[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

DMP ramps up security measures

667 patrol teams deployed, 71 checkpoints set up in the city to tackle crimes in the last 24 hours

www.thedailystar.net

DMP ramps up security measures
667 patrol teams deployed, 71 checkpoints set up in city

Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has significantly boosted security measures and operations in the capital in the last 24 hours to improve law and order.

According to a press release issued by DMP's media wing, 667 patrol teams were deployed and 71 checkpoints were set up in the city to tackle crimes.

During the intensified drive, law enforcers also arrested 239 individuals for various crimes, including robbery, extortion, drug dealing, and theft, it reads.

According to the DMP's Crime Command and Control Centre, the patrol teams operated in two shifts, with 340 teams active at night and 327 during the day. These included 479 mobile patrol teams, 73 foot patrol teams, and 115 motorcycle patrol teams. Additionally, 71 strategic checkpoints were set up at key locations.

Different law enforcement units, including the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit, the Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU), and the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), were also deployed alongside regular police forces. The Armed Police Battalion (APBn) operated 20 additional checkpoints to bolster security measures.

During the special operation, law enforcers recovered various weapons, including two metal rods, a hammer, a machete, a cleaver, five knives, ten switchblades, a metal knuckle duster, and two crude bombs.

Additionally, a significant amount of illegal drugs was seized, including 41.65 kg of cannabis, 307 yaba pills, 36 grams of heroin, and 33 bottles of locally brewed liquor.

Among those arrested, seven were identified as robbers, 20 as professional muggers, four as extortionists, 10 as thieves, and 17 as known drug dealers. Twenty-three individuals with warrants issued against their names were also apprehended.

DMP filed 73 cases in connection with the arrests and assured that legal action was being taken against the arrestees.

"The safety and security of Dhaka's residents remain our top priority. We will continue our operations to ensure a crime-free city," said Deputy Police Commissioner Muhammad Talebur Rahman PPM, from DMP's Media and Public Relations Division.

DMP has urged citizens to remain vigilant and cooperate with law enforcement to maintain peace and order in the capital.​

 

[Saif]

Auxiliary police force: DMP appoints 500 security guards

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has appointed around 500 security personnel working in various residential areas, markets, and shopping centres across the capital as members of the “Auxiliary Police Force”.

www.thedailystar.net

Auxiliary police force: DMP appoints 500 security guards
Experts emphasise supervision

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has appointed around 500 security personnel working in various residential areas, markets, and shopping centres across the capital as members of the "Auxiliary Police Force".

The appointments were given under Section 10 of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1976, by DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali.

The ordinance, under its "Constitution and Organisation of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police" section, empowers the police commissioner to appoint auxiliary officers to assist law enforcement when additional support is required.

Subsection (2)(b) of Section 10 further stipulates that auxiliary officers, upon appointment, shall have the same powers, immunities, duties, and authority as regular police officers.

The designated auxiliary members will be legally protected, similar to regular police officers.

"If anyone obstructs an auxiliary member from performing their duties or attacks them, legal action will be taken against the offender," SN Nazrul Islam, additional commissioner (crime and operations) of DMP, told The Daily Star.

The auxiliary members will be able to make arrests: they will hand over detainees to the designated police patrol team or the nearest police station, and the police will then investigate the complaint, and after a preliminary inquiry, lawful action will be taken based on the findings.

Asked about the selection process, Nazrul said the DMP has identified malls and markets that already have private security guards.

"We appointed the team leaders of these security guards as auxiliary force members," he said.

In residential areas, the DMP focused on localities and alleys where security guards lock the gates after a specific time. "We have chosen these guards as members of the auxiliary police force."

When asked whether the auxiliary officers would receive training, Nazrul said the initiative is temporary.

"We will not provide any training. They will only wear a band labelled 'Auxiliary Police Force' on their arms."

Addressing concerns of misuse of power, Nazrul assured that strict monitoring mechanisms are in place.

"Our patrol teams and local police stations will supervise the activities of auxiliary members round the clock. If any member is found abusing their authority, their appointment will be terminated immediately."

Nazrul said the move aims to bring a large number of security guards working in malls and residential areas under greater accountability.

"We want to boost their confidence as they act as associates of the police in ensuring security. Once their work receives legal protection, petty crimes in alleys and marketplaces are expected to decrease, enhancing overall security," he said.

Earlier on Saturday, DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali said that the initiative was introduced to enhance security during Ramadan and Eid shopping, as many shopping centres will remain open late into the night.

Experts have welcomed the move but emphasised the importance of supervision, background verification, and training to ensure its effectiveness.

Many private security organisations employ retired armed forces personnel and former police officers, according to Nurul Huda, a former inspector general of police.

"A significant number of these individuals have experience in firearm handling and minor investigations. This makes them a ready force, whereas recruiting and training new personnel properly would take at least six to nine months."

Supervision is essential to ensure that those appointed are properly vetted, Huda said.

Verification must be done to confirm their background, and if there are any training gaps, they can be addressed in seven to ten days.

He acknowledged that there is added pressure due to Ramadan as security duties increase during this time.

"Shopping malls remain open late and ensuring security with standard eight-hour shifts requires three shifts per day to meet international standards."

Besides, many key police positions in the DMP are now occupied by newly appointed officers.

"Handling law enforcement in a metropolitan city like Dhaka requires extensive local knowledge and a well-established information network, which some new officials may still be developing," he said.

