[🇧🇩] July uprising

[Saif]

‘Protesters are not given medical care here’

How a July warrior was denied immediate medical care.

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Ordeals of a July uprising warrior
‘Protesters are not given medical care here’
July 15, 2024 photo at DU

On July 15, 2024, Chhatra League hooligans and hired miscreants swooped down on protesters with iron rods, machetes, hockey sticks, and other weapons at the Dhaka University campus, injuring many, including Sokal. FILE PHOTO: RASHED SUMON

Sinthia Mehrin Sokal hails from a rural area in Sunamganj. She passed all pre-university exams with flying colours and began majoring in Criminology at Dhaka University (DU) in the 2020-21 academic year. For years, she was the only student from her village to qualify to study at this university.

Sokal had no political party affiliation. However, soon after coming to DU and becoming a resident student of Ruqayyah Hall, she started feeling the heat of the political crises that gripped Bangladesh and its universities during Sheikh Hasina's misrule.

In university dormitories, students were forced to endure Chhatra League's mistreatment. Predicaments of resident female students were much worse, which remained largely underreported. Sokal came to know about female students who were sexually abused by Chhatra League members.

The reinstatement of the quota system in government jobs in June 2024 rang the death knell for Sokal's future. She became active in the Students Against Discrimination movement.

On July 14, 2024, Sokal joined students' protest march to Bangabhaban to press home their demand that 95 percent of jobs be awarded based on merit. On that day, Sheikh Hasina had the audacity to use the pejorative term "razakar" to discredit the student movement. Immediately, students around the country burst into anger and took to the streets. That night, Sokal and other students broke the locks of the main gate and marched out of Ruqayyah Hall to demonstrate.

On July 15, 2024, Sokal took to the streets with her friends. When their procession came to the university's VC Chattor (square), Chhatra League hooligans and hired miscreants swooped down on it and started attacking protesters with iron rods, machetes, hockey sticks, and other weapons. One thug hit Sokal very hard and wedged a dent on her head. She fell on the ground and remained unconscious for the next two and a half hours of which she has no memory at all. She was taken to Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH).

Chhatra League ruffians made several attempts to enter DMCH to attack injured protesters, but each time were resisted by brave healthcare providers. Then they pretended to be injured patients and thus entered DMCH and brutally assaulted the protesters taking medical care.


Feeling vulnerable to further attacks, Sokal left DMCH with the help of a relative but without proper treatment. On the way to Universal Medical College and Hospital in Mohakhali, she kept vomiting and had a near-death experience. The doctor recommended CT-scan and hospital admission, which Sokal couldn't afford. At her sister's house in Mohakhali, Sokal continued vomiting and feared the worst. Her otherwise mentally strong sister advised Sokal to bathe and prepare for death.

The CT-scan report showed that the head injury was deep and her skull was fractured.

Meanwhile, protest marches continued, defying Hasina's repression. Dhaka turned into a war zone, as the government imposed a curfew in the city.

Sokal's sister managed to take her to the city's Impulse Hospital. As she had not received proper early intervention, her infections spread and she was operated on immediately. It took two hours for the doctors to clean the infections and dress her head. Each episode of dressing caused her excruciating pain.

That was not the end of Sokal's ordeal.

The Hasina government shut down the Internet. From her sister's house, Sokal heard sounds of shootings and airstrikes from helicopters that killed many young people. The police were conducting block raids and barging into people's houses to round up protesters or anyone who looked like students. Sokal couldn't sleep at night and was having nightmares worrying that the police might come anytime and arrest her.

In the meantime, Sokal's mother fell seriously ill back home, and none of her siblings were available to take the ailing mother to hospital. She rushed to Mymensingh—the nearest town from her village—to arrange for her mother's treatment. The situation in Mymensingh was also very precarious. The police were herding students like felons and sending them to jail.

While Sokal was running here and there for her mother's treatment with her visible head injury, she kept being asked: "Did you participate in the movement?" Unbearable pain, anxiety about her mother's condition and the fear of being arrested by the police—all these made Sokal's life in Mymensingh intolerable.

On July 27, 2024, one day before the scheduled date of her head dressing, Sokal went to a hospital in Mymensingh for a doctor's consultation hoping that her head wound would be dressed the next day. The doctor wanted to know the reason for her medical condition. She bluntly said, "I participated in the quota reform movement."

The doctor made a sharp reply: "Protesters are not given medical care here." Sokal left the hospital stunned and dumbfounded. She dreaded that many other July warriors might have faced similar cruelty and embraced martyrdom due to lack of medical care.

The next day, Sokal had her head wound dressed at Mymensingh Medical College Hospital, where the duty doctor whispered to her: "Don't tell anyone that you are a protester." Once she was discharged and the effect of anaesthesia had worn off, she started experiencing acute, paroxysmal pain.

On August 1, 2024, Sokal went to her village in Dharmapasha, Sunamganj, with her mother and faced hostility from Awami League-leaning villagers. Using sexist terms, they called her names for her involvement in demonstrations.

But Sokal was unstoppable.

Mobilising and organising other students, she planned a rally in the village on August 4, 2024. Local Awami League affiliates passed their details to the police and started threatening them. Fear gripped Sokal, as she was having terrible pain in her head, her father had a heart condition, and her mother had undergone an operation only two days ago. What would happen to her parents if she were arrested!

Then came August 5, 2024, and the news of Hasina's fall and flight to India. People around the country took to the streets and joined spontaneous processions of joy, sharing sweetmeats with each other. Sokal participated in a similar procession in her village and felt gratified that her suffering and the lives and blood of thousands of young people didn't go in vain. The country became free from Hasina's mafia-style autocracy.

But Sokal's ordeal continues. She still suffers from occasional short-term memory loss and has to have regular medical check-ups. She has to move and walk carefully. But she is grateful to the Almighty for giving her an extra life.

She is a living martyr.

There are many more Sokals, and we owe them a debt of gratitude.

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor in the Department of English Language and Literature at the International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: A movement that united campuses and classrooms

Bangladesh’s student movements have long been rooted in the dormitories of public universities -- Dhaka University, Rajshahi University, Jahangirnagar University, and Chittagong University -- where slogans, marches, and political pressure have often driven change.

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July uprising: A movement that united campuses and classrooms
For the first time, a protest brought together students from schools, colleges, madrasas and univs

BRAC University students flood the streets in the capital’s Rampura on July 18, 2024, to join the ongoing protests. Despite police resistance, they, along with students from other private universities, became a vital force in the movement. PHOTO: File/PRABIR DAS

Bangladesh's student movements have long been rooted in the dormitories of public universities -- Dhaka University, Rajshahi University, Jahangirnagar University, and Chittagong University -- where slogans, marches, and political pressure have often driven change.

However, the uprising in July 2024 marked a pivotal shift as protests spread beyond the usual public campuses.

A new wave surged from private universities, colleges, madrasas, and even high schools -- reshaping the political landscape and rewriting the story of student-led resistance.

Once seen as "disengaged" or "apolitical", these students emerged as a powerful force in protests that began over job quotas and evolved into a wider demand for justice, accountability, and reform.

HOW IT TURNED INTO A NATIONAL RECKONING

The ignition came on July 14.

