was forced to keep my affiliation with Amnesty a well-guarded secret from the outset. The last thing I wanted was to have a criminal case filed against me for "spreading propaganda" or "tarnishing the image of the state"—which had become the former government's default response to even the slightest bit of critique. Awami League had essentially blacklisted Amnesty, and high-ranking party officials would frequently accuse it of conspiring against Bangladesh whenever its human rights violations were exposed. To avoid risk of persecution, I had to use a pseudonym and burner phones for external communications, request my non-Bangladeshi colleagues to front our outputs on Bangladesh, and avoid any public facing engagements (such as media interviews) which would risk putting me on the state's ever broadening radar of surveillance. There were even moments when I added and then removed my Amnesty affiliation from my LinkedIn profile. That's how successful the state was in catalysing a culture of fear.
All this changed on July 16, 2024, a day after the crackdown on the student protesters started, when I decided to accept the first media interview (as a spokesperson for Amnesty) to highlight how the state had used Chhatra League and police to brutalise students, including the killing of Abu Sayeed, on DW News—the first international media outlet to cover the July uprising in any detail. At a moment when the state began killing children while simultaneously imposing a total internet shutdown to block international monitoring, seizing any available opportunity to expose the truth seemed like a moral obligation. So I began seizing every such opportunity that followed, despite the inherent risks which I had assiduously sought to avoid so far.
Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.
What systemic factors allowed such widespread human rights violations to persist for so long?
The roots of this issue lie in the colonial-era criminal laws that the postcolonial state inherited and expanded upon. These laws grant sweeping powers to the police, such as arresting and searching individuals without warrants, seizing their devices, and denying them bail, leading to lengthy arbitrary detention awaiting a trial.
Alarmingly, the latest available statistics show that almost 80 percent of Bangladesh's prison population consists of pre-trial detainees—individuals who haven't even been convicted of any crime. This is a direct result of an authoritarian penal system where human rights of the accused are violated by the state with full legal sanction. Additionally, we lack an independent prosecutorial system; prosecutors are often ad-hoc political appointees, while the police and judiciary have been compromised through partisan recruitment.
If the police, prosecution and judiciary are effectively under partisan control, how can the criminal justice system be anything other than an instrument of oppression at the beck and call of whichever party is in power? The Awami League used the same colonial policing model that the British Raj introduced to quash native rebellion, against protesters during the July uprising and beyond.
We would be remiss if we did not acknowledge that the mass arrests, mob assaults, prolonged remand and detention of former Awami League ministers and high-ranking officials on legally dubious charges are also a cause for concern. The right to a fair trial is not conditional; it is absolute, no matter how egregious the alleged crime may be or how detestable the person accused may be. We owe it to all the victims of Bloody July to ensure that justice for their killings is obtained through a fair and transparent process, rather than one that reproduces injustices. We cannot allow their deaths to be exploited for the settling of political vendettas. We cannot allow the legal system to be misused in the same way that the Awami League had misused it. We cannot slip back to the very despotism we fought so hard to escape.
Authoritarians come and go, but authoritarian institutions and laws remain intact. True emancipation requires dismantling these systems. We must challenge not just regimes but also the oppressive legal machinery that sustains and justifies the state's sweeping punitive powers.
How do you evaluate the role of the National Human Rights Commission?
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has been largely irrelevant in the course of my human rights work in Bangladesh. We were aware of its existence but, as Dr Shahdeen Malik once aptly described it, the NHRC had become "a retirement home for top bureaucrats."
Given that the NHRC does not possess formal executive powers or direct investigative powers over law enforcement agencies (who are accused of committing the bulk of human rights violations), the only possible role it could meaningfully serve is that of a watchdog. Unfortunately, we currently lack robust human rights statistics, relying instead on data published by certain NGOs. Even those are often methodologically dubious because they are primarily based on newspaper-reported incidents, which are not the most reliable sources. If the NHRC were to adopt a methodology for documenting and enumerating human rights violations, it could provide a vital resource (and perhaps even serve as a contact point) for international human rights organisations working on Bangladesh (which typically lack a field presence and are reliant on ground sources), such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Civicus, etc. which have worked persistently to push for accountability for human rights violations in Bangladesh at the international level.