He remains optimistic about this initiative.

"Rather than dismissing this as a failure, it should be seen as an experiment. If it proves effective, it could be a model for future security arrangements."​

 

[Saif]

A questionable move by DMP

Giving security guards police power raises concerns

www.thedailystar.net

A questionable move by DMP
Giving security guards police power raises concerns

VISUAL: STAR

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police's (DMP) decision to empower private security personnel with the power to detain individuals suspected of crimes has raised concerns. While its objective—to bolster security during Ramadan and Eid—seems reasonable, the delegation of such powers to untrained private guards risks creating more problems than it solves. Under this initiative, as revealed by the DMP commissioner recently, guards deployed in shopping malls, residential areas, and markets—potential crime hotspots during festival/holiday seasons—will serve as members of an "Auxiliary Police Force," wearing official bands and having the power to make arrests if necessary. Already, the appointment of around 500 such police assistants has been confirmed.

The move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The question here is not about the legality of the move—which is being taken under the DMP Ordinance, 1976—but rather its security and accountability risks. First of all, the move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The DMP commissioner has stated that auxiliary officers will be "legally protected" like police officers, but does that mean they will also be held to the same accountability standards? If an auxiliary officer makes an unjust arrest or uses excessive force, will they face the same consequences as a regular officer? There's a potential legal grey area that could lead to chaos and further insecurity. We must say that this decision reflects poorly on the DMP's capacity to do its job. The commissioner has cited the limited number of police personnel and the need to grant officers leave for Eid as justifications for the move. While we acknowledge the resource constraints amid increasing street crimes, the answer is not to outsource policing, however temporarily, to private security personnel.

The DMP should be credited for boosting security measures in the capital in recent days. According to its media wing, 667 patrol teams have been deployed and 71 checkpoints have been set up to tackle crimes. While this and other factors have likely stretched the force thin, the decision to delegate police powers to private guards is almost as troubling as the Awami League government's move to grant similar powers to Ansar shortly before the 2024 election. Similar misuse concerns also arose after the interim government granted magistracy powers to commissioned army officers in September. So, instead of hastily delegating such powers, what the DMP should do is focus on strengthening its own capacity.​

 

[Saif]

Hotline launched at Police HQ to prevent violence against women

A hotline service has been launched at Police Headquarters to take swift action against women repression, aggressive gestures towards women, slander, eve teasing and sexual harassment.

en.prothomalo.com

Hotline launched at Police HQ to prevent violence against women
UNB
Dhaka
Published: 10 Mar 2025, 18: 42

Bangladesh Police logo

A hotline service has been launched at Police Headquarters to take swift action against women repression, aggressive gestures towards women, slander, eve teasing and sexual harassment.

If such an incidents happen anywhere in the country, complaints can be made to the hotline numbers which will be available round the clock, said a media release issued on Monday.

The hotline numbers are—01320002001, 01320002002 and 01320002222.

Besides, the Police Cyber Support for Women Facebook page is still operational to provide legal services and protection to the victims of cybercrimes.

Bangladesh Police follows a zero-tolerance policy to maintain law and order and prevent crime as well as prevent repression on women and children.

It also is committed to taking appropriate legal actions against the repressors of women and children, said the release.​

 

[Saif]

No alternative to democratic reforms of police force

THE way the police have relied on violence to disperse an anti-rape march towards the residence of the chief adviser demanding a more decisive role in ending violence against women is a shocking reminder of the role that the police played during the July uprising. The anti-rape march was one of...

www.newagebd.net

No alternative to democratic reforms of police force
13 March, 2025, 00:00

THE way the police have relied on violence to disperse an anti-rape march towards the residence of the chief adviser demanding a more decisive role in ending violence against women is a shocking reminder of the role that the police played during the July uprising. The anti-rape march was one of many protests taking place over the rape of a child in Magura, fighting for life in a hospital in Dhaka. On March 11, as the protesters reached the crossing beside the InterContinental Hotel, the police charged with truncheons, leaving at least 21 people, including a few police personnel, injured. The protesters pressed home their nine-point demand, including the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. Protesters allege that the police not only attacked but also grabbed women by the hair and kicked and punched them in the face. Some photographs of police violence substantiate the claims. The police may need to disperse marches for law and order and there may be hostile elements within the protests, but that does not justify the police action.

Anti-rape protesters have been organising for a morally and politically just cause for several weeks. Since the interim government assumed office in August 2024, among the incidents that gained public attention are the assault on sex workers in Dhaka, attacks on woman tourists in Cox’s Bazar, violence over a girl’s football match in Jaipurhat and the harassment of two young women over smoking in public. The government has recently made a few arrests in the cases, but only after nationwide protests criticising its failure to recognise the surge in anti-women, right-wing activism. It is also concerning that the police played the role of spectators when an organised ‘mob’ held a sit-in programme at a police station to free a person accused of harassing a Dhaka University student from police custody but chose violence to disperse anti-rape protesters. Similar high-handedness was also witnessed against recommended primary schoolteachers in February. The high-handedness, therefore, suggests a certain bias on part of the police force and further contributes to their anti-people image.