At a press conference that day, then prime minister Sheikh Hasina, while defending the 30 percent quota for descendants of freedom fighters, asked, "If the grandchildren of freedom fighters do not receive benefits, should the grandchildren of razakars receive them instead?"

The reference to "razakars" -- a term historically used to describe collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Liberation War -- sparked immediate outrage among students.

As protests intensified, so did the violence. Videos of students being beaten by Bangladesh Chhatra League activists flooded social media.

Then, on July 16, Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur, was shot dead by police.

That night, the University Grants Commission shut down all public and private universities, medical colleges, and affiliated institutions, citing student safety.

Public university dormitories were evacuated, seemingly to deflate the movement's momentum. For a moment, it seemed the protests might end.

But then, a new wave rose.

Private university students stepped in. The demonstrations spilled beyond elite campuses, becoming a nationwide movement.

College and even school students joined.

According to the official government gazette, the list of martyrs includes 844 names.

An analysis by profession and age, based on information from families, shows that at least 269 students lost their lives -- second only to working-class people, according to a Prothom Alo report.

The scale of student sacrifice marked a historic turning point.

THE MOBILISATION

Private university students were among the first to mobilise; not over quotas, but out of collective outrage and the refusal to stay silent.

Jabed Bin Noor of South East University said, "The government did injustice to students. It doesn't matter where they studied. Students suffered. When my friend from Dhaka University was attacked on July 14 for a fair demand, it affected me. That's why we initiated our protest the next day."

He described people from all walks, including jobseekers, those struggling with living costs, families of the disappeared or falsely accused, uniting.

"We all arrived at one truth: our adversary is this government. Its fall is the only path towards our hopes."

For Hasibul Hasan Shanto of North South University, the protest was personal. "I've questioned the government since school…. I even resigned from a law enforcement job after seeing how it was used to rig the 2018 election.

"When the prime minister called us 'razakar', that was the moment I knew I had to act. This wasn't about institutions; it was about doing what's right."

He added, "This was a landmark movement. Students from public and private universities, colleges, madrasas, even schools -- all stood united. People are loyal to the state. It's the politicians who drag it into the ditch."

RESISTANCE IN THE DISTRICTS

Students outside Dhaka -- from private universities, colleges, schools -- kept joining, even as crackdowns continued.

Kousik Islam Apurbo, an HSC candidate from Rajshahi Shikkha Board Govt Model School and College, recalled being shot in the foot.

"When violence broke out on August 5 [the day the AL-led government fell], police fired tear gas and sound grenades. I raised both hands and screamed that we won't run. But then they fired live bullets. One hit my foot. As I bled, a protester with a stomach wound tried to carry me. That was the beauty of July -- no one left anyone behind."

But as their injuries slowed them, more attacks came.

"They beat me, fractured my jaw, stole my phone. Two Varendra students died but they weren't remembered. Public university martyrs got the cameras. It's all about footage," Apurbo said.

Md Abdul Bari from Rajshahi College said most protesters were not from public universities.

"Once Rajshahi University's dorms shut on July 18, participation dropped. Then it was private university, school, college, madrasa, nursing and polytechnic students who carried it forward.

"We hid in Padma Garden, lived on mashed potatoes and rice. We broke Section 144 in Rajshahi. That was our strength."

He also highlighted the role of girls. "They weren't from DU or RU. They were nursing and polytechnic students, and they were brave."

Shahana Islam, a 10th grader from Jhenidah Wazir Ali School and College, joined with her brother.

"When our senior classmates were attacked on campus on July 16, we couldn't stay silent. It wasn't only about quotas. It was about Chhatra League's brutality. Our first protest was against the attackers and then it became much bigger. We bled together."

In Dhaka, students from Dhaka College coordinated protests with private university students.

Tanvir Hasan Tushar joined the demo at Naya Bazar.

"Though I'm from Dhaka College, I lived with friends from private universities. We fixed two spots -- Naya Bazar and Rampura. Students from United International University, Daffodil, North South and others joined us.

"When we heard about the BRAC University attack, we changed direction. Near Ring Road, police fired tear gas and chased us. A bullet hit my ear, pierced my hand -- and damaged my eye. Now I have partial blindness."

Despite his injury, Tushar remains determined. "I've accepted it. But I'm working to stand on my own feet again."

WHEN MADRASA STUDENTS JOINED

Often sidelined in student politics, madrasa students took an early stand.

Aminul Islam of Darussunnah Kamil Madrasah in Narayanganj recalled starting protests with just 15–20 students.

"After Abu Sayed was killed on July 16, momentum grew. On July 18, police fired on our procession. Many female protesters were injured. It was terrifying.

"Whether I benefit from this movement was not my concern. If it failed, my future children might face the same discrimination. That's why we joined."

Hafez Abdullah from Rajshahi, a former Jatrabari Madrasa student, believed the timing was divine.

"The movement began in Muharram. That month has always marked the fall of tyrants. I believed it was symbolic.

"Near Railgate, I saw Awami League cadres standing beside police, ready to attack. I wore a beard and tupi. Back then, that meant being labelled Shibir. We stopped wearing our uniforms."

His roots in resistance ran deep. "In 2013, we saw our brothers martyred. Every time the chance came -- we rose."​

 

[Saif]

July 30, 2024: The red wave of defiance

Amid continued mourning and mounting outrage, July 30 marked a powerful day of nationwide protests and symbolic resistance, as students, teachers, guardians, and citizens rallied across Bangladesh demanding justice for the lives lost during the quota reform movement.

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The July that rocked Bangladesh
July 30, 2024: The red wave of defiance

Teachers and students of Jahangirnagar University staged a silent march on July 30, 2024, with red cloths covering their faces, protesting the torture and detention of students and demanding justice for those killed during the quota reform protests. Photo: File/Akhlakur Rahman Akash

Amid continued mourning and mounting outrage, July 30 marked a powerful day of nationwide protests and symbolic resistance, as students, teachers, guardians, and citizens rallied across Bangladesh demanding justice for the lives lost during the quota reform movement. From campus demonstrations to courtroom reflections and diplomatic reactions, the country witnessed an outpouring of grief, defiance, and demands for accountability.

The High Court expressed deep sorrow over the deaths resulting from the recent unrest. "These deaths are sad for all of us," said a bench of Justice Mustafa Zaman Islam and Justice SM Masud Hossain Dolon during a hearing on a writ petition related to the violence.

At Jahangirnagar University, teachers and students staged a silent protest under the banner "Jahangirnagar Against Oppression." With red cloths covering their mouths and parts of their faces, they marched from the university's Shaheed Minar around 12:30pm, condemning the harassment, detention, and torture of students and calling for a thorough investigation into the indiscriminate killings. Faculty members at Rajshahi University, under the banner "RU Teachers Against Oppression," organised a similar demonstration. Over 200 teachers participated in the procession that began at the Shaheed Intellectual Memorial at 11:30am and ended with a rally at the university's main gate.

In Khulna, hundreds of students blocked the Shibbari intersection around 11:30am for more than three hours, chanting slogans like "Shooting won't stop the movement" and "One point, one demand—step down Sheikh Hasina." Many citizens joined the demonstration in solidarity. "Bullets bought with our fathers' tax money are being used against us," said one protester. "We demand justice for the students who were shot and killed."

In Tangail, quota reform protesters wearing red badges attempted a march on Registrypara Road around noon. However, police intercepted the procession near the Girls' School intersection, preventing it from continuing.

