[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

Police logo set to be changed

As part of a series of initiatives to “open up” the police following the changeover in power, the force will now change its logo. Police Headquarters has already informed all units of the change in the logo through a letter. The “final” design will drop the sailboat feature

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Police logo set to be changed
bdnews24.com
Published :
Apr 11, 2025 15:52
Updated :
Apr 11, 2025 15:52

As part of a series of initiatives to “open up” the police following the changeover in power, the force will now change its logo.

Police Headquarters has already informed all units of the change in the logo through a letter. The “final” design will drop the sailboat featured prominently in the previous one.

The letter signed by the additional DIG (logistics) Nasima Begum of Police Headquarters on Thursday said, "In view of the decision taken to change the existing monogram/logo of Bangladesh Police, a new monogram/logo has been finalised. It has already been approved by the authorities and is awaiting an official notice."

The new logo will feature the national flower – the water lily. On either side of the lily will be a garland of wheat and paddy sheaves, the upper parts of which will be connected by three jute leaves. The word 'Police' will be written in Bengali at the bottom.

Police Headquarters has requested districts and units to prepare to change to the new logo for use in flags, signboards, uniforms and other items used by law enforcers so that it can be implemented properly as soon as the notification is issued.

The current police logo was finalised in 2009 after the Awami League came to power.

After Sheikh Hasina was ousted in the face of a student-led mass movement on Aug 5, police personnel were attacked in different parts of the country. The law enforcers refused to return to work for some time out of fear amid the lack of security. Later some returned to their police stations in plainclothes.

These returning officers expressed their anger over different issues and made an 11-point list of demands.

On Aug 11, the then home affairs advisor to the interim government met with representatives of the police personnel on strike at the Secretariat. In the meeting, they were assured that police uniforms would be changed according to their demands.

The next day, Police Headquarters formed a committee to change the uniform and logo of the force.

Home Affairs Advisor Jahangir Alam Chowdhury spoke about the changes in the police uniform on Jan 20.

After a meeting at the Secretariat that day, he told the media: "The decision to change the uniform has been made. For the police, for the RAB and the Ansar. Three uniforms have been selected. They will be implemented gradually. It cannot be done all at once."

At the start of the meeting, 18 police, Ansar and RAB personnel appeared wearing different uniforms. Three of them were later approved.

On Oct 3, the Police Reform Commission was formed under the leadership of former home affairs and public administration Secretary Safar Raj Hossain.

The report, submitted by the commission to Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus on Jan 15 included 14 recommendations.

It emphasised the need to increase the impartiality and accountability of the police, including the formation of a separate police commission, and the need for radical changes in the use of force, and practices of detention, arrest and interrogation. At the same time, it recommended the formulation of laws to protect victims and witnesses and the reassessment of the need for RAB.​

 

[Saif]

Police operations affected by vacancy in several top posts

The police force is operating with vacancies in several significant posts. Some 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs were removed from their respective stations

en.prothomalo.com

Police operations affected by vacancy in several top posts
​

• 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs are attached without any charge.​
• 82 top officials made OSD.​
• 57 police officials above the rank of ASP on the run.​
• Discontent among officials deprived of promotion.​

Mahmudul HasanDhaka
Published: 12 Apr 2025, 16: 17

There are some 22 posts of additional inspector general police (IGP) in Bangladesh Police. Only nine additional IGPs are in service at the moment. There are no permanent officials in the remaining posts. Apart from these 22 posts, there are seven more supernumerary posts of additional IGP. No one has been promoted to these posts either.

The police force is operating with vacancies in several significant posts. Some 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs were attached to different units after being removed from their respective stations. They are effectively almost inactive now. Most of these officials now come to office only for attendance. They do not stay at the office and are not involved in any operation of the force.

In the meantime, as many as 82 top police officials, including one additional IGP, were made OSD at once. Numerous police officials have been absconding since the fall of the Awami League government in the face of a mass uprising last year. Many of them are accused of opening fire on protesting students and people indiscriminately, killing and direct involvement in various controversial activities during the Awami League regime.

The entire police force has been greatly affected as a consequence of the vacancies in so many significant posts and the absence of officials due to OSD and other reasons. According to relevant officials, most police unit heads did not receive full responsibility as Additional IGPs. There are many units where the same official is carrying out several responsibilities simultaneously.

Adding to this is the discontent among police officials of promotions and posting. It is more prevalent among the officials who were deprived of regular promotions during the 15-year-rule of the Awami League. Most of these officials are close to retirement now. Procrastination over promotions could result in officials retiring without receiving any promotion, despite the many vacant posts.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a DIG of police told Prothom Alo, “Some junior officials were promoted to posts above us on political considerations. I was never given any major post in the last 15 years. Now, I am close to my retirement. I’ll have to retire as a DIG, if I am not promoted in the next few months.”

Another top official says he can feel the mental state of the deprived officers. However, he said, “There is more concern about promotions and postings rather than how to turn around the police force and improve the law and order situation, which is more important now.”

Important posts run as additional duty

At present, there are nine serving additional IGPs with full responsibility. The two posts of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) commissioner and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) director general (DG) are held by additional DIGs. These two posts are being filled up by two officials appointed on a contractual basis at the moment.