The recurring incident of violent policing of protests in the changed political context, when police reforms are said to be a priority of the interim government, is deeply disappointing. The interim government should, therefore, initiate an investigation to identify how matters of pacifying peaceful protests turned into a targeted attack against certain protesters. In the long run, the government should ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​

 

[Saif]

Police must abandon violence, harassment for crowd control

DESPITE support and care from authorities, particularly the healthcare providers, the eight-year-old rape victim from Magura lost the battle for life in Combined Military Hospital in Dhaka on March 13 while anti-rape protests raged. Four accused in this case are arrested and the law minister...

www.newagebd.net

Police must abandon violence, harassment for crowd control
14 March, 2025, 00:00

DESPITE support and care from authorities, particularly the healthcare providers, the eight-year-old rape victim from Magura lost the battle for life in Combined Military Hospital in Dhaka on March 13 while anti-rape protests raged. Four accused in this case are arrested and the law minister assured a speedy trial of the case but the movement against rape continued as the government has failed to respond in other recent cases of violence against women. Protesters demand a systemic change in the legal system, which includes the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. The government so far has taken no steps to address the systemic concerns but appeared hostile towards the protesters. The police have not only violently dispersed an anti-rape march towards the chief adviser’s residence but have also filed a case against the protesters, 12 named and 90 unnamed, for allegedly ‘attacking the police.’ The interim government has relied on the same strategy of police violence and legal harassment against protesters that the deposed Awami League used to silence people’s demand for justice.

Anti-rape movements for a systemic change and undoing patriarchal biases in state and society leading to victim blaming is more than justified given the way a harasser was recently publicly welcomed with a garland while the police appeared helpless before a ‘mob’. The police in a statement on March 12 also claimed in the case statement against the protesters that they were attacked and seven of their personnel were injured. Contrary to police claims, the protesters said that plainclothes police personnel tried to instigate violence from within the rally and became violent. On other occasions recently, the police used similar high-handedness to disperse crowds. The police on March 12 dispersed a section of non-government primary schoolteachers using water cannons and charged at them with truncheons. In January, an ordinary man fell victim to police violence as he was mistaken for a protester demanding the constitutional recognition of the ethnic minorities. Sadly, police behaviour shows a clear bias against the students and a large section of the people who made the end of the authoritarian Awami regime possible.

For the police to win public trust, they must abandon the strategy of violence and legal harassment of the deposed authoritarian regime. The interim government that claims police reforms as its priority agenda should investigate to establish how matters of pacifying a peaceful protest became a targeted attack on certain protesters. The government must also ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​

 

[Saif]

Police aggrieved with recommendations, top officials to meet Chief Adviser

Discontent has been created in the police force regarding certain recommendations of the Police Reform Commission as well as its omission of several essential proposals. One of the primary concerns is the setting up of an independent police commission.

en.prothomalo.com

Reform commission report

Police aggrieved with recommendations, top officials to meet Chief Adviser
Mahmudul Hasan
Dhaka
Updated: 16 Mar 2025, 18: 32

Discontent has been created in the police force regarding certain recommendations of the Police Reform Commission as well as its omission of several essential proposals. One of the primary concerns is the setting up of an independent police commission.

According to relevant sources, discussions were held on the necessity of forming an independent police commission to ensure the professional and politically neutral operation of the force. However, the reform commission did not come up with any specific framework in this regard.

Instead, it stated that expert opinions should be sought and a thorough process of “examination and evaluation” should be undertaken before reaching a decision.

Additionally, there is dissatisfaction within the force over the absence of recommendations for the establishment of an independent complaints commission to oversee police misconduct. Furthermore, the exclusion of police reform from the agenda of the National Consensus Commission has also contributed to the discontent among the police.

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus will sit with the police officials from various levels on Monday regarding this.

According to relevant sources, during this meeting, police officers will present their concerns regarding the limitations and challenges they face in maintaining law and order and managing the force.

Additionally, they will bring to the government’s attention the perceived shortcomings of the reform commission’s “weak” report, particularly its failure to address key aspects of necessary reforms.

Police sources have confirmed that the meeting will take place at the Chief Adviser’s office, with attendance from all district superintendents of police (SP), range DIGs (Deputy Inspector of Police), metropolitan police commissioners, heads of all units, three DIGs from the police headquarters, all additional IGPs and the IGP.

The Chief Adviser will deliver a directive speech to the senior police officials there.

On 12 March, the police headquarters issued a formal letter informing the concerned officials about the meeting with the Chief Adviser. Prothom Alo talked to 13 invited officials and gleaned information regarding the topics of discussions and concerns that the police force will raise.

Several police officials, on condition of anonymity, have stated that they wish to inform the Chief Adviser about the reasons behind the police force’s excessive actions during the previous government’s tenure.

They also intend to emphasise that unless an independent authority is established to oversee police operations, similar situations could arise in the future. Therefore, despite the absence of such provisions in the reform commission’s recommendations, the officials will urge the Chief Adviser to take necessary steps towards implementing essential reforms, including the formation of an independent police commission.

However, when asked about Monday’s meeting, IGP Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo, “The Chief Adviser will deliver a directive speech to us at his office. We hope this will further inspire the police force.”

Objections over commission’s recommendation and role
Before the fall of the Awami League government due to the student-people uprising, a section within the police fired indiscriminately, resulting in the deaths of numerous individuals.

Consequently, following the formation of the interim government, demands arose for the establishment of an “independent police commission” to ensure the police remain impartial and free from external influence.