Online, a wave of digital protest swept across platforms. Students, teachers, guardians, and others changed their profile photos to solid red in solidarity with the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement's call. The action defied the government-imposed restrictions on websites, including Facebook, with many users bypassing the blocks using VPNs. The movement had rejected the government-declared nationwide mourning.

A fresh wave of mobilisation was announced in the evening. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, through a press release signed by one of the coordinators Abdul Hannan Masud, called for a "March for Justice" to be held at all educational institutions, court premises, and major roads next day. Their nine-point demand included an apology from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the resignation of several ministers—including those of Home, Education, Law, Information, and Communications—and the dismissal of top police officials in districts where students had been killed. They also demanded the resignation of university vice-chancellors and proctors who had failed to protect peaceful protesters, immediate reopening of all institutions and dormitories, and the withdrawal of military, BGB, Rab, and police forces from campuses.

International voices added to the pressure. UN Secretary-General António Guterres expressed concern over reports of excessive use of force and credible evidence of human rights violations. EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell condemned the shoot-on-sight orders and unlawful killings, calling for thorough investigations and accountability.

According to official data, the government put the death toll at 150. However, The Daily Star's count showed at least 163 confirmed deaths, with fears the actual toll could be even higher. Many critically injured patients were admitted to hospitals that reporters could not access, and numerous families had collected bodies privately without media contact.

At least 354 more people were arrested in the last 36 hours till 6:00pm on July 30, bringing the total number of arrests to 10,488 since July 18. Police filed 672 cases in the capital and 51 districts. Of the latest arrestees, 215 were taken into custody from 29 districts. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police produced 139 arrestees before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court, where most were sent to jail and some placed on remand.

Prominent citizens, under the banner "Aggrieved Citizen Society," held a press conference at the Dhaka Reporters Unity, accusing the government of being largely responsible for the deadly crackdown. Transparency International Bangladesh Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman questioned the justification for holding protest leaders "for their safety" and asked if similar security would be extended to all citizens.

Meanwhile, police barred a group of guardians under the banner "Santaner Pashe Obhibhabok" from holding a sit-in in front of Dhaka Medical College. The parents had planned to demand answers regarding the deaths of their children.

The government announced its intention to ban Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, for their alleged involvement in recent "anti-state activities." Law Minister Anisul Huq made the announcement a day after the Awami League-led 14-party alliance recommended the ban. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir questioned the timing of the decision, calling it a ploy to distract from the ongoing crisis.

Amnesty International, in an open letter to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, demanded the immediate lifting of the curfew and restoration of full access to social media. The letter also urged the government to ensure that shoot-on-sight orders and internet shutdowns would not be used again to suppress protests or curtail fundamental rights.

The events of July 30 bore witness to a fractured nation grappling with grief, fury, and a deepening crisis of trust. While red became the colour of resistance—on campus, online, and on the streets—the government's escalating crackdown and denial of responsibility further inflamed public sentiment. As the international community watched with alarm and citizens demanded justice with unrelenting courage, the question remained—will the state listen before the damage becomes irreversible?​

 

[Saif]

‘The July uprising was about truth and justice’

In this “noya bondobosto,” discrimination has simply been repackaged, following the same rotten patterns we thought we had destroyed.

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‘The July uprising was about truth and justice’

The bitter truth about our current situation is this: we toppled the fascist regime, but we couldn't bring it to justice. FILE PHOTO: PRABIR DAS
In July-August 2024, a student-led mass uprising swept across Bangladesh, culminating in the fall of an autocratic regime spanning more than 15 years. A year on, three of the female protesters who took part in the movement on the streets—Nasita Binte Nasir, Lamisha Jaman, and Kameliya Sharmin Chura—share first-hand accounts of resistance and survival with Mahiya Tabassum of The Daily Star.

'The bullet passed right by me'
Nasita Binte Nasir
Undergraduate student, Islamic University of Technology (IUT)

Initially, I was hesitant to join the movement. On July 16, I tried to take part in a demonstration organised by a political party, but their behaviour was intimidating and made me feel unsafe. But things changed the next day. I spoke with a group of student protesters, independent from any platform, who made me feel reassured. With their encouragement, I joined a rally in Uttara in the morning.

On July 18, private university students from all over Dhaka decided to mobilise together, coordinating through social media. A few of my friends came to my place early in the morning, and around 9am or 10am, we headed out. Violent clashes were already being reported, but I still couldn't believe that state forces would open fire on unarmed student protesters.

We, the former students of Rajuk Uttara Model College, joined the protest rally in front of the establishment. As clashes intensified and more students were injured, we—especially the female protesters—took on the role of medics. We tried to get supplies from the nearby Lazz Pharma, but they refused to sell us anything. When the violence escalated further, they shut down completely.

Police officers began firing rubber bullets into the crowd. There were armoured personnel carriers around us. Then, out of nowhere, a military tank rolled into view, sweeping through the road and firing indiscriminately. It was the first time I had ever seen a tank up close. The sheer violence of it—the disregard for human life—shocked me to my core.

In that chaos, a bullet flew right past me and struck a young woman just a few metres behind. I had spoken to her only moments earlier. Other protesters quickly carried her to a hospital. She survived, but was seriously injured. Another protester wasn't as lucky. A police bullet hit him in the eye. He didn't survive.

Everything happened so fast. When the military tank entered the scene, panic took over. We began running in every direction, trying to find safety. But even that was difficult. Many of us sought shelter at nearby buildings, only to find locked gates and terrified residents unwilling to help. Most buildings had shut their doors to keep us out. We were left exposed while a military tank roamed the street to "clear" the area.

At one point, a building guard handed us a few sticks to defend ourselves, though we knew they were almost useless. Still, we took them. We focused our energy towards helping the wounded, continuing to collect supplies and administering basic first aid to anyone who needed it.

After that day, every Rajuk student I knew was mobilised. We kept returning to the streets, day after day, organising more rallies.

Nasita Binte Nasir (left), a former Rajuk Uttara Model College student, in a rally in Uttara protesting the killing of students during the July uprising in 2024. Later, this photo went viral. Source: Prothom Alo

Then came the photo.

Someone took a picture of me mid-slogan, standing in the pouring rain, and it went viral. Overnight, I started receiving death threats. My inbox was filled with messages from strangers. Some people tracked me down on social media, sending vile and threatening messages.

I had to deactivate my Facebook account for safety. But I opened a new one to stay in touch with other protesters and to help coordinate actions.

That viral photo also led to wild speculations. Suddenly, people online were calling me a BNP field activist. Others tried to recruit me into various political parties, assuming I had political ambitions. But I refused every offer. I never had interest in politics before; I don't have it now.

I never wanted the limelight. I didn't join the protests to be seen or praised. The movement was not about fame or political alignment. It was about truth and justice. I will take to the streets again if I must—but not under the banner of any party. I don't need a political affiliation to stand for what is right.

Oddly enough, I felt more secure during the protests than I did afterwards. After August 5, the fear became constant. I started hearing from people close to me that various political groups were trying to find out where I was—trying to locate me.

Even though the regime has changed, I still don't feel safe.