Apart from them, there are seven more additional IGPs. They are – Police Headquarters additional IGP (administration) Matiur Rahman Sheikh, additional IGP (development) Md Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury, Police Staff College rector Abu Hasan Muhammad Tarique, additional IGP (in the post of TR) Md Masudur Rahman Bhuiyan, River Police chief Kusum Dewan, Railway Police chief Sardar Tamijuddin Ahmed, Highway Police chief Md Delowar Hossain Mia and additional IGP (OSD) Mohammad Abdul Aleem Mahmud.

The entire police force has been greatly affected as a consequence of the vacancies in so many significant posts and the absence of officials due to OSD and other reasons. According to relevant officials, most police unit heads did not receive full responsibility as Additional IGPs. There are many units where the same official is carrying out several responsibilities simultaneously.

Although there are two grade-1 posts among the additional IGPs, none of the serving additional IGPs were given that. Recently, Criminal Investigation Department (CID) chief Md Matiur Rahman Sheikh was promoted as additional IGP (administration). However, he is yet to get grade-1.

Meanwhile, the post of CID chief became vacant with the transfer. CID director general Gazi Jashim Uddin is serving at the post as additional duty.

In many cases, it has been seen that the same person is serving two responsibilities. For instance, Police Headquarters additional IGP Md Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury is serving as the chief of the inspection and audit wing as additional duty in addition to being the chief of development wing. However, there are various discussions within the force regarding Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury, close relative of currently imprisoned former IGP Abdullah Al Mamun. He has been serving at the Police Headquarters for eight years.

Besides, the posts of different police unit chiefs including the head of the Special Branch (SB) and Industrial Police chief, which are held by IGPs, have been covered up by officials on additional duties. Relevant sources say all these officials are now eligible for a promotion.

Speaking regarding the vacant posts and non-promotion of eligible officials, IGP Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo that promotions in compliance with the police structure at all levels are under government consideration. Efficient officials will be promoted gradually to all vacant posts.

Other vacant posts

According to relevant police sources, a total of 347 posts including DIG, additional DIG, SP, ASP and assistant police supers are vacant at the moment.

Of these, 152 are posts of DIG rank (87 granted regular posts and 65 supernumerary posts). There are some 134 serving DIGs at the moment. Some 15 regular and 3 supernumerary posts of DIGs are vacant now.

There are some 341 posts of additional DIGs including 201 granted and 140 supernumerary posts. Of that, only one post is vacant. There are 59 granted and 150 supernumerary posts of SP. Only one of these posts is vacant at the moment.

Promotions in compliance with the police structure at all levels are under government consideration. Efficient officials will be promoted gradually to all vacant posts----Baharul Alam, IGP

However, there are 138 vacant posts among the 1,008 posts of additional police supers (ASPs) whereas 189 of the 1,231 posts of assistant SPs are vacant. However, there have been some changes in the figures in recent times, relevant sources said.

Many made OSD and attached

At least 30 police officials who were in top posts and had completed 25 years at service during the AL-rule have been sent to forced retirement. Besides, some 82 officials were made OSD and 119 were attached to police lines. However, many of these officials were beneficiaries of the autocratic regime and were involved in different controversial activities to facilitate the then government. At the same, there are many officials who are accused of opening fire on protesting students and people during the July uprising. Many are accused of directly killing people.

According to the Public Security Division figures, of the 82 officials made OSD, 13 were DIGs and more than 50 were additional DIGs and 15 were SPs.

It’s not a good practice to keep posts vacant. This will result in further unease and dissatisfaction within the force. Steps should be taken to promote eligible officials to these empty posts and posts of absconding officials after declaring those vacant---Nurul Huda, Former IGP.

The Police Headquarters figures show some 119 top officials were removed from their stations and were attached to different police units following the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August. These officials include 30 DIGs, 29 additional DIGs and 60 SPs. Almost all of them are not active now.

These 119 police officials were attached to 21 units and agencies of the force. Of these, the highest 34 officials were attached to the DIG offices in Rajashahi and Rangpur range, 17 officials each. Besides, 11 were attached to Bangladesh Police Academy in Sarda, Rajshahi; 10 the Chattogram range DIG office, 12 in Barishal range and 11 in Sylhet range.

A police official in the same rank as SP, who was attached after 5 August, told Prothom Alo on condition of anonymity that, “I go to the office daily for my attendance and return after passing some time there without doing anything. The chief of the unit where I have been attached can use us. However, as the regime change came under a different context, we have not been given any work yet.”

Negative impact on daily operations

The police officials say under the current circumstances, promotion of one top official clears the way for six to seven other officials to get promoted. When a post at a certain level remains vacant, officials from several levels suffer. So promotion of top officials is the only way out of the procrastination centering promotions of junior officials.

A Police Headquarters accord shows at least 23 officials at the rank of ASP and above have been arrested so far for shooting people to death during the mass uprising last year. Some 57 officials are into hiding or have been absent for more than two months.

Relevant persons say there are options to declare the posts of the absconding officials vacant. However, this process has been slow too. As a result, the promotion process has been stalled, which is further intensifying the discontent among the promotion-deprived officials. The overall police activities have been affected by this. The uncertainty surrounding promotion and posting is creating a negative impact on the chain of command of the force. The junior officials are showing reluctance in carrying out the orders from superiors.

Discontent to rise without promotions

Speaking to Prothom Alo, former IGP Nurul Huda said, “It’s not a good practice to keep posts vacant. This will result in further unease and dissatisfaction within the phone. Steps should be taken to promote eligible officials to these empty posts and posts of absconding officials after declaring those vacant.”