On 3 October last year, the interim government formed the Police Reform Commission, which submitted its report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on 15 January.

The student representative in the reform commission advocated for the establishment of a separate commission for the police.

The reform commission’s report stated that there was a general consensus on the necessity of forming a neutral and independent police commission.

It recommended that expert opinions should determine whether the proposed police commission would function as a statutory body under the law or be incorporated within the constitutional framework.

Furthermore, the report highlighted the need for further scrutiny and analysis regarding the commission’s structure, scope of work, constitutional or legal obligations and other relevant considerations.

Police have expressed strong objections to this section of the report. They believe that the Police Reform Commission has disregarded public demands in its recommendations.

The officials argue that the commission itself was formed with expert members and yet, its recommendations call for further expert opinions. This, they claim, raises questions about the commission’s role and competence. Furthermore, many officers consider the mention of “examination, evaluation and analysis” as a strategy to delay the reform process.

A senior police official, wishing not to disclose identity, told Prothom Alo, “The core issue within the police force is unlawful orders and political influence. This influence stems primarily from recruitment, transfers, promotions and postings. If these matters were handled by an independent police commission, political interference in the police force would be significantly reduced.”

“Under the current system, where the police remain under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Home Affairs, true reform will never be achieved,” the official insisted.

On 12 February, the government formed the National Consensus Commission, chaired by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to review and implement the recommendations of various reform commissions.

The official notification stated that police reform recommendations would also be considered. However, the Consensus Commission subsequently began working on the recommendations of the other five commissions, excluding the Police Reform Commission.

At a press conference on 10 March, Consensus Commission vice-chairman Ali Riaz stated that key recommendations from the five commissions had been organised into a structured framework.

However, the recommendations of the Police Reform Commission were not included in this framework.

He further mentioned that the Police Reform Commission believes its proposals can be implemented through the existing administrative system.

This statement, made by the Police Reform Commission, led by former secretary Safar Raj Hossain, has sparked displeasure among police officials. Many believe that suggesting police reform through administrative measures undermines the expectations of meaningful reforms within the force, potentially stalling progress.

What kind of commission did the police want to see?

As the governing authority, the police had submitted certain recommendations to the reform commission regarding the structure of the police commission. According to these recommendations, the police commission would be considered a statutory, independent and impartial body.

The commission would comprise of 11 members, with the chairperson being either a retired justice of the Appellate Division or a retired IGP. The members of the police commission would be appointed, elected or nominated on either a permanent or part-time basis.

In consultation with the Speaker of the National Parliament, the leader of the house and the leader of the opposition, four members of parliament would be nominated as commission members. Among these four, two would be from the ruling party, one from the main opposition party and one to be nominated through consensus among the other parties.

The tenure of both political and non-political members would be four years and no individual would be eligible for a second term.

Four remaining non-political members of the police commission would be selected from various professions based on the recommendations of a selection committee. These members would include a legal expert, a retired IGP, an expertise in sociology or policing and human rights activists.

However, at least one of these four individuals must be a woman. The remaining two members would be the secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs and the IGP serving as the member secretary of the commission.

The commission would also have a three-member complaints management committee. This committee would primarily function as the appellate authority for the existing complaint management system concerning the police.

A senior official from the police headquarters informed Prothom Alo that the most crucial aspect of police reform was the establishment of an independent police commission. The police had submitted a comprehensive and impartial proposal to the reform commission in this regard, which could have been modified as necessary. However, instead of proceeding with these recommendations, the reform commission suggested further analysis and evaluation of the police commission’s formation. The situation appears as though another commission would need to be formed simply to assess their recommendations!

* The report, originally published in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo, has been rewritten in English by Nuzhat Tabassum​

 

[Saif]

Yunus orders police to ensure women's safety

Yunus also asked police to ensure safety of minorities

www.thedailystar.net

Yunus orders police to ensure women's safety

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus asked the police to give special attention to women's safety.

Asking the police to take all out efforts to maintain law and order, Yunus said police should have special focus on ensuring women's safety, while addressing a special meeting of senior police officers at his office in Tejgaon earlier today.

"We must focus on the issues related to law and order, particularly on women's safety, which has become a critical topic of discussion. Ensuring the protection of women is an very serious task," he said.

"This problem has spread rapidly across society due to our negligence. Half of our country's population has become helpless, with no one to pay attention to them."

"Women are even afraid to walk on the streets… They are unsure of where to look -- should they look up or look down? They are unsure of what clothes they would wear," he said.

"If your daughter walks down the street, in fear... How can this be acceptable?"

As fathers, brothers, and family members, all have a personal responsibility to ensure their safety, he said.

"Beyond that, as police officers, we hold the greatest responsibility. The law has given every citizen their rights, and it is our duty to uphold women's rights," he added.

Yunus also asked police to ensure safety of minorities. The issue of minorities is equally important, he said adding that it was a responsibility to ensure all the rights granted to them by the constitution. "The police must uphold that."

The law enforcers also have a responsibility to ensure the safety of individuals, or to protect the helpless and the poor from the powerful, he added.​

 

[Saif]

We’re global players, not for smaller grounds: Chief Adviser

Bangladesh as a country is a global player; it is not for smaller grounds. Everyone has to play as a team to build the Bangladesh we dreamt and aspired to. Teamwork is essential. And, the police is the most important among the teams Bangladesh has.

en.prothomalo.com

We’re global players, not for smaller grounds: Chief Adviser
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 17 Mar 2025, 21: 48

Chief Adviser professor Muhammad Yunus File photo

Bangladesh as a country is a global player; it is not for smaller grounds. Everyone has to play as a team to build the Bangladesh we dreamt and aspired to. Teamwork is essential. And, the police is the most important among the teams Bangladesh has.