'I felt the horror in my bones'
Lamisha Jaman
Undergraduate student, Jahangirnagar University

On July 15 last year, a photo of two students carrying another injured protester on the Dhaka University campus went viral. That was the day members of Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), student wing of the then ruling party, attacked students protesting at DU. I was on my way to the airport to see off a relative, but as news of the attacks started pouring in, we made a split-second decision to turn around and head to DU.

I didn't get caught in any clashes that day, but it was the first time I witnessed the reality on the ground. The tension in the air, the fear, the resistance—it all felt raw and urgent. By July 16, I was fully immersed in the protests, chanting slogans alongside fellow students. I vividly remember shouting, "Chhi chhi Hasina, lojjay bachi na," when a few of the rally organisers—some of whom are now at the forefront of National Citizen Party (NCP)—asked me not to raise such slogans. They claimed this protest was about quota reform, not against any particular regime or leader.

Lamisha Jaman, a Jahangirnagar student, carries spatula and brick to defend herself against the lethal force carried out by law enforcers and BCL on Dhaka University campus during July protests in 2024. Photo: Courtesy

On July 18, school and college students in the Farmgate area came out on the streets, having coordinated with me the previous night. Initially, we were gathering in groups of three-four so as not to draw any attention. But soon, we felt safe enough to move in a large group. So around 400-500 students, all in uniforms, united in Farmgate and started a protest rally, moving towards Asad Gate via Manik Mia Avenue.

On Manik Mia Avenue, police opened fire on us. Students were breaking branches off from the nearby trees to defend themselves. Then we negotiated with the police that they would let us lead the rally towards Mirpur Road. By the time we got on Mirpur Road, a huge group of BCL activists rushed to the spot from Lalmatia, carrying sharp weapons, chasing the uniform-wearing students.

Police also started firing blank shots, as well as tear shells and sound grenades. The students dispersed and started running in different directions. That day, I faced the largest number of tear shells among all the days of July uprising. We started applying toothpaste all over our faces and tried to take shelter in the nearby buildings.

At Dhanmondi Road 27, I saw some students of Holy Cross College in front of a building beside Rapa Plaza, pleading with the people inside to open the gate and let them in. But no one inside agreed to give them shelter, saying they would get in trouble. A few of the students fell heavily sick due to the tear shells and were having breathing difficulties.

Then someone from upstairs called us and we noticed an emergency exit. We went upstairs via that and saw that a beauty parlour was giving shelter to a large number of people, crammed into a small room. There were women, senior citizens, children crying and praying.

Then I got calls and learnt that 300-350 more students were stuck in Rapa Plaza and another adjacent building. Then someone called me and said one of the students I knew had gotten shot with two bullets and needed to be taken to a hospital immediately. She was taken to at least six to seven hospitals—not a single one agreed to provide medical assistance. Then finally they found a hospital near Farmgate that took her in. She survived, but was traumatised for life.

While I was sitting there, crammed in the small dark room with others, I received another call, learning that a student from Dhaka Residential Model College (DRMC) had been fatally shot near Dhanmondi 27.

We decided to keep calm and plan for an escape. We started calling media houses because we were under the impression that if the incident got coverage, we would be spared. I called my elder sister—she was already in another protest. She just said, "Calling you in a minute, I am running." Then I heard a gunshot and the call dropped. I started screaming and crying and that was the first time I felt the horror in my bones. Every second felt like hours, filled with pain and horror till I could confirm that she was alright.

We kept reaching out for help, but no one came. We were advised to leave in a large group, but none of us felt safe doing so. The clashes continued for nearly six hours. We called the Mohammadpur and Dhanmondi police stations, but they said they couldn't help us either—the situation was spiralling out of control.

Eventually, teachers from the DRMC and an official from St. Joseph Higher Secondary School came to rescue their students. A DU faculty member also came. We begged them to take other students too, regardless of which school they belonged to. Surprisingly, no teacher or official from Holy Cross came, even after they were informed about their students' situation.

To prepare for the escape, we split into groups. Staff from a nearby business donated spare clothes, allowing many students to change out of their uniforms into civilian clothes so they wouldn't get targeted or arrested.

By around 4:30pm, the last student was escorted out of that room. Then I, along with a few close friends, stepped outside.

What we saw was devastating: tyres burning, streets littered with abandoned sandals, pools of blood, chunks of flesh. It looked like a war zone.

Walking away from that scene felt like stepping into a second life—an escape from death, a breath stolen back from chaos. And though our bodies were exhausted and our spirits shaken, we knew this was not the end. The fight was only just beginning.
’
To be continued...................​

 

[Saif]

'I couldn't stay away from the protests'
Kameliya Sharmin Chura
Undergraduate student, Jahangirnagar University

Although I had the privilege of using the quota system, I was active during the 2018 quota reform movement because I didn't want any discrimination. But the protest in 2018 was only about quota; it didn't address the broader discrimination faced by marginalised communities. When the quota reform protests resurfaced in 2024, I wasn't part of it initially.

But everything changed on July 15. A protest rally of students had reached the VC bungalow in Jahangirnagar University (JU) when police, along with a group of BCL activists carrying weapons, attacked the students. The clash between protesters and the police-BCL members turned violent, and students took shelter in the VC bungalow. There was a blackout throughout the campus and our students got cornered with no safe escape route.

I couldn't just watch. I had to step out and join the protest, even as the police charged at us.

That night, as police and BCL activists attacked us, I saw a Facebook live broadcast from the VC Bungalow showing our trapped students. After watching that, I knew I had to act. I took the bell from my resident hall—the one we use for emergencies and warnings—and walked through the balconies of Pritilata hall.

I hammered that bell with everything I had and called everyone to gather, to step out and rescue our students. The sound echoed across the dormitory, and something extraordinary happened. A huge group of female students poured out of the hall and marched with me towards the VC bungalow to rescue the trapped protesters.

That became one of the most significant moments of the July protests on the JU campus. Without those female students that night, it would have been impossible to face the clashes head-on.

There are so many incidents from July-August 2024 that I can never erase from my memory. The images are burnt in my mind, instances where I had to jump over a dead body just to take shelter from the violent clashes raging around us on August 5. I saw so many corpses, so much blood. The trauma hasn't left me.

During the uprising, several of our teachers—who have since fled the country—called us, especially targeting female students like me. They threatened to inform our parents and suspend us from the university if we continued participating in the protests. But those intimidation tactics were nothing compared to the challenges we face in today's Bangladesh.

The bitter truth about our current situation is this: we toppled the fascist regime, but we couldn't bring it to justice. We fought against discrimination, but in today's Bangladesh, we're witnessing discrimination everywhere we look. The corruption, the extortion—it's all happening openly now. The very cause we bled for, we couldn't achieve it.

In this "noya bondobosto," discrimination has simply been repackaged, following the same rotten patterns we thought we had destroyed. I have never felt this unsafe before, both as a woman and as someone who is an artiste. The rise of ultraconservatism has put people like us at risk.

The revolution we fought for feels incomplete, hollow even. We paid in blood for change, but what we got was just a reshuffling of the same oppressive deck.