He further said the officials who were deprived of their job facilities in the last 15 years were morally down and were subjected to social humiliation. They have got back the job after years. Given this, the more people are promoted, the better now, he said adding, “When your batch mates are promoted to two ranks above you, it will definitely create a negative impact.”

*This report appeared on the print and online versions of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Ashish Basu​

 

[Saif]

From fear to trust

During Sheikh Hasina's sixteen-year reign of despotism, nearly every institution in Bangladesh suffered severe degradation.Bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, law enforcement agencies, bankers, and even the media-all succumbed to systemic corruption and decay, albeit, some more readily than othe

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

From fear to trust
Transforming the Bangladesh Police for a democratic society

CAF Dowlah
Published :
Apr 18, 2025 22:19
Updated :
Apr 18, 2025 22:19

During Sheikh Hasina's sixteen-year reign of despotism, nearly every institution in Bangladesh suffered severe degradation.Bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, law enforcement agencies, bankers, and even the media-all succumbed to systemic corruption and decay, albeit, some more readily than others. Yet none disgraced themselves more thoroughly than the police, who became the regime's most despised and distrusted instrument of repression.

The disgraced police force stands drenched in the blood of over a thousand citizens, slaughtered during the July-August 2024 Mass Uprising, with countless others maimed in their ruthless defense of the most oppressive regime in Bangladesh's history. The fraudulent elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024 were actually state-sponsored crimes, made possible through the brutal collusion of the police. It is undeniable that rather than solely depending on its party machinery, the Hasina regime clung to power primarily through the use of police and bureaucratic enforcers as instruments of fear and repression against the populace.

To facilitate transition, the Interim Government busied itself with cosmetic changes like redesigning police uniforms and logos. It has also formed a Police Reform Commission (PRC), which produced a predictable set of recommendations-tweaking a few laws to supposedly create a "people-friendly" police force, proposing modest limits on the police's arbitrary powers of arrest and interrogation, and advocating for international best practices in crowd control to reduce casualties. Yet glaringly absent was any serious reckoning with the police's entrenched culture of brutality, impunity, corruption, and political servitude.

For too long, the police of the country have operated not as protectors of public safety but as instruments of political repression, a role that reached its peak under Hasina's rule. The force engaged in every conceivable form of abuse, such as: arbitrary arrests (often in plainclothes at midnight), custodial torture and murders, extrajudicial killings under the euphemism of "crossfire," enforced disappearances, and rampant bribery at every level-from filing a First Information Report (FIR) to manipulating charge sheets in favor of those who paid them.

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) exposed a damning reality: 96 percent of respondents believed it was impossible to receive any police assistance without paying bribes or pulling strings. Over two-thirds admitted to being extorted just to file an FIR, while 71 percent accused police of tampering with charge sheets for a price. Beyond corruption, the police routinely inflicted custodial torture, committed sexual violence against women in detention, and left a trail of deaths in their custody. A World Bank study found corruption as the bloodstream of Bangladesh police force, infecting every stage from the filing of complaints to prosecution.

Under Hasina's authoritarian rule, the Bangladesh Police-her regime's principal instrument of repression-ballooned in size and power. Between 2009 and 2023, the force added 83,000 new posts, swelling its ranks to 213,000. During the same period, its budget skyrocketed by over 400 per cent. But this massive expansion had nothing to do with serving the public. It was a calculated move to fortify the regime's stranglehold on the nation, turning the police into a well-funded machinery of intimidation, surveillance, and political persecution.

The bloody crackdown during the 2024 Mass Uprising left no room for doubt-the current police force is beyond reform and must not be allowed to persist in its present form. What is needed is nothing less than a complete and sweeping transformation-one that uproots the entrenched culture of violence, reshapes every aspect of operations and structure, and rewrites the legal frameworks that have long shielded their abuses. Anything short of this would be a betrayal of the sacrifices made by the people.

Chief Adviser Professor Yunus recently urged the police to act impartially during the upcoming elections. But such a call is far too timid. The police must do far more than behave fairly on election day-they must prove, in every hour and every action, that they have broken from their disgraceful past. They must abandon their role as a tool of oppression and corruption and instead become true protectors of the people. No more can they function as a bloated apparatus of repression and corruption. Their transformation must be total, visible, and uncompromising.

Any police reform must start with the immediate and complete repeal of the colonial-era Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of 1898, the Police Act of 1861, and the Police Regulations of Bengal of 1943-archaic laws that continue to govern policing in Bangladesh despite the nation achieving independence twice, in 1947 and 1971. These laws were never crafted to serve the public-they were tools of colonial oppression, designed to maintain control and subjugation. They have since entrenched a culture of unchecked power, systemic abuse, and total impunity in the police force, and their continued existence is a glaring affront to the sovereignty of the people.

True reform demands the immediate replacement of archaic colonial laws with democratic, human rights-centered legislation; mandating that nobody can be arrested from their homes, properties or businesses without court-issued warrants; stripping of police's prosecutorial powers, with the authority to file criminal cases transferred to state-appointed prosecutors under the Attorney General's Office; and robust and independent oversight mechanisms to rein in the police's abusive power and hold them accountable for their actions.