Chief Adviser professor Muhammad Yunus made the remarks while addressing a special meeting regarding law and order situation with 127 top police officials at the chief adviser’s office in the capital’s Tejgaon area Monday.

“We are global players; Bangladesh is not for smaller grounds. As I said, Bangladesh is a beautiful country. Those of us from that country who play at the global level, people clap watching us. Bangladesh has now started. We want this, that, and we could do that.… We can really do certain things. We have that scope. I’m trying to speak about that scope time and again. Let us take the chances,” he said at the meeting.

Speaking about what is to be done by the police force of new Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus said, “There is no point in thinking about the past. We are ready for the new and we will show that. There is no need to speak about it. Through our work we will say, yes, this is the new police force of new Bangladesh. Everyone will praise that, yes, that’s quite an achievement; and those around would say, true bhai, you have proved your point. We did not think, police could achieve such a feat. The police could think a bit because, the image about the police is that they offer the bad things first, do the bad. We shall consider the good and do good before anything else.”

The Chief Adviser further said, “Overall, the force is a structure. This structure has a huge power; if we could employ this power for better. What I want to say is, to convey that let’s take this chance. Let’s begin a discussion on what we need to do. This is teamwork. It is not that an adviser issues an order and you just carried that out. Everyone will have to play like a team. And, you ‘the police force’ are the most important of all the teams Bangladesh have.”

‘Not possible to build country bypassing the police’

It is not possible to build the country bypassing or ignoring the police force, the Chief Adviser of the interim government thinks.

According to him, the police are the frontliners. Police mean law and order. Neither a huge amount of money nor great thoughts will take you somewhere without this law and order.

“Whatever the government wants to do, in whatever way it wants to adopt, at the end of the day, it has to be done through the police. They are the frontliners. They create the environment. Nothing can be done if the environment is not there,” he stated.

The Chief Adviser said, “While speaking about the police we’ve reiterated two things - law and order; this is the police. Creating a legal environment. If there is no law, nothing could last, whether it is the government or democracy, rights of the citizens. This is the main thing. We can’t build a country by either ignoring or bypassing the police. They are the frontliners. When they create the ground, everything else can be done.”

Stating that Bangladesh is a country with a huge potential, the Chief Adviser said, “We are not being able to realise that potential, getting stuck somewhere. Today we have got a scope, a huge scope to realise that potential. And, the July uprising created the scope. Let’s not lose this chance. It is easier to lose; It gets lost within a moment. We shall try with whatever we have; we hope those who come in the future will also try; let’s lay the foundations for the path. If they move along that path the potential will be realised.”​

 

[Saif]

Equip highway police properly

They must be able to prevent crimes on the highways

www.thedailystar.net

Equip highway police properly
They must be able to prevent crimes on the highways

We are concerned about the challenges Highway Police have been facing in performing their duties. Reportedly, this special unit of the police—established nearly two decades ago to ensure public safety on the highways—is struggling to prevent frequent robberies and other crimes due to insufficient manpower, inadequate logistical support, and the absence of a modern, technology-driven policing system. Headquartered in a rented house in Uttara, it faces an acute shortage of personnel and vehicles, making highway patrolling difficult. Without such basic support, how are they expected to prevent crimes?

Over the past few months, highway robberies have increased alarmingly, with armed gangs frequently ambushing buses, trucks, and private vehicles, especially at night. Regional roads have become particularly vulnerable after dark, with returning expatriates, businessmen, and goods-laden trucks being the most frequent targets of these criminal gangs. According to data from the Police Headquarters, 171 robbery cases were recorded in January and 153 in February, marking a significant rise from this period last year. For instance, on February 17, there was a major incident in which a gang hijacked a bus near Mirzapur, Tangail, assaulting passengers and looting valuables. On February 21, armed criminals robbed passengers and drivers on the Dhaka-Sylhet highway. Many similar incidents have been reported in the media of late. Unfortunately, the Highway Police failed to play the role expected of them in preventing such incidents.

The Highway Police has an estimated 90 vehicles and around 3,000 personnel to cover over 3,000 kilometres of highways across Bangladesh, while they actually need at least 250 vehicles and 6,000 officers. Many police stations or outposts do not even have a single patrol vehicle, forcing officers to patrol on foot or in rented vehicles. Moreover, a shortage of arms and ammunition has further weakened them. Additionally, the force's wireless communication system has a range of just two kilometres, severely hindering coordination among units. These are some of the major challenges facing officers and contributing to the deteriorating safety situation on the highways.

We, therefore, urge the government to strengthen this unit by addressing all the challenges urgently so that they can do their job properly. The recent incidents of robberies have left citizens extremely worried. Only a well-organised and properly equipped police force can ensure the safety of our highways.​

 

[Saif]

Reform commission suggests modern tech core for police force

The Bangladesh Police Reform Commission, in its January 2025 report, has outlined a series of measures aimed at modernising the country's law enforcement framework.

www.thedailystar.net

Reform commission suggests modern tech core for police force

Within this new division, the commission proposes the creation of four specialised units. Image: Reuters.