Equally important is shifting our understanding of justice. Victims of human rights violations often require reparations—compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution—but these mechanisms are almost non-existent in our legal framework. For example, the Crime Victims Compensation Act, proposed in 2007, remains a draft even after 17 years. The NHRC could consider taking the lead in ensuring reparative justice for victims of human rights violations.
Have human rights defenders been reduced to mere political pawns?
Not pawns, but human rights defenders were systematically restricted and silenced. The government allowed activism on certain "apolitical" issues—those involving non-state actors—but cracked down on work that exposed state complicity. NGOs working on sensitive issues like extrajudicial killings or enforced disappearances faced defunding, deregistration, intimidation, and freezing of assets.
One does not have to look further than the retaliation faced by Odhikar. Its leaders were targeted, jailed and its operations crippled, sending a chilling message to others. Human rights organisations had to choose between reporting on the most pressing human rights violations or avoiding state crackdown. Most opted for the latter, perhaps as a matter of survival.
Considering such instances, what is your vision for the future regarding freedom of dissent and human rights in Bangladesh?
I dream of a Bangladesh where dissent is no longer criminalised but celebrated, and where human rights work is allowed to thrive instead of being self-incriminating. Human rights defenders should not have to navigate their work under the constant shadow of state retaliation. We must create a culture where questioning authority is seen as a vital part of our national integrity, not a threat to it. By making the seemingly impossible possible, the student leaders of the July uprising have given me the courage to dream the seemingly unthinkable. In our quest for accountability, we would do well to remember that any attempts to ensure justice must be fair, transparent, and in compliance with international human rights standards. Anything less would dishonour the legacy of those who shed blood for our collective freedom.
South Asia India scrambles as Bangladesh deploys TB2 drones, challenging regional hegemony
- By Bilal9
- South Asia
- 52 Replies
Americas' Canada’s Trudeau survives third no-confidence vote in as many months
- By Dogun18
- North & South America
- 0 Replies
World Was Luigi Mangione Framed? Did Mossad kill the Healthcare CEO?
- By Dogun18
- World Affairs
- 2 Replies
South Asia 'Hindutva is a disease...': Mehbooba Mufti's daughter's comment stirs controversy, says 'let's call spade a spade'
- By Bilal9
- South Asia
- 0 Replies
'Hindutva is a disease...': Mehbooba Mufti's daughter's comment stirs controversy, says 'let's call spade a spade'
Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) leader and former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti's daughter, Iltija, has stirred controversy with her statement referring to Hindutva as a "disease."
Iltija made the contentious comment while responding to a video showing three minor boys allegedly being forced to chant 'Jai Shri Ram' and assaulted by a man.
“Ram the deity must hang his head in shame and watch helplessly as minor Muslim boys are whacked with chappals only because they refuse to chant his name,” Iltija said in a post on X.
x.com
twitter.com
She also stated, “Hindutva is a disease that’s afflicted millions of Indians & sullied a God’s name.”
Amid the backlash, Iltija clarified that her statement was intentionally misinterpreted.
“Much outrage over my tweet and also whataboutery about Islam. The senseless violence that’s been carried out in the name of Islam is what caused Islamophobia in the first place. Today, Hinduism (not Hindutva) also finds itself in a similar situation where it’s being used & abused to lynch & persecute minorities. Let’s call spade a spade,” she explained in another post.
While addressing the media, Iltija clarified her stance, stating, “This is an India of Mahatma Gandhi, and I have spoken against Hindutva, not Hinduism. Hindutva, which stems from Savarkar's philosophy that India is only for Hindus, is what I oppose. I know Hinduism is a religion of peace and compassion. Hindutva, on the other hand, is a disease that needs to be weeded out."