Mahiya Tabassum is a member of the editorial team at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

‘July Uprising Book Fair 2025’ begins at Bangla Academy

The 'July Uprising Book Fair 2025' was inaugurated on Wednesday at the premises of Bangla Academy, marking the anniversary of the historic July Uprising. The fair has been organized by the Bangladesh Publishers and Booksellers Association, with support from Bangla Academy and under the patronage o

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

‘July Uprising Book Fair 2025’ begins at Bangla Academy

UNB
Published :
Jul 31, 2025 23:08
Updated :
Jul 31, 2025 23:08

The 'July Uprising Book Fair 2025' was inaugurated on Wednesday at the premises of Bangla Academy, marking the anniversary of the historic July Uprising.

The fair has been organized by the Bangladesh Publishers and Booksellers Association, with support from Bangla Academy and under the patronage of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.

The inauguration ceremony, held at 5pm, was graced by Kazi Lulul Makh Min, mother of martyred activist Fahmin Jafar, who officially opened the fair.

In a brief yet emotional address, she said, "The blood of my child is entwined with the July Uprising. Through this book fair, we are remembering that historic event and honoring those, like my son Fahmin Jafar, who stood fearlessly in the face of authoritarian bullets. This fair is not just a tribute to the uprising and its martyrs but also to a fearless generation that stood with unyielding resistance."

Prof Mohammad Azam, Director General of Bangla Academy, attended the event as a special guest. "In the past year, an impressive number of publications have emerged on the July Uprising. These works will serve as invaluable primary sources for future research."

"The July Uprising Book Fair is unique in its essence-books produced around the uprising carry historical significance as a counter-narrative to fascist propaganda," he said.

President of the Publishers and Booksellers Association, Rezaul Karim Badsha, remarked, "This is not just a commercial festival-it is a celebration of free thought. If any regime ever attempts to suppress freedom of expression again, the uprising stands as a stark reminder of the consequences, and that reminder is now preserved in these books."

The book fair will continue till August 5, open daily from 11am to 8pm, free for all visitors. Each day from 4:30pm to 7:30pm, memory-sharing lectures and discussions will be held on various aspects of the July Uprising under the title "Bloody July: In Our Memory, In Our Courage."

The schedule includes sessions such as: "Role of Intellectuals in Post-Uprising Bangladesh" with Hasan Robayet and Pulin Bokshi, and "Youth in the Uprising - '90 and '24" with Ruhul Kabir Rizvi on August 1; "Censorship and the Intellectual Space in Bangladesh" featuring Imrul Hasan and Mahbub Morshed, and "Role of Publishing in Rebuilding Post-Uprising Bangladesh" by Mohammad Nazim Uddin on August 2; "The Role and Nature of Media in Post-Uprising Bangladesh" with Kajal Rashid Shaheen and Sahul Ahmed, and "Language, Literature, and Culture of the Uprising" with Altaf Shahnewaz on August 3; "Justice and Injustice in Revolutions" featuring Arif Khan and Faridul Haque, "Uprising and Women" by Moshaheeda Sultana, and "Reporting the Revolution" by Amirul Islam Kagzi on August 4; and finally, "The Revolutionary Generation and the Future of Bangladesh" featuring Rezaul Karim Roni and Tuhin Khan on August 5.

Over 60 leading publishing houses from across the country are participating in the fair.

Notably, visitors can also access reports from seven reform commissions of the Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh at the Publishers and Booksellers Association's designated stall.​

 

[Saif]

Unfinished tasks of July uprising

As the anniversary of the July mass uprising continues, it is also time to examine the achievements and disappointment of this historical event critically. The task is challenging and also problematic due to the complex nature of the mass uprising and subsequent developments in the country over the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Unfinished tasks of July uprising

Tanim Asjad
Published :
Aug 02, 2025 00:14
Updated :
Aug 02, 2025 00:14

As the anniversary of the July mass uprising continues, it is also time to examine the achievements and disappointment of this historical event critically. The task is challenging and also problematic due to the complex nature of the mass uprising and subsequent developments in the country over the past year. There is no doubt that the most visible and successful achievement of the student-led movement is the downfall of the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina on August 5 last year. It was the day when Bangladesh re-emerged as a country boldly asserting its sovereignty and independence. The sovereign status of the country was systematically undermined during the authoritarian regime.

Nevertheless, the fall of the brutal regime is not the end of the story, as the mass uprising has widened the expectations of the people. The downfall of Hasina is also a point of a new beginning to rebuild the country in a balanced and sustainable way, thereby curbing socio-economic disparity. It opens the door to restoring the freedom of speech and reversing the course of hate and intolerance. The bloody and forceful departure of the tyrant also presents an opportunity to reshape democratic institutions for the greater interests of the nation. All these are big tasks and not possible to complete within a short period. Instead the same will require persistent efforts.

Immediately after Hasian's ouster and escape to seek refuge in India, the nation dipped into a chaotic disorder for the time being. With the killing of at least 1,400 people and injury to several thousand others by the tyrant's forces and goons in 36 days of the mass uprising, some amount of disorder was not unexpected. It is also true that some undesirable things happened at that time, undermining the spirit of the mass uprising.

It is also well known that a large number of people were intimidated over the 15 years of the tyrant by law-enforcing agencies, along with leaders and activists of the ruling party, Bangladesh Awami League (BAL), to be exact, for differences in their political positions. Many of the tortured did not waste the opportunity to take revenge. Therefore, several BAL leaders and activities came under attack. Top leaders of the party, however, escaped, and many fled to India. They are now staying there thanks to the generosity of the Modi-led Indian government in return for serving the Indian interests for more than a decade.

Some expected that things would be normalised automatically or that there would be little chaos. It was a misconceived notion, as the country's political transition did not occur through normal democratic means. More than a month-long movement, that witnessed venting of a decade-long legitimate anger and disappointment, led to the bloody mass uprising and compelled the tyrannical regime to fall.

Then the Yunus-led interim government took charge shouldering two immediate tasks: restoring law and order and fixing economic mismanagement. Despite several efforts, law and order are still a matter of grave concern in the country. Economic management has, however, improved modestly, and more progress is expected. It is, however, disappointing that some critical areas like education, health and transport are still carrying the legacy of the tyrant regime due to lack of effective intervention from the interim government. Instead of taking proper measures do some urgent rectifications, the over-ambitious move of comprehensive reforms will take time. The country is yet to regain normalcy by adjusting with the changeover.

So, the ultimate success of the July uprising will depend on addressing the socio-economic disparity in an effective and sustainable manner and also on the smooth transition to a democratic process. The road is long with a number of barriers and there is no easy or short-cut to move ahead. It is thus necessary to continue the fight.​

 

[Saif]

After July: A fragile transition, a nation in waiting

Hope for change, rebirth, and the restoration of the republic remains weakened after a year.

www.thedailystar.net

After July: A fragile transition, a nation in waiting

VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

One of the most significant political upheavals in Bangladesh's recent history occurred during the July uprising, which took place only a year ago. After years of political persecution, suffocation, and the deliberate deterioration of democratic principles, it was a moment of communal liberation for many. Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's prolonged and increasingly autocratic administration came to an abrupt end due to a confluence of student protests, widespread public discontent, elite disenchantment, and institutional retreat. Hope for change, rebirth, and the restoration of the republic followed. That hope remains a year later, albeit weakened.

The subsequent transition following the uprising brought with it an interim government, headed by Prof Muhammad Yunus, which was never going to be easy. The government began cautiously optimistic, charged with re-establishing public trust, consolidating a shattered state, and laying the groundwork for a fair electoral process. It pledged a restoration of the rule of law, reform, and inclusivity. However, the administration is increasingly vulnerable to both internal conflicts and public scepticism due to its delayed delivery, increasing political inconsistencies, and growing doubts about its authority.