The Bangladesh Police Reform Commission, in its January 2025 report, has outlined a series of measures aimed at modernising the country's law enforcement framework.

While the report addresses longstanding concerns such as corruption, inefficiency, and public mistrust, it also places a significant emphasis on technological advancements as a means to improve policing capabilities. The commission has made various proposals on how to make Bangladesh Police more tech empowered.

Among the key recommendations is the formation of an 'ICT and Tech Core', a specialised division aimed at enhancing the police force's technological capabilities.

Future tech policing

The commission also envisions broader reforms through modern policing technologies, which could significantly enhance crime prevention, personal security, police mobility, public engagement, and investigative efficiency. It highlights the potential role of advanced digital forensics, DNA analysis, biometric identification, AI-driven crime detection, and cybersecurity measures. By shifting away from traditional confession-based investigations, the use of scientific and data-driven techniques could improve the speed and accuracy of criminal identification and case resolution.

To facilitate this shift, the report proposes the formation of an 'ICT and Tech Core' within the police force.

With over 214,000 personnel spread across 20 specialised agencies, 41 training institutions, and multiple police hospitals and units, the commission argues that the establishment of a dedicated technology division is critical. This new core would be responsible for the acquisition, deployment, and maintenance of digital tools while also ensuring the cybersecurity of police operations. The ICT and Tech Core would function as a career service, with officers trained in digital security, forensic analysis, AI-driven crime detection, and software development.

Within this new division, the commission proposes the creation of four specialised units. The 'Cyber Threat/Crime Prevention Unit' would focus on digital security, using ethical hacking tools. Moreover, this unit will be equipped with the knowledge of big data analytical tools, AI, and fake news detection tools or softwares for academic development and specialised skills.

A 'Digital Forensic Unit' would handle the extraction and analysis of electronic evidence from devices, ensuring stronger legal proceedings against cyber criminals.

A 'Software Development and Maintenance Unit' would work towards reducing dependency on external vendors. According to the report, software purchased through vendors come at a very high price. Besides, it is unsafe to maintain these softwares through vendors. Therefore, if the software is developed and maintained by ICT manpower, it will save money as well as ensure data security. If software has to be purchased in some cases, then it will have to be purchased with the overall cooperation of this unit, states the report.

A 'Hardware and Network Monitoring Unit' would oversee IT infrastructure to enhance security and cost efficiency.

To support this transformation, the commission recommends the establishment of the proposed Centre for Police Research and Development (CPRD). The report also mentions that Police Staff College and the Police Academy may initially collaborate in manpower and necessary equipment for research and development. However, the long term establishment for an independent facility could be subject to budget availability from the government.

One of the notable proposals in the report is the potential introduction of 'Police bots', or humanoid robots, into law enforcement activities. The commission has suggested that these bots could initially be deployed on an experimental basis for bomb disposal.​

 

[Saif]

Tackling police corruption

CORRUPTION is deeply rooted, affecting nearly every sector, including law enforcement. Police corruption, marked by bribery, the abuse of power, political interference and extortion, has eroded public trust, weakened the justice system and fostered a culture of impunity. This not only hampers...

www.newagebd.net

Tackling police corruption
21 March, 2025, 00:00

Recommendations of the commission on police administrative reforms lack depth, structural solutions and robust enforcement strategies, writes Md Motiar Rahman

CORRUPTION is deeply rooted, affecting nearly every sector, including law enforcement. Police corruption, marked by bribery, the abuse of power, political interference and extortion, has eroded public trust, weakened the justice system and fostered a culture of impunity. This not only hampers law enforcement but also obstructs justice, fuels social injustice and strengthens criminal networks. Without meaningful reforms, stricter accountability and ethical governance, the police force will remain inefficient and distrusted, undermining efforts to uphold the rule of law and maintain social stability.

Although corruption is widespread across all sectors, the public still expects the police to remain steadfast guardians of integrity. The deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina once said that even an orderly in the Prime Minister’s Office had amassed an astonishing amount of Tk 400 crore. While corruption is widely acknowledged, people may not be overly concerned about the immense wealth accumulated by the orderly. However, the public holds justifiable expectations that those entrusted with upholding the law, as its enforcers and guardians, must embody unwavering honesty. Police officers must not only practise integrity but also cultivate trust by being perceived as honest. They should remain accountable to multiple bodies and the people, exemplifying the principles of justice and morality that they are sworn to protect.

The commission on police administrative reforms, established under the interim government, submitted a report. A chapter of the report addresses police corruption, drawing data from Transparency International, Bangladesh reports on corruption. It acknowledges that police corruption is deeply entrenched, manifesting in bribery, the abuse of power, extortion and collusion with criminals. A national survey conducted by Transparency International, Bangladesh identified the police as one of the most corrupt institutions, with its 2022 report saying that 74.4 per cent of law enforcement service recipients encountered corruption. The most corruption-prone areas include arrests (92.8 per cent), traffic-related issues (90.6 per cent), passport verification and police clearance processes (84.4 per cent), FIRs and case-related matters (80 per cent), general diary entries (58.7 per cent) and investigations (55.8 per cent). The figures highlight corruption within the police force’s institutional activities; unethical practices extend beyond its direct jurisdiction.