Perhaps it is time to break away from the centralised, authoritarian police model and movetoward a decentralised, locally controlled system as practiced in many advanced democracies. Under such a framework, policing would be administered by elected district, municipal, and city governments, ensuring direct accountability to the communities they serve. Every locality would have its own police force, such as Dhaka City Police, Feni Municipality Police, Barisal District Police-the police staff primarily recruited from the local population. The national government would maintain only a small, elite police unit to handle national security issues, coordinating with local forces in times of genuine emergency.

Such a decentralised system would prevent the misuse of police by any national political party; enhance professionalism, integrity, and accountability as police would be directly answerable to local elected officials and residents; embed human rights at the core of policing, drastically reducing incidents of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and corruption; and strengthen community relations, as the police would live among and be closely watched by the very people they serve. Citizens would regain ownership over law enforcement, and accountability of police would be just next door-at the local elected office.

In short, the time for cosmetic tinkering is over. Nothing short of a radical and sweeping transformation of the police force will suffice. Bangladesh must dismantle the colonial structures that have perpetuated repression, end the deep-rooted politicisation that turned police into agents of tyranny, and rebuild the institution from the ground up-professional, accountable, and firmly rooted in the service of the people. The foundations for a new policing system must be laid now, without compromise, if Bangladesh is to have any hope of becoming a truly democratic and humane society.

Dr CAF Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chairperson of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies (www.bipsglobal.org).​

 

[Saif]

Vision for ideal police force

THE police play a pivotal role in any society, entrusted with safeguarding public safety, maintaining order, and upholding justice. In Bangladesh, public expectations reflect a deep yearning for fairness, security, and trust, yet these hopes are often overshadowed by systemic challenges such as...

www.newagebd.net

POLICE THAT THE PEOPLE WANT – I

Vision for ideal police force
Md Motiar Rahman 20 April, 2025, 00:00

THE police play a pivotal role in any society, entrusted with safeguarding public safety, maintaining order, and upholding justice. In Bangladesh, public expectations reflect a deep yearning for fairness, security, and trust, yet these hopes are often overshadowed by systemic challenges such as political influence, corruption, inefficiency, and human rights violations. The vision for an ideal police force in Bangladesh centres on creating a safer, democratic society grounded in justice and accountability. This requires a police service that exemplifies professionalism, integrity, inclusivity, and compassion, serving not merely as enforcers of the law but as true custodians of justice. Achieving this vision demands transformative reforms, including dismantling political interference, fostering accountability, and addressing systemic inefficiencies. It is imperative to explore the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people and the fundamental changes needed to establish a police force that inspires trust and upholds the principles of justice.

People expect the police to be vigilant protectors of their safety and security, serving as a shield against crime and disorder in both urban and rural areas. In cities, they combat theft, robbery, and organised crime, while in rural areas, they address land disputes, violence, and extremism. Emerging threats such as cybercrime, human trafficking, and terrorism require specialised skills, advanced tools, and a proactive approach. Strategies like patrolling, surveillance, intelligence-driven operations, public awareness campaigns, and collaborations with social organisations help tackle crime at its roots while reinforcing public trust. However, resource constraints and inadequate training often limit their effectiveness, particularly in Bangladesh. Investing in specialised training in cybersecurity, digital forensics, advanced technologies, ethical conduct, and de-escalation techniques is crucial for building a professional, adaptive police force. By upholding justice, fairness, and integrity, law enforcement can create an environment where people feel safe — whether carrying hard-earned wages home or walking freely in city streets and rural meadows of Bangladesh. A dedicated police force that prioritises crime prevention and human dignity strengthens the foundation of a peaceful and secure society.

Effective crime management requires a strategic balance of proactive and reactive policing, combining law enforcement, crime prevention, and victim support. Patrolling, surveillance, intelligence gathering, and swift emergency response play a key role in maintaining law and order. By analysing crime patterns, police can allocate resources efficiently to high-risk areas while addressing underlying causes of criminal behaviour. Community engagement fosters trust and encourages information-sharing, which enhances crime prevention efforts. Advances in technology, such as digital forensics, surveillance systems, and data analytics, have further strengthened crime detection and investigation. Intelligence-led policing, a proactive, data-driven approach, improves operational efficiency by identifying and disrupting criminal activities before they occur, particularly in cases of organised crime and terrorism. However, its success depends on robust information-sharing, inter-agency collaboration, and ethical data management to balance security with civil liberties. Beyond enforcement, comprehensive crime management involves addressing societal issues, supporting victims, and rehabilitating offenders. By integrating intelligence-driven strategies with professionalism, fairness, and empathy, the police contribute to safer and more resilient communities.

The people expect the police to play a fundamental role in upholding the rule of law, serving as the primary agency responsible for maintaining public order, protecting life and property, and ensuring the enforcement of laws. By investigating crimes, apprehending offenders, and preventing unlawful activities, the police act as a critical link between the legal framework and society. Their actions are governed by legal principles and ethical standards, ensuring that their power is exercised fairly, without bias or abuse. A well-functioning police force strengthens public trust in the justice system, promotes stability, and fosters a sense of security, all of which are essential for a society governed by the rule of law. Equally important is their accountability to the law, which ensures that their authority is not misused and that citizens’ rights are respected.

The inefficiency of the police in addressing crime undermines public safety and erodes trust in law enforcement institutions. This inefficiency can stem from various factors, such as inadequate training, insufficient resources, corruption, political intervention, and a lack of coordination within the criminal justice system. Delayed responses to emergencies, failure to conduct thorough investigations, and low conviction rates often leave victims without justice and embolden criminals. Bureaucratic hurdles and mismanagement can further exacerbate the problem, leading to a perception of ineffectiveness. Addressing these inefficiencies requires reforms that include better training, increased funding, implementation of modern technologies, and robust accountability measures to ensure police forces are equipped and motivated to fulfil their duties effectively.