The breakdown of the political unity that initially enabled the revolt has been the most depressing development since it began. After briefly uniting behind a common goal—the overthrow of the previous government—the alliance of student activists, opposition parties, and civil society leaders has returned to distrust, competitiveness, and conflicting agendas. Long seen as the main opposition party, the BNP has struggled to articulate a consistent post-Hasina policy, wavering between calls for more extensive structural reform and demands for early elections. The National Citizen Party (NCP), which formerly presented itself with a young, reformist image, has become increasingly entangled in internal conflicts and characterised by exaggerated rhetoric. Even some student organisations, which were previously praised as the movement's moral core, have been drawn into disputes and controversies.

The Awami League's political future is still a significant concern in the interim. Whether it should be officially banned or marginalised remains a topic of debate. Although many people believe that a party long associated with authoritarianism and impunity must be held accountable, others caution that exclusion—particularly by decree—risks eroding the same democratic norms that the movement aimed to restore. Here, there are no simple solutions. There is a fine line between justice and retaliation, and in a culture still dealing with the effects of political violence, moving forward requires a level of self-control that is hard to muster.

The position is made more difficult by the strategic hesitations of the interim government. It has hinted at election dates, with February 2026 being the latest, but has yet to release a definitive schedule or legal framework. (On July 31, the law adviser said the election date would be announced in a few days.) Both supporters and opponents have criticised the interim for its incapacity or refusal to take decisive action on issues such as judicial independence, bureaucratic accountability, and law enforcement reform. Merely symbolising is no longer sufficient in an environment where public vigilantism, mob violence, and administrative indifference are becoming more apparent.

International players have also been keeping a careful eye on things. Once a major backer of the former Awami League-led government, India has been, at best, ambivalent towards the new administration due to its unclear stance and cautious diplomatic approach. Border disputes have escalated, especially in light of recent push-ins of Rohingya refugees and Muslims who speak Bangla. China and Pakistan, however, have taken a more realistic stance and are offering cautious engagement. While applauding the end of autocratic leadership, Western nations have begun to voice concerns about the absence of human rights protections and the lack of election certainty. The interim government continues to face a challenging balancing act between local consolidation and international credibility.

Nevertheless, something has changed amid all this uncertainty. The prevailing power's myth of invincibility has been dispelled. The fear-based culture that stifled dissent has been broken. A new generation has taken the stage, one that is politicised by engagement rather than inheritance. This is no small accomplishment in and of itself. However, this is not enough to sustain a movement. They need organisation, creativity, and most importantly a forward-looking vision.

The next few months will be pivotal. The gap will either be filled by opportunism, resentment, and a return to authoritarianism, or the interim government will be able to steer the country towards elections and reform in a legitimate manner. For a country that has repeatedly paid the price of freedom, it is reasonable to expect its leaders to step up when the time comes.

Zillur Rahman is a journalist and the host of the current affairs talk show 'Tritiyo Matra.' He also serves as the president of the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS).​

 

[Bilal9]

undefined | The Financial Express

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Constable in Kushtia suspended for making ‘derogatory remarks’ about July Uprising

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jul 05, 2025 20:43
Updated :
Jul 05, 2025 20:43

View attachment 19627

A police constable in Kushtia has been suspended for making “derogatory remarks” about the July Uprising on social media.

District Police Superintendent Mizanur Rahman said on Saturday, “As the investigation has found primary evidence, it has been recommended to suspend and dismiss Constable Farzul Islam Rony.”

On Jul 1, Rony made a Facebook post about the student-led mass uprising that toppled the Awami League government, but deleted it shortly afterwards.

He later claimed his account had been hacked. The post, however, had already drawn widespread criticism.

That night, leaders and activists of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement protested in front of the district superintendent of police’s office on the Kushtia-Ishurdi Highway, demanding Rony’s arrest and dismissal.

On Jul 2, a committee was formed to investigate the incident, comprising Additional Superintendent of Police Sikder Mohammad Hasan Imam, Additional Superintendent of Police (Sadar Circle) Pranab Kumar, and Inspector Debashish Roy.

Anti-discrimination Student Movement’s (Kushtia) Member Secretary Mostafizur Rahman said, “There is no opportunity to belittle the July achieved through the sacrifices of the students and the public against the fascist regime. This step taken against Rony will set an example.”

Rony hails from Shailkupa Upazila of Jhenaidah. He had been working in the Kushtia Traffic Department since Jul 13, 2023. A police official said he is currently in hiding.​

These Awami bast*rds are getting bold back again, issuing Facebook posts on behalf of AL.

But little do these fascist scum know that people's memory in Bangladesh has a long life.

Meanwhile - Thanks for sacrificing your own career in law enforcement for good. Good luck getting another job.

Scoot back to where people can't find you.

 

[Saif]

These Awami bast*rds are getting bold back again, issuing Facebook posts on behalf of AL.

But little do these fascist scum know that people's memory in Bangladesh has a long life.

Meanwhile - Thanks for sacrificing your own career in law enforcement for good. Good luck getting another job.

Scoot back to where people can't find you.

Ditto

 

[Saif]

Upholding the spirit of July uprising

A nation that won independence in 1971 waging a nine-month long bloody war against an occupation army, celebrates the first anniversary of another landmark event called the July mass uprising today (Tuesday). Bangladesh has witnessed many ups and downs since its emergence, but the July uprising, be

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Upholding the spirit of July uprising

FE
Published :
Aug 05, 2025 00:12
Updated :
Aug 05, 2025 00:12

A nation that won independence in 1971 waging a nine-month long bloody war against an occupation army, celebrates the first anniversary of another landmark event called the July mass uprising today (Tuesday). Bangladesh has witnessed many ups and downs since its emergence, but the July uprising, because of its scale and sacrifices made, is considered an unparalleled one. Students and people from all walks of life forced one of the worst authoritarian regimes of the country to fall and its head, Sheikh Hasina, flee to neighbouring India on August 05 last year.

In fact, July mass uprising was the explosion of a series of events marking political, social and economic discontent. These were suppressed by the Hasina regime in most cases brutally terming it anti-liberation conspiracy. Though she came to power in 2009, thanks to popular vote, in the years that followed she grossly undermined the democratic process by making national elections a mockery. She resorted to election engineering to ensure majority seats for her party, Bangladesh Awami League (BAL), in the parliament to stay in power forever. Manipulating the judiciary, her government nullified the constitutional obligation to hold national election under the caretaker government. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the main opposition party, faced relentless persecution. Hasina government introduced repressive acts and increased surveillance on the people thereby curbing freedom of speech and marginalising the media.

Though the country witnessed a robust economic growth in the 15 years of Hasina regime, it was unable to attract a significant amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) and diversify export. Over-ambitious mega infrastructure projects became a way of misappropriating pubhlic funds by party loyalists and powerful quarters. The much-hyped development narrative was hollow and unattainable. The Hasina-run administration was basically a kleptocracy, a form of government by individuals who primarily seek personal gain at the expense of those they govern. The tyrant also politicised almost all national institutions and rendered those dysfunctional. She got unconditional support from India and used it to perpetuate her hold on power. Hasina also allowed her party's student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), which has been banned recently, to unleash a reign of terror in all the educational institutions of the country. Torture, intimidation, physical assault and killing by the BCL leaders and activists became a common practice under the shelter of law-enforcing agencies. It was designed to suppress any protest or movement by the ordinary students and youths.