Reacting to her comments, BJP leader from Jammu and Kashmir, Ravinder Raina, told PTI, “Nowadays, videos are being circulated using AI about Hindus and Muslims. The PDP leader retweeted a similar video and used a language that is not acceptable. There can be differences in opinions in politics; however, no one can hurt religious sentiments. She should apologise.”
BJP leader Agnimitra Paul criticized Mehbooba Mufti and her daughter Iltija, accusing them of consistently speaking against India.
Related video: Iltija Mufti's 'Hindutva a disease' remark sparks political debate (India Today)
Iltija Mufti's 'Hindutva a disease' remark sparks political debate
View on Watch
“Some days ago, Mehbooba Mufti was comparing Gaza and Bangladesh with India. Now her daughter, PDP leader Iltija Mufti, is comparing Islam with Hinduism. How can she compare the two religions? They have lost the J&K Assembly elections, and the Muslims of Kashmir have rejected them because they are spreading hatred,” Paul said.
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Poll
[🇵🇰] Are PTI & Imran Khan greedy for power?
- By Bagheera0084
- Pakistani Siasat/Politics
- 2 Replies
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[🇸🇾] Rebels Oust Assad
- By Saif
- Syrian Defense Forum
- 113 Replies
‘Syria is ours and not Assad family's’
Celebrations across Syria as rebels oust Assad; president ‘flees country’; nations urge stability
Photo: AFP Syrians celebrate the taking over of the capital Damascus by Syrian rebel fighters in Beirut's Triq al Jdideh neighbourhood on December 8, 2024.
Celebrations erupted around Syria and crowds ransacked President Bashar al-Assad's luxurious home yesterday after Islamist-led rebels swept into Damascus and declared he had fled the country, in a spectacular end to five decades of Baath party rule.
Assad's whereabouts were not immediately clear, but his key backer Russia said he had resigned from the presidency and left Syria.
Residents in the capital were seen cheering in the streets as the rebel factions heralded the departure of "tyrant" Assad, saying: "We declare the city of Damascus free."
AFPTV footage showed a column of smoke rising from central Damascus, and AFP correspondents in the city saw dozens of men, women and children wandering through Assad's luxurious home after it had been looted.
The rooms of the residence had been left completely empty, save some furniture and a portrait of Assad discarded on the floor, while an entrance hall at the presidential palace not far away had been torched.
"I can't believe I'm living this moment," tearful Damascus resident Amer Batha told AFP by phone.
"We've been waiting a long time for this day," he said, adding: "We are starting a new history for Syria."
Assad's reported departure comes less than two weeks after the Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group challenged more than five decades of Assad family rule with a lightning offensive.
"After 50 years of oppression under Baath rule, and 13 years of crimes and tyranny and (forced) displacement... we announce today the end of this dark period and the start of a new era for Syria," the rebel factions said on Telegram.
While there has been no communication from Assad or his entourage on his whereabouts, Prime Minister Mohammed al-Jalali said he was ready to cooperate with "any leadership chosen by the Syrian people".
The head of war monitor the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Rami Abdel Rahman, told AFP: "Assad left Syria via Damascus international airport before the army security forces left" the facility.
AFP has been unable to independently verify some of the information provided by the different parties, including the reported departure.
Around the country, people toppled statues of Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad's father and the founder of the system of government that he inherited.
For the past 50 years in Syria, even the slightest suspicion of dissent could land one in prison or get one killed.
As rebels entered the capital, HTS said its fighters broke into a jail on the outskirts of Damascus, announcing an "end of the era of tyranny in the prison of Sednaya", which has become a by-word for the darkest abuses of Assad's era.
The rapid developments came just hours after HTS said it had captured the strategic city of Homs, where prisoners were also released.
Homs was the third major city seized by the rebels, who began their advance on November 27, reigniting a years-long war that had become largely dormant.
US President Joe Biden was keeping a close eye on the "extraordinary events" unfolding in Syria, the White House said. He was scheduled to meet with his national security advisors over Syria.
US president-elect Donald Trump said that Assad had "fled his country" after losing Russia's backing.