Moreover, citizens expect that the prevention and investigation of crimes and police functions should closely align with the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Bangladesh, particularly the protection of life, property, and individual freedoms. This alignment positions the police not merely as enforcers of the law but as guardians and protectors of citizens’ constitutional rights. Such a paradigm shift would go beyond fulfilling the basic mandate of maintaining law and order. It would foster a deeper sense of trust and confidence among the public, improve the police’s overall image, and encourage a stronger culture of respect for the rule of law within the police force itself. By adopting this approach, the police could redefine their role as a foundation of justice and equity, further strengthening the relationship between law enforcement and the society it serves.

When an offence is committed, it falls within the jurisdiction of the criminal justice system. The formal initiation of legal proceedings against an alleged offender begins with registering a criminal case, typically through a First Information Report lodged by the victim, a witness, or any concerned party at the local police station. As mandated by Section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 (CrPC), the police are required to record any information regarding a cognisable offence, which includes serious crimes such as murder, rape, robbery, and terrorism — offences where the police have the authority to investigate and make arrests without prior court approval. Once an FIR is registered, the officer-in-charge of the police station assigns the case to an investigating officer, usually a sub-inspector, who is responsible for conducting the investigation in accordance with legal procedures. The IO gathers evidence, records witness statements, and examines the crime scene while ensuring compliance with the provisions of the CrPC, 1898, and Penal Code, 1860. Depending on the complexity of the case, the investigation may also involve forensic analysis, surveillance, and coordination with other law enforcement agencies. Ultimately, the IO compiles the findings into a police report, which is then submitted to the relevant court for further legal proceedings.

For non-cognisable offences, which include minor crimes like public nuisance, the police require prior approval from a magistrate before initiating an investigation. The distinction between cognisable and non-cognisable offences is crucial, as it determines the procedural course of action.

One of the most significant issues in Bangladesh’s criminal justice system is the police’s discretionary power in registering cases. Despite legal provisions mandating the filing of FIRs for cognisable offences, officers often refuse to do so due to external influences, corruption, or resource constraints. Victims, especially from disadvantaged communities, frequently face difficulties in lodging complaints, as police officers at stations often demand inducements — either monetary or through influential connections — to register an FIR, initiate investigations, or even record a General Diary entry. As a result, those without financial means or social influence struggle to access police services, even in serious cases.

The public expects the police to uphold fairness, transparency, and impartiality, particularly in case registration, by ensuring that every reported offence — whether cognisable or non-cognisable — is recorded under the appropriate legal provision. This responsibility is crucial in maintaining the integrity of the justice system and preserving public trust in law enforcement. Any failure to register cases properly can compromise legal provisions and weaken confidence in the rule of law. Emphasising this obligation, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, through various judicial pronouncements, has reinforced the mandatory nature of FIR registration when a cognisable offence is reported. The landmark case Suo Moto Rule No. 07 of 2020 underscored that law enforcement agencies must record complaints without unnecessary delay or discretion, ensuring that justice is not hindered at the very first stage of the legal process.

Despite the legal obligation for police to record complaints upon receiving information, allegations persist that investigating officers often delay the process by conducting preliminary enquiries and site visits before officially registering a crime. This delay is particularly prevalent in major cases such as murder and dacoity. Such initial postponements create opportunities for distortion of facts, compromising the timely collection of evidence and the immediate apprehension of suspects. With extended time at their disposal, complainants — sometimes with or without police collusion — may falsely implicate innocent individuals or omit the actual perpetrators. This manipulation enables law enforcement officers to fabricate case narratives and exploit innocent individuals by threatening prosecution unless they comply with their demands.

Integrity in case registration is critical, requiring meticulous attention to accuracy and fairness. The police must exercise extreme care to avoid implicating innocent individuals, as wrongful accusations shall have devastating consequences for those involved. In many cases, the First Information Report includes specific names, while others are listed as ‘unknown.’ While this practice can be necessary in some instances, it also opens the door to potential misuse. Such flexibility may allow officers to manipulate investigations, for example, by arbitrarily adding or excluding names as suspects or exercising undue discretion to make mass arrests. These actions can lead to the perception or reality of bias, favouritism, or abuse of power.

The people expect the police to handle all cases impartially, regardless of the status or influence of the individuals involved. They must not refuse to register an offense due to the involvement of powerful or politically connected persons, nor should they suppress cases to artificially lower crime statistics, as this would compromise the integrity of law enforcement. Ensuring that justice is applied equally to all citizens, irrespective of social, political, or economic standing, is fundamental to maintaining public trust. However, political interference remains a persistent challenge in Bangladesh, with powerful individuals and groups often pressuring the police to suppress complaints against their allies or fabricate cases against opponents. This not only undermines the impartiality of the justice system but also weakens confidence in law enforcement agencies.