Nevertheless, it is the students and youths who dared to challenge the authoritarian regime. The movement demanding reforms of discriminatory quota system in public jobs in 2013 and 2018 had unnerved the Hasina regime. The law enforcing agencies and the goons of BCL descended on the street protestors with brute force. Also, in 2018, students held street demonstrations demanding road safety across the country which was also brutally suppressed. But the flame of rebellion was alive and street violence erupted again in the form of protest against the resumption of the discriminatory quota system in the public service. Soon the street demonstrations turned into a mass movement demanding that Hasina must step down. Her brutal repressive steps to crush the movement led to the deaths of at least 1,400 people and injuries to more than 20,000 during the final days of July-August.

Thus, Bangladesh witnessed a new morning stained with blood, tears and horrors, but with new hopes for a better future and a society that will be inclusive and free from injustice and discrimination. As the country celebrates the first anniversary of the mass uprising, its key message must be remembered and the spirit must be upheld by all. Now is the time to work together and carry out reforms of key national institutions and begin the onward journey for democracy and a just society.​

 

[Saif]

Revolutionary upsurge of the masses

The popular uprising in Bangladesh on July-August last year resulted in the downfall of the autocratic and fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024. On the day, her 15-year long vicious and repressive rule came to a sudden end when she was forced to resign and flee the country by air with

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Revolutionary upsurge of the masses

Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Aug 04, 2025 23:45
Updated :
Aug 04, 2025 23:45

The popular uprising in Bangladesh on July-August last year resulted in the downfall of the autocratic and fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024. On the day, her 15-year long vicious and repressive rule came to a sudden end when she was forced to resign and flee the country by air with the help of her Indian masters. Although some people prefer to call it a revolution of the students and masses, most political scientists and analysts generally term the event as a 'mass upsurge' or 'mass uprising' against an autocratic fascist regime that virtually destroyed all democratic institutions of the country during its one and a half decades' rule.

Two months before that epoch-making event, unremitting anger and frustration were generated among the students, youths, and job-seekers across the country when a politicised bench of the High Court Division declared the abolition of quota system for class-1 and class-2 government jobs as illegal on June 5 last year. The abolition of quotas was previously announced by the Hasina regime in order to hang on to power in the face of a popular movement by students in 2018 for reforming the discriminatory system that unjustly favoured the ruling coterie.

This time, the protests gradually intensified, and the students announced a non-stop programme for realising their four-point demand on reforming the quota system on July 1, 2024. In the beginning, the protest programmes were confined to processions, halting of transport movements, blockades, and submission of memorandums to relevant authorities. But the impervious and arrogant ministers of the ruling Awami League (AL) including the prime minister took a hard and intransigent stance on the issue. Their arrogant, irresponsible, and intimidating comments directed against the agitating students further alienated and infuriated the general masses. The protesters subsequently resorted to all-out agitation on the university campuses, expulsion of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) cadres, and countrywide blockades. Clashes were then taking place on a regular basis between the general students and the police force, who were aided by pro-Awami League goons all over the country. The movement of the students and job-seeking youths continued like this till mid-July.

However, things suddenly heated up when Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina termed the agitating students as offspring of Razakars (collaborators of Pakistan army during liberation war) at a press conference held in Dhaka on July 14. Then while supporting her, the AL general secretary Obaidul Quader boasted to journalists that the Chhatra League (student wing of Awami League) activists were sufficient for suppressing the movement. As a follow-up to these utterances, the BCL cadres viciously attacked the peaceful processions of agitators inside Dhaka University campus on July 15, which received wide coverage in the media and generated further anger and fury among the students. The situation deteriorated even further when the prominent student activist of Rangpur Begum Rokeya University Abu Sayed was fatally shot dead by police on July 16 while leading a procession near the campus. The video of his brave posture - stretching back his open arms while confronting the police before being shot dead - became viral across the country. This valiant martyr became an icon of courage for the agitators overnight, and the spirit of his bravery was transmitted to all those involved in the movement.

Subsequently, the Hasina regime became enraged when the BCL cadres were expelled from the residential halls of Dhaka University on July 17 by the agitating students, and many workers of BCL also voluntarily resigned from their posts. The regime realised that this movement could not be suppressed with the help of Chhatra League goons alone. It therefore sent huge contingents of police and other security forces into the Dhaka University campus and forcibly emptied the residential halls. However, this repressive measure of the government was only a temporary setback for the movement. In reality, the movement became even stronger due to its impact. This was the time when the students of private universities, colleges, and madrasas in Dhaka and elsewhere in the country joined the movement in a concerted manner for keeping it alive. Side by side, the general masses residing in various localities of Dhaka including Uttara, Rampura, Mohakhali, Banani, Dhanmondi, Mirpur and Jatrabari spontaneously came down to the streets in support of the protesters. Even the family-members and teachers of students came forward by expressing support.

The agitating students put forward their 9-point demand on July 19 following innumerable deaths and injuries caused by the Hasina regime during countrywide protests on July 18. At least 31 protesters were killed on the day and over 100 injured. Their demands included an apology from Sheikh Hasina and resignation of some key ministers including the home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal. In this way, the movement graduated into a greater national movement from that of a movement for reforming the quota system in government jobs. The regime responded by enforcing internet blackout from July 18, followed by the deployment of army across the country and imposition of curfew with 'shoot at sight' orders on July 19, when at least 56 protesters were shot dead by the security forces including 44 in capital Dhaka. This was followed by the killing of at least 26 more protesters including 15 in Dhaka on July 20, and the announcement of holidays on July 21 and 22 by the regime.

Meanwhile, the police resorted to mass arrests and block-raids by targeting students at various localities, and even helicopters were flown by RAB for shooting down protesters. The government-orchestrated verdict of the Appellate Division of Supreme Court on the quota system delivered on July 21 did not have any impact whatsoever on the ongoing movement because of the blood already spilled across the country. A popular slogan was then heard at many places: "Take back your quota, give me back my brother". A 'Complete Shutdown' was then observed across the country by the protesters on July 22.

The support of the general masses towards the movement increased manifold during the 16-31 July period. The movement then took a turn towards seeking justice for the victims of repression. As a consequence, it did not remain confined to the students alone, and the participation of the masses including parents and guardians of students became a common feature. Finally, this desire for justice got transformed into the one-point demand for the resignation and ouster of autocrat Hasina.

The people of the country were already very angry and aggrieved due to the continuous misrule, corruption, fraudulent elections, and socio-economic crises perpetrated by the Hasina regime. The lives and livelihoods of the general masses were severely hampered due to the anti-people policies pursued by the regime. In this backdrop, when the students stood up against the autocrat by ignoring all kinds of threats, repression, and intimidation, the grassroots people joined them on the streets spontaneously by identifying with their cause. Therefore, the widespread participation of the masses in this anti-autocracy movement did not originate from a mere spark of the moment; rather it was an explosion of people's cumulative anger and grievances piled up over one and a half decades against unabated discriminations, injustices, deceptions, fraudulences, tortures, and repression let loose by the regime.