The commission’s report identifies nine sectors of police corruption, five within institutional police activities and four beyond internal police institutions. Bribery and financial misconduct are the most common, with citizens often paying bribes at various stages of legal proceedings. Extortion through threats and torture of the detained in custody is widespread. Recruitment and transfer trades involve significant bribery, with rumours of high payments for police positions. The misuse of power includes false arrests for extortion while traffic police corruption is also prevalent. Beyond institutional misconduct, corruption extends to road and highway extortion, control over illegal street vending and collusion with criminals, including involvement in illicit drug trade, human trafficking and illegal arms smuggling. Some officers detain individuals for ransom, with enforced disappearances and illegal house raids linked to such practices.

The a public opinion survey, ‘What kind of police do we want?’ that the commission conducted found that 84 per cent of respondents have said that they want police free of corruption and unethical practices. The commission could conduct an independent opinion survey, similar to the one by Transparency International, Bangladesh, to assess the types and patterns of corruption within the police. Such a survey would provide first-hand data, offering a more comprehensive understanding of systemic corruption rather than solely relying on the Transparency International, Bangladesh report. While the Transparency International findings are valuable, collating them with an additional survey would enhance credibility, ensure a more nuanced perspective and allow the identification of new trends or overlooked issues. During the peak of kleptocratic state authoritarianism, corruption was not only permitted but systematically encouraged and shielded through political and governance structures. Public sector corruption, especially in public procurement and project execution, worsened as key institutions responsible for combating corruption such as the Anti-Corruption Commission, the law enforcement agencies and the judiciary were politicised and rendered ineffective.

Moreover, the survey could show clearly that police officers who are associated with all these services are involved in corruption. However, the vast majority of the force has limited or no involvement in such practices. This approach would also help policymakers and the law enforcement agencies to design more effective, evidence-based reforms to combat corruption and improve accountability within the police force.

The reforms commission proposes an ‘all-party committee’ and a special task force to enhance transparency and combat police corruption. However, these measures face challenges such as politicisation, the conflicts of interest and undue influence over law enforcement. Ensuring neutrality in a politically charged environment would be difficult.

While a special task force could enforce accountability, its success depends on political will, independence and a strong legal mandate. Effective anti-corruption efforts require institutional reforms, strict enforcement mechanisms and whistleblower protection rather than relying solely on external committees. Transparency, non-partisanship and strong legal backing are essential for meaningful reforms.

The report highlights the presence of bribery in the recruitment process, particularly in the selection of constables and sub-inspectors/sergeants. While the police assert that they have implemented digital recruitment platforms featuring transparent selection criteria, automated screening and standardised evaluations to minimise human interference and manipulation, political influence persists just before the viva voce stage. The reforms commission has failed to detect this subtle political intervention. Additionally, the recruitment board for sub-inspectors and sergeants includes senior officials from the home affairs ministry.

The practice of police officers paying bribes for desirable postings and transfers is an open secret, deeply embedded in the bureaucratic and political landscape. Officers at various levels, from constables to ranking officials, often engage in unofficial financial transactions or leverage political connections to secure postings in lucrative or strategically advantageous locations. These sought-after positions, typically in urban areas or regions with significant commercial activity, provide opportunities for career advancement, financial benefits or enhanced influence. This corrupt system is fuelled by a network of intermediaries, including senior officials, politicians and brokers, who facilitate these transactions in exchange for monetary gains or reciprocal favours.

Similarly, the lack of a merit-based promotion system within the police force fosters a culture of corruption as officers who secure promotions through bribery or political influence often feel compelled to recover their financial investments through illicit means. Instead of being rewarded for competence, integrity and service, promotion frequently depends on personal connections, lobbying and the ability to pay substantial sums to influential figures within the administration or political circles. Corruption demoralises honest officers and creates a vicious cycle, where higher officials resort to extortion and bribery to sustain their power. This leads to institutionalised corruption, weakening accountability and public trust in law enforcement. The system discourages professionalism and ethics, ultimately compromising the police force’s effectiveness and credibility in maintaining law and order.

The commission has failed to recommend replacing the politicised and bribe-driven hiring system with an independent and transparent recruitment authority within its recruitment structure. Notably, its proposals do not include the establishment of an independent police service commission to oversee hiring and promotion nor do they advocate for a performance-based evaluation system to reduce officer’s reliance on bribery for career advancement. To address these critical issues, a fully autonomous police service commission should be created to ensure that recruitment and promotion are based on merit, rather than financial transactions or political influence. Furthermore, implementing a performance-based promotion system would incentivise professionalism, integrity and accountability within the force. By integrating these reforms, the law enforcement agencies could foster a fair and transparent system, ultimately winning public trust and enhancing overall efficiency in maintaining law and order.

The report has not addressed the issues of posting, transfer and promotion at mid-level and senior ranks done by the ministries. In practice, officers must demonstrate allegiance to the ruling political government, with their backgrounds vetted to ensure alignment with the party in power. Those who fail to meet these expectations are often relegated to less significant roles, hindering their career progression. Additionally, some officers secure promotion, postings and transfers through financial transactions. In such cases, the police headquarters functions merely as a conduit, forwarding proposals to the relevant ministry. These proposals then navigate an extensive bureaucratic process before receiving the highly sought-after endorsement: ‘By the order of the Honourable President’, ostensibly for the sake of public interests. The file then makes its way back through the ministry in a similar manner for the issuance of the government order.