While the refusal to register FIRs is a significant concern, the misuse of the criminal justice system through false or fabricated cases is another critical issue. The police must exercise due caution to ensure that registered cases are genuine and not based on false allegations, as fictitious cases — often referred to in Bangladesh as gaybi mamla (invisible or baseless cases) — are frequently used to harass political opponents, marginalised communities, rival groups, or dissenting individuals, fostering fear and mistrust. Such cases clog the justice system, divert resources from genuine complaints, and erode public confidence in law enforcement, making it harder for real victims to seek justice. Many individuals misuse legal processes to settle personal disputes, harass opponents, or seek revenge, further straining the judiciary. To counter this, the police must uphold ethical standards, remain vigilant in distinguishing between legitimate grievances and malicious cases, and ensure fairness and impartiality in their operations. Additionally, complainants who lodge false cases with malicious intent should be prosecuted under Section 211 of the Penal Code. Accurate and honest case registration is the foundation of a fair justice system, and adherence to legal protocols is essential to maintaining its integrity. Any manipulation of case outcomes, whether by downgrading crimes to lesser offences or exaggerating charges for personal or political motives, undermines public trust. Therefore, the police must remain committed to fairness and objectivity, reinforcing their role as impartial enforcers of the law and guardians of justice.

Not all crimes committed in Bangladesh come to the attention of the police, as various factors deter individuals from reporting incidents. Fear of retaliation, lack of trust in law enforcement, social stigma, and the lengthy legal process often discourage victims and witnesses from coming forward. Many people, particularly those from marginalised communities, may feel powerless or believe that seeking justice will bring more hardship than resolution. Additionally, cultural and familial pressures sometimes compel victims to remain silent, especially in cases of domestic violence, sexual offences, or financial fraud. Crimes involving influential individuals or organised groups may also go unreported due to fear of repercussions. Furthermore, the complexity and perceived inefficiency of the criminal justice system contribute to the general reluctance to engage with law enforcement, as many view the process as cumbersome, time-consuming, and potentially more distressing than the crime itself. As a result, the true extent of criminal activities remains obscured, leading to an under-representation of crime in official statistics and hindering efforts to implement effective law enforcement strategies. Therefore, police officers must take a proactive approach in registering cases promptly and without any obstacles to uphold the rule of law.

In today’s digital era, there is a growing public demand for an efficient and transparent online system for criminal case registration to eliminate bureaucratic hurdles, reduce delays, and minimise human discretion. Such a system would allow victims to file FIRs from home without intimidation or corruption while ensuring real-time documentation to prevent intentional delays by law enforcement. Following a directive from the chief advisor of the interim government, efforts are underway to implement this digital platform, which would enable swift intervention, automated case tracking, and integration with forensic databases. By enhancing transparency and accountability, an online system could revolutionise Bangladesh’s criminal justice process, provided it is user-friendly, secure, and legally validated to protect data and ensure accessibility for all. However, not everyone in Bangladesh is proficient in digital communication. Therefore, a user-friendly system must be implemented, ensuring direct access without the need for intermediaries.

Registering a criminal case in Bangladesh is a critical step in ensuring justice, yet it remains fraught with challenges such as police discretion, political influence, corruption, delays, and misuse of the system. While legal provisions exist to facilitate FIR registration, their effectiveness is often undermined by institutional weaknesses. Addressing these challenges requires a multi-pronged approach, including stronger legal safeguards, enhanced police accountability, judicial reforms, and public awareness initiatives. By ensuring a more transparent, efficient, and accessible system for case registration, Bangladesh can take significant strides toward a fairer and more robust criminal justice system.

To be continued

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Police investigation of crime

Once a cognisable case is registered, the police initiate the criminal justice process by launching an investigation to uncover the truth. Crime investigation is a core function of law enforcement in Bangladesh, playing a crucial role in maintaining law and order and ensuring justice. This...

www.newagebd.net

POLICE THAT THE PEOPLE WANT – II

Police investigation of crime
Md Motiar Rahman 21 April, 2025, 00:00

Once a cognisable case is registered, the police initiate the criminal justice process by launching an investigation to uncover the truth. Crime investigation is a core function of law enforcement in Bangladesh, playing a crucial role in maintaining law and order and ensuring justice. This process involves gathering evidence, identifying suspects, and holding perpetrators accountable through legal means. Many other police duties, such as patrolling, intelligence gathering, and community policing, directly or indirectly support investigations by providing vital information. Similarly, maintaining public records, addressing complaints, and managing crime prevention programmes contribute to the broader goal of solving crimes. A thorough and objective investigation brings offenders to justice and deters future crimes, fostering a safer society.

The investigation of crimes by the police in Bangladesh is primarily governed by the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898, along with other legal provisions, such as the Penal Code 1860; Police Regulations 1943; the Evidence Act 1872; the Police Act 1861 and other laws. The Code of Criminal Procedure outlines the procedure for criminal investigations, detailing how the police must collect evidence, question witnesses, and interrogate suspects. Additionally, the police must ensure that investigations comply with the principles of natural justice and due process, particularly in relation to the rights of the accused.

A criminal investigation typically involves visiting the crime scene, collecting evidence, interviewing witnesses, and interrogating suspects. In complex cases, forensic techniques such as DNA analysis, fingerprinting, and ballistics play a crucial role, though access to such facilities remains limited in many parts of Bangladesh. Investigating officers may also seek court-issued warrants for searches, seizures, or arrests, though, in certain situations, they are authorised to proceed without them. As technology advances, the public increasingly expects law enforcement to leverage modern scientific tools to enhance the efficiency and accuracy of investigations. From forensic science and data analytics to surveillance technologies and digital evidence processing, these resources have immense potential to unravel complex cases swiftly and effectively. By integrating such tools into their operations, the police can ensure that investigations are not only thorough but also impartial and resistant to errors. However, these facilities are not widely accessible across Bangladesh.