The people were fed up with the steep rise in the prices of essentials, rampant corruption in all sectors, gradual rise in socio-economic disparities, and plundering of state-wealth by the ruling coterie - giving rise to complete loss of confidence in the regime. But the false and misleading rhetorics of the regime did no subside a bit over the years, as the ministers and other AL-stalwarts continued to mock and belittle people including the students and media-men whenever they opposed the regime. People were infuriated as the onus of governance was shunned by the rulers, who often blamed others for the problems created by themselves. By killing a defenceless Abu Sayed without any provocation whatsoever, the regime conclusively proved that it did not care a bit about the security, lives, and wellbeing of the people. This anti-people stance generated a new wave of mass discontent, and ignited the final spark that made people belonging to all strata of society revolt against the regime.

To be continued..................... ​

 

[Saif]

Therefore, the anti-discrimination reform movement led by the students and youths resulted in the collective withdrawal of support for the then government. Although this was not evident at the start, the resignations by a large number of disillusioned Chhatra League leaders and activists clearly pointed to that. They were joined by teachers, physicians, lawyers, peasants, and workers, who started to express solidarity with the movement. At a later stage, dissent and division among the armed forces personnel drove a wedge between the military and the Hasina-regime. The officers and soldiers, especially in the lower echelons, expressed their displeasure at the situation and conveyed their unwillingness to shoot at unarmed civilians whom they were supposed to protect.

As the moment of truth arrived for Hasina, some retired officers of the armed forces including former army-chiefs at a press conference held on 4 August at the RAOWA Club of Dhaka urged the military not to attack the common people. This received wide coverage and support among the military and the masses. The retired military officers and their families also brought out defiant processions in support of the movement from some locations including Mirpur DOHS, which was quite unprecedented. Earlier, ignoring all kinds of intimidations, the coordinators of the movement put forward a one-point demand for Hasina's resignation following a huge rally at Central Shaheed Minar in Dhaka on August 3. The military top-brasses then decided not to oppose the movement after internal consultations and discussions. However, the AL was adamant till the end about suppressing the movement by force. Therefore, armed cadres of the Awami League as well as the partisan police personnel attacked the agitators all over the country on August 4 resulting in a huge number of casualties. Even in the face of all these odds, the students and the masses remained resolute and continued to resist the violent assaults.

As the situation reached a boiling point, the coordinators of the movement announced the 'March to Dhaka' programme on August 4, which was initially slated for August 6, but later brought forward by one day due to huge public support across the country. The students then coordinated the entry of people into Dhaka city from various corners of Bangladesh. Lakhs of people started streaming into Dhaka from the morning of August 5; they were headed towards the official residence of the prime minister 'Ganobhaban'. In the face of this huge show of force by the masses, the chiefs of the armed forces told Sheikh Hasina that it was impossible to control the masses by applying force. The final moments of Hasina's reign therefore arrived. It should, however, be pointed out that just as there was huge participation of people in this uprising, the pro-people stance of the armed forces was also critical in deposing Hasina and averting further bloodshed and loss of innocent lives.

Many people previously believed that the armed forces would side with Sheikh Hasina till the last due to the coterie-based government-military alliance built over a long period. However, some also believed that it would have become difficult for the military to continue working with the UN peacekeeping missions if it sided with Hasina by taking a stand against the people; and therefore, this factor may also have played a part in their decision-making. But a majority of observers believed there was an apprehension among the military leadership regarding a break-down in their internal chain of command if the troops were ordered to continue shooting at unarmed civilians. The widespread dissatisfaction within the armed forces on this issue could have caused serious fissure inside, which would have put the military leadership at a disadvantage. Besides, the dominant role and hegemonic interferences by India in the internal affairs of Bangladesh during the AL-rule might also have alienated a sizable segment of the patriotic military personnel against the Hasina regime.

This revolutionary episode in Bangladesh's history enacted during July-August 2024 can rightfully be termed as a mass-upsurge or uprising. Although revolt, uprising, and revolution may have similar connotations, there are some differences as well. For example, revolt entails sudden outburst of cumulative and collective anger against the authorities, but it usually does not bring about ouster of any government, although some reforms may materialise. On the other hand, mass upsurge takes place when the common people unitedly bring about the downfall of an autocratic regime by effecting changes in power-structure through collective expression of solidarity. On the other hand, revolution entails bringing about structural changes in a state through violent uprising in order to radically transform a degenerated socio-economic cum political system. Therefore, many analysts hold the view that the movement for reforming the discriminatory quota system in government jobs was a revolt that ultimately took the shape of a mass-upsurge.

Democracy has been repeatedly jeopardised in Bangladesh in the past due to the presence of fascistic ingredients in the state-structure. In this context, the eminent historian and veteran political commentator Badruddin Umar said in an interview: "The common people may nurture the impression that they have become free and independent, and such a situation will not reappear after the demise of Hasina's fascism. But this is not correct. The people may, however, continue to enjoy freedom in some areas. Those who would come to power after so many incidents would not immediately resort to such repression. But later on, it cannot be said with certainty that repression, torture, imprisonment, and black laws would not be applied, taking into account conditions prevailing in the country. The 70 to 80 percent members in parliament belonging to the business community would not go away. They could not be disposed of through this movement. They would remain, and would try to run the statecraft in future in accordance with their interests. Therefore, it is not true that the country has become completely liberated. There is no reason to believe that the relief the common people felt after ousting a criminal and fascist individual like Sheikh Hasina would last forever."

There are many ingredients for a return to fascism in our constitution, state, and political culture that may aid in its re-emergence. For example, an individual can become prime minister for as many times as he or she likes. If the same person becomes prime minister over and over again, then the tendency to become an autocrat increases. Again, there is no balance between the powers of the prime minister and the president. The prime minister holds absolute power, while the president only plays a nominal role, although the presidential system proved to be quite effective in Bangladesh during the rule of President Ziaur Rahman. Presently, the prime minister can simultaneously be the party-chief, the head of government, and the leader of the house - as was seen during Hasina's rule. A most undemocratic stipulation like Article-70 also exists in the constitution, which facilitates authoritarianism.

In this context, Badruddin Umar further says: "None of the governments since independence took any initiative for structural transformation of the state. Rather, the situation has seriously deteriorated over the past 15 years. Various vested quarters including businessmen have occupied prominent positions in the state and society. Time is needed for cleansing these elements. The objectives of the mass upsurge and the establishment of a discrimination-free society would materialise only if required reforms are implemented. For this to happen, just as changes in law would be required, similarly, the mentality of the people will also have to undergo transformation. Above all, the prevailing undemocratic political culture will have to be rectified."

Therefore, reform of the state-structure is urgently needed for thwarting the reappearance of fascism and obtaining full benefits of a mass-upsurge that emanated from a revolt by the students. A complete democratic transformation is needed for putting the ownership of the state into the hands of the common people. Everything would automatically take a turn for the better if the people are kept at the centre of all state initiatives by doing away with the current domination of vested interests like the business oligarchs, civil and military bureaucracy.

Dr Helal Uddin Ahmed is a retired additional secretary, ex-editorial consultant of The Financial Express, and former editor of Bangladesh Quarterly.​

 

[Saif]

Nation celebrates Mass Uprising