Assad's rule had for years also been supported by Lebanese group Hezbollah, whose forces "vacated their positions around Damascus", a source close to it said yesterday.
Rebel factions aired a statement on Syrian state television, saying they had toppled the "tyrant" Assad and urged fighters and citizens to safeguard the "property of the free Syrian state".
State TV later broadcast a message proclaiming the "victory of the great Syrian revolution".
According to the rebels, the Islamist leader of HTS, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, arrived in Damascus yesterday.
HTS, which has roots in the Syrian branch of al-Qaeda, yesterday announced a curfew in Damascus until the following morning.
Proscribed as a terrorist organisation by Western governments, it has sought to soften its image in recent years, and has told minority groups living in areas it now controls not to worry.
Before yesterday's announcements, Damascus residents had described to AFP a state of panic as traffic jams clogged the city centre, with people seeking supplies and queueing to withdraw money.
But morning saw chants and cheering, with celebratory gunfire and shouts of "Syria is ours and not the Assad family's".
Before Damascus, a string of towns and cities, including the northern city of Aleppo, had fallen from Assad's hands.
In a sign of the complexity of Syria's war, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu yesterday said he had ordered the Israeli military to "seize" a demilitarised buffer zone on the border with Syria after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad in Damascus.
The Israeli premier said a 50-year-old "disengagement agreement" between the two countries had collapsed and "Syrian forces have abandoned their positions".
Israel yesterday struck Syrian army weapons depots on the outskirts of Damascus, according to the Observatory, which relies on a network of sources around the country.
Israeli strikes also targeted government security buildings in Damascus yesterday.
"Israeli strikes targeted a security complex in Damascus near the former regime's buildings" including intelligence, customs and a military headquarters, said the Observatory. An AFP photographer saw buildings ablaze in the security complex, which includes military intelligence.
Netanyahu said the overthrow of Assad was a "historic day in the... Middle East" and the fall of a "central link in Iran's axis of evil".
The rebel offensive began the very day a ceasefire took effect in Lebanon after nearly a year of war between Israel and Hezbollah.
The UN envoy for Syria said Syria was at "a watershed moment", while Turkey, which has historically backed the opposition, called for a "smooth transition".
Iran, a key backer of Assad throughout the civil war years, said it expected "friendly" ties with Syria to continue, even as its embassy in Damascus was vandalised.
Jordan urged its citizens to leave neighbouring Syria "as soon as possible", as have the United States and Russia, which both keep troops in Syria.
Since the rebels' offensive began, at least 826 people, mostly combatants but also including 111 civilians, have been killed, the Observatory said.
The United Nations said the violence has displaced 370,000 people.
Celebrations across Syria as rebels oust Assad; president ‘flees country’; nations urge stability
Photo: AFP Syrians celebrate the taking over of the capital Damascus by Syrian rebel fighters in Beirut's Triq al Jdideh neighbourhood on December 8, 2024.
Celebrations erupted around Syria and crowds ransacked President Bashar al-Assad's luxurious home yesterday after Islamist-led rebels swept into Damascus and declared he had fled the country, in a spectacular end to five decades of Baath party rule.
Assad's whereabouts were not immediately clear, but his key backer Russia said he had resigned from the presidency and left Syria.
Residents in the capital were seen cheering in the streets as the rebel factions heralded the departure of "tyrant" Assad, saying: "We declare the city of Damascus free."
AFPTV footage showed a column of smoke rising from central Damascus, and AFP correspondents in the city saw dozens of men, women and children wandering through Assad's luxurious home after it had been looted.
The rooms of the residence had been left completely empty, save some furniture and a portrait of Assad discarded on the floor, while an entrance hall at the presidential palace not far away had been torched.
"I can't believe I'm living this moment," tearful Damascus resident Amer Batha told AFP by phone.
"We've been waiting a long time for this day," he said, adding: "We are starting a new history for Syria."
Assad's reported departure comes less than two weeks after the Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group challenged more than five decades of Assad family rule with a lightning offensive.