In cases involving major crimes such as murder, terrorism, or corruption, specialised units like the Detective Branch, Counter-Terrorism and Transnational Crime Unit, or the Criminal Investigation Department and Police Bureau of Investigation often take over. These units are better equipped and staffed with skilled personnel trained in advanced investigative techniques.

The primary objective of a police investigation is to uncover the truth, identify and apprehend offenders, and ensure they are held accountable under the law while protecting innocent individuals from wrongful implication based on weak or unreliable evidence. This dual responsibility reflects the delicate balance between ensuring public safety and safeguarding individual rights, which lies at the heart of any just legal system. A thorough, fact-based investigation seeks to secure justice for victims and uphold their rights while supporting the judicial process with strong, admissible evidence. Additionally, crime investigations play a crucial role in preventing future offences by identifying patterns, recommending policy changes, and strengthening law enforcement strategies. By maintaining transparency, fairness, and efficiency, police investigations enhance public trust in the legal system and contribute to a safer, more just society.

Lawyers highlight that the overall conviction rate in criminal cases in the country is around 20 per cent, meaning 80 per cent of accused individuals are ultimately acquitted, raising serious concerns about the effectiveness of the criminal justice system and the need for reform. Defective and perfunctory investigations are often attributed to producing weak evidence that cannot withstand legal scrutiny, with cases frequently failing due to missing or improperly collected forensic evidence, incomplete documentation, or procedural errors exploited by defence lawyers. Additionally, the failure to produce witnesses or their absence in court further weakens trials, as witness testimonies are crucial in establishing guilt, yet delays, fear of retaliation, and logistical challenges often render them unavailable when needed.

While inadequate investigations are often cited as the primary cause of low conviction rates, they are only one part of a broader system. Even a well-conducted investigation with strong evidence may fail if prosecutors, forensic experts, prison authorities, and the judiciary do not fulfil their roles effectively. Convictions depend on a multi-stage process involving investigation, prosecution, judicial proceedings, and witness testimony, and failures at any stage can significantly reduce the chances of securing a conviction. While prosecution is crucial in transforming investigative findings into persuasive legal arguments, its success depends on the skill, experience, and motivation of prosecutors. Similarly, forensic experts provide critical scientific analysis, but their contributions are often undermined by underfunded, outdated, or unreliable forensic facilities. Additionally, bureaucratic inefficiencies, backlogged courts, and procedural delays weaken cases, giving defendants opportunities to exploit technicalities or benefit from witnesses’ fading memories. Prison and correctional institutions also play a role by ensuring that offenders do not manipulate the system to evade justice while awaiting trial.

The criminal justice system functions as an interconnected mechanism in which each component must operate efficiently for justice to be served. Securing a conviction is not solely the responsibility of investigating officers or prosecutors but requires cooperation and competence across all sectors. Failures in legal representation, judicial inefficiencies, or forensic shortcomings increase the likelihood of acquittals, weakening the justice system. Addressing the low conviction rate requires a holistic reform approach that strengthens investigations, enhances prosecutorial effectiveness, improves forensic capabilities, ensures judicial accountability, and streamlines legal proceedings. Without comprehensive improvements, inefficiencies will persist, ultimately eroding public trust in law enforcement and the rule of law.

In addition to the low conviction rate, the police investigation of crimes in Bangladesh is often criticised by the public, lawyers, and civil society due to allegations of political influence, corruption, inefficiency, and human rights violations. Many believe that investigations are biased, with cases sometimes fabricated against political opponents or manipulated to protect influential individuals. Corruption, including bribery and misuse of power, weakens public trust, while delays in investigations and judicial proceedings prolong justice. Forced confessions and custodial torture are major concerns, as is the lack of forensic expertise and reliance on weak evidence. Inadequate witness protection discourages testimony, and poor coordination between police and the judiciary leads to case dismissals due to lack of evidence. Additionally, mishandling of gender-based crimes, failure to address organised and financial crimes effectively, and a general lack of transparency further erode confidence in law enforcement. To improve investigations, Bangladesh needs institutional reforms, better training, independent oversight, and the adoption of modern forensic and investigative techniques.

Resource availability plays a significant role in determining the effectiveness of criminal investigations. The collection and analysis of forensic evidence are labour-intensive and costly, which is why scientific investigative techniques are typically reserved for the most serious crimes, such as homicide, sexual assault, and high-value property crimes.

It is important to provide investigators with adequate financial and logistical resources to improve case clearance rates. However, officers-in-charge of police stations in Bangladesh reveal a stark reality: virtually no operational budget is allocated to support criminal investigations. The government has recently introduced an investigation fund, providing Tk 2000–5000 per case. However, this amount is grossly inadequate given the actual costs of thorough investigative work. A standard case costs around Tk 5,000-7,000 to investigate, while complex cases such as robbery or rape can cost between Tk 20,000 and 30,000. Therefore, investigators frequently report that a lack of financial support forces them to rely on personal funds or external sources to conduct investigations, travel to crime scenes, or gather evidence. To ensure effective and thorough investigations, government funding should align with the actual costs involved.