The exchange, whether in cash or kind, takes place either at the beginning or the end of the deal. A portion of the funds that remain in Bangladesh is legitimised as white money by the end of the financial year, allowing for legal investment in various sectors to generate surplus value.

The remaining portion moves through various channels before ultimately being loaded onto the digital minstrel, Skylark. It then ascends higher and higher, never looking back, eventually crossing Bangladesh’s borders and reaching its final destinations — Begum Para in Canada, the United States, Australia, Dubai, Malaysia’s second home programme and, even, India.

Within the ministry, officials serve as both facilitators and beneficiaries of these transactions, acting as honest brokers in a well-entrenched nexus between civil bureaucrats and politicians. The commission has, however, failed to unravel this intricate web of corruption.

The commission acknowledges political influence as a key factor in police corruption but fails to propose strong safeguards against political pressure. Politically motivated appointment prioritises loyalty over merit, fostering corrupt alliances and undermining impartial law enforcement. The report lacks recommendations for a depoliticised appointment process to ensure professionalism and integrity in leadership.

Additionally, the police are often used for political repression, including arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearances and the suppression of opposition activists. Despite having recognised these issues, the report does not suggest legal safeguards to prevent such abuses. The lack of operational independence leaves the police vulnerable to external manipulation, allowing crimes by ruling party affiliates to go unchecked. Without clear autonomy mechanisms, public trust and law enforcement integrity remain compromised.

An effective solution to safeguard police operations from political influence is the establishment of a legally mandated independent police authority, ensuring impartiality and professionalism. Criminalising the political misuse of law enforcement and enforcing accountability would deter partisan manipulation. Additionally, parliamentary oversight through an independent committee could enhance transparency and maintain law enforcement’s focus on justice and public service. While police oversight is crucial for monitoring corruption, the commission has failed to strongly advocate for it, with only a student representative pushing for an independent police commission. The police headquarters supported a framework aligned with the 2007 draft police ordinance, but the home affairs ministry opposed it, highlighting conflicting views. Despite unanimous endorsement of an oversight body, the commission has avoided taking a firm stance on whether it should be statutory or constitutional, seemingly delaying action due to political complexities and resistance. Furthermore, the report overlooks the implementation of technology dashboard cameras, or GPS tracking, which could enhance transparency and prevent the abuse of power.

The report highlights custodial torture as a tool for extortion but lacks strong legal proposals to criminalise it. Illegal detentions persist due to weak penalties, allowing the police to demand bribes without fear of consequences. It also fails to address extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, often used for ransom, later disguised as ‘encounters’ without independent verification. The absence of forensic oversight and weak accountability mechanisms protect corrupt officers.

To combat these abuses, strict legal penalties, an independent judiciary and witness protection are necessary. Establishing independent forensic oversight units and mandatory digital recording in interrogation rooms can enhance transparency. However, success depends on political will, institutional independence and a cultural shift within law enforcement to uphold accountability and human rights.

The report acknowledges widespread bribery and financial corruption in the police force but lacks concrete measures to prevent illicit wealth accumulation. It fails to mandate asset disclosure, allowing corrupt officers to hide unexplained wealth and evade accountability. The absence of stringent financial oversight further enables misconduct, eroding public trust.

Additionally, the report overlooks procurement fraud, where corruption inflates costs for essential resources due to the lack of an e-procurement system. Traffic police bribery, affecting 90.6 per cent of cases, remains inadequately addressed, missing solutions like cashless fine collection and AI-driven surveillance to reduce officer-motorist interaction.

Even where the commission puts forward some recommendations, its failure to establish a clear timeline for implementation significantly undermines their potential impact. Without defined deadlines, proposed reforms can be indefinitely delayed or entirely ignored, allowing corruption to persist unchecked. A well-structured reform process requires phased implementation with measurable milestones, yet the report lacks any such road maps. This omission makes it easier for authorities to evade responsibility and for corrupt practices to continue without meaningful intervention. In the absence of a concrete action plan, even the most well-intentioned recommendations risk becoming empty promises rather than enforceable policies.

Additionally, the report does not address the critical issue of funding for anti-corruption initiatives or oversight by the Anti-Corruption Commission with leaving doubts about how proposed measures will be financially sustained. Meaningful reforms such as improved oversight and technological interventions require dedicated financial resources, yet the report fails to outline how such efforts will be financed. Furthermore, tackling police corruption demands a coordinated effort involving law enforcement agencies, the judiciary, the Anti-Corruption Commission and civil society. However, the report does not propose any framework for inter-agency collaboration, leaving reform efforts fragmented and ineffective. Without financial backing and a structured approach to coordination, the commission’s recommendations remain largely aspirational rather than actionable solutions to police corruption.

The commission’s report provides a sketchy analysis of corruption within the police and its recommendations lack depth, structural solutions and robust enforcement strategies. To effectively combat corruption, the authorities must adopt a multi-pronged approach that includes independent oversight bodies to investigate police misconduct, a depoliticised police service commission to regulate hiring, transfers and promotion and harsh penalties for custodial torture, bribery and procurement fraud. Additionally, mandatory digital transparency tools such as body cameras and online complaint systems should be implemented, along with a clear and time-bound strategy for enforcement. Without these comprehensive measures, police corruption will continue to erode public trust, undermine justice and perpetuate systemic impunity.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​