"After 50 years of oppression under Baath rule, and 13 years of crimes and tyranny and (forced) displacement... we announce today the end of this dark period and the start of a new era for Syria," the rebel factions said on Telegram.
While there has been no communication from Assad or his entourage on his whereabouts, Prime Minister Mohammed al-Jalali said he was ready to cooperate with "any leadership chosen by the Syrian people".
The head of war monitor the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Rami Abdel Rahman, told AFP: "Assad left Syria via Damascus international airport before the army security forces left" the facility.
AFP has been unable to independently verify some of the information provided by the different parties, including the reported departure.
Around the country, people toppled statues of Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad's father and the founder of the system of government that he inherited.
For the past 50 years in Syria, even the slightest suspicion of dissent could land one in prison or get one killed.
As rebels entered the capital, HTS said its fighters broke into a jail on the outskirts of Damascus, announcing an "end of the era of tyranny in the prison of Sednaya", which has become a by-word for the darkest abuses of Assad's era.
The rapid developments came just hours after HTS said it had captured the strategic city of Homs, where prisoners were also released.
Homs was the third major city seized by the rebels, who began their advance on November 27, reigniting a years-long war that had become largely dormant.
US President Joe Biden was keeping a close eye on the "extraordinary events" unfolding in Syria, the White House said. He was scheduled to meet with his national security advisors over Syria.
US president-elect Donald Trump said that Assad had "fled his country" after losing Russia's backing.
Assad's rule had for years also been supported by Lebanese group Hezbollah, whose forces "vacated their positions around Damascus", a source close to it said yesterday.
Rebel factions aired a statement on Syrian state television, saying they had toppled the "tyrant" Assad and urged fighters and citizens to safeguard the "property of the free Syrian state".
State TV later broadcast a message proclaiming the "victory of the great Syrian revolution".
According to the rebels, the Islamist leader of HTS, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, arrived in Damascus yesterday.
HTS, which has roots in the Syrian branch of al-Qaeda, yesterday announced a curfew in Damascus until the following morning.
Proscribed as a terrorist organisation by Western governments, it has sought to soften its image in recent years, and has told minority groups living in areas it now controls not to worry.
Before yesterday's announcements, Damascus residents had described to AFP a state of panic as traffic jams clogged the city centre, with people seeking supplies and queueing to withdraw money.
But morning saw chants and cheering, with celebratory gunfire and shouts of "Syria is ours and not the Assad family's".
Before Damascus, a string of towns and cities, including the northern city of Aleppo, had fallen from Assad's hands.
In a sign of the complexity of Syria's war, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu yesterday said he had ordered the Israeli military to "seize" a demilitarised buffer zone on the border with Syria after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad in Damascus.
The Israeli premier said a 50-year-old "disengagement agreement" between the two countries had collapsed and "Syrian forces have abandoned their positions".
Israel yesterday struck Syrian army weapons depots on the outskirts of Damascus, according to the Observatory, which relies on a network of sources around the country.
Israeli strikes also targeted government security buildings in Damascus yesterday.
"Israeli strikes targeted a security complex in Damascus near the former regime's buildings" including intelligence, customs and a military headquarters, said the Observatory. An AFP photographer saw buildings ablaze in the security complex, which includes military intelligence.
Netanyahu said the overthrow of Assad was a "historic day in the... Middle East" and the fall of a "central link in Iran's axis of evil".
The rebel offensive began the very day a ceasefire took effect in Lebanon after nearly a year of war between Israel and Hezbollah.
The UN envoy for Syria said Syria was at "a watershed moment", while Turkey, which has historically backed the opposition, called for a "smooth transition".
Iran, a key backer of Assad throughout the civil war years, said it expected "friendly" ties with Syria to continue, even as its embassy in Damascus was vandalised.
Jordan urged its citizens to leave neighbouring Syria "as soon as possible", as have the United States and Russia, which both keep troops in Syria.
Since the rebels' offensive began, at least 826 people, mostly combatants but also including 111 civilians, have been killed, the Observatory said.
The United Nations said the violence has displaced 370,000 people.
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