Limited access to modern forensic equipment, a lack of trained forensic personnel, and inadequate transport facilities further impede investigations, making it difficult for law enforcement agencies to collect, preserve, and analyze crucial evidence. Many police stations, particularly those in rural areas, lack even the most basic forensic tools, forcing investigators to rely on outdated methods that often fail to meet the standards required for securing convictions. Without proper forensic capabilities, officers are left to depend on eyewitness testimonies and circumstantial evidence, both of which can be unreliable and easily challenged in court.

The absence of essential tools such as fingerprint kits, forensic testing equipment, and digital crime analysis software significantly reduces the efficiency and accuracy of police investigations. Proper fingerprint identification can link suspects to crime scenes, yet many stations lack the necessary kits or trained personnel to conduct such examinations effectively. Similarly, forensic testing — such as DNA analysis, toxicology reports, and ballistic examinations — remains out of reach for most cases due to limited facilities and a backlog of pending forensic requests at underfunded government labs. Digital crime analysis software, which can help track criminal patterns, analyse surveillance footage, and detect cybercrimes, is often unavailable or underutilised due to a lack of technical expertise among officers.

In addition to these challenges, inadequate transport facilities hinder timely evidence collection and suspect apprehension. Crime scenes often require immediate forensic examination, but delays caused by a shortage of police vehicles or poorly maintained transport infrastructure result in the loss or contamination of critical evidence. In many cases, forensic teams must travel long distances to reach crime scenes, sometimes arriving too late to gather fresh, uncontaminated samples. These logistical shortcomings not only slow down investigations but also weaken the overall criminal justice process, leading to lower conviction rates and increased public distrust in law enforcement capabilities. Strengthening forensic resources, investing in officer training, and modernising investigative tools are essential steps toward improving the effectiveness of police investigations.

The state exerts substantial control over police agencies in Bangladesh, often using them as political tools rather than for public safety. Consequently, many policing policies are politically driven, with frequent interference by political leaders in criminal investigations, influencing charge sheets and final reports to align with ruling party interests, especially in high-profile cases. Politicians, influential elites, and law enforcement superiors pressure investigators to frame or exonerate individuals, obstructing impartial investigations and lowering crime clearance rates. A police officer assigned to an investigation has the exclusive authority and unfettered right to conduct the investigation. Therefore, from a technical and legal standpoint, no senior officer, including the Inspector General of Police, can dictate the course of the investigation. However, senior officers may supervise the case to provide guidance and support in the investigative process. However, political and external pressures frequently undermine this independence, leading to undue influence that compromises investigative integrity. Cases are often manipulated to shield allies or target opponents with fabricated charges, eroding public trust in the justice system and raising serious concerns about impartiality.

Beyond political interference, other external actors, including prosecutors, forensic experts, and the judiciary, also play roles in shaping case outcomes. Effective case clearance depends on seamless coordination between police investigators, forensic teams, prosecutors, and judicial authorities. However, bureaucratic inefficiencies, lack of inter-agency collaboration, and internal power struggles within law enforcement agencies often hinder effective case resolution.

Given this reality, the recent proposal by the Judicial Reform Commission to establish a new investigative agency is realistic in alignment with public expectations. But it has sparked an important question: What guarantees are there that this new body will remain free from external influence? Without robust institutional safeguards, there is a risk that the same patterns of political meddling and corruption could persist, merely shifting from one agency to another. To ensure true independence, the new agency would require clear legal protections, strict oversight mechanisms, and a transparent accountability framework to prevent interference from political or other powerful interests. Otherwise, the creation of a new body might simply replicate existing problems rather than resolve them.

Experts argue that Bangladesh police already have specialised investigative agencies, such as the Criminal Investigation Department and the Police Bureau of Investigation, which are capable of handling complex cases. Rather than creating new entities, these agencies can be further strengthened by equipping them with advanced training, modern forensic tools, and sufficient logistical and financial resources to ensure fair, efficient, and impartial investigations. Ultimately, comprehensive institutional reforms, coupled with enhanced training and accountability mechanisms, are necessary to build public trust and ensure a fair and effective justice system.

To be continued

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Law enforcers' new uniforms get government's green light

The government has enforced the new Police Dress Rules, 2025, superseding the 2004 regulation, according to a gazette issued by the Police Headquarters. The new rules define detailed specifications for uniforms, rank badges, and monograms for all ranks, including the Inspector General to constable

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Law enforcers' new uniforms get government's green light
Published :
Apr 22, 2025 23:55
Updated :
Apr 22, 2025 23:55

The government has enforced the new Police Dress Rules, 2025, superseding the 2004 regulation, according to a gazette issued by the Police Headquarters.

The new rules define detailed specifications for uniforms, rank badges, and monograms for all ranks, including the Inspector General to constables. It also includes specific dress codes for different units like RAB, APBn, and women police. The national flower ‘Shapla’ remains the central element of the police logo, UNB reports.

The regulations aim to standardize police appearance across duties and ceremonies.

Earlier on January 20 this year, in a move aimed at modernising the appearance of law enforcement agencies, the government unveiled new uniforms for the police, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and Ansar.

After a meeting of the Law and Order Committee at the Secretariat, Home Affairs Adviser Lieutenant General (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury announced that the new uniforms would feature distinct colours for each force.

"We have finalised three new uniform designs for the police, RAB and Ansar. These uniforms will be phased in gradually, with current attire being replaced over time," the adviser said.

The police will now wear rust uniforms, RAB personnel will wear green olive and Ansar will be dressed in golden wheat, he added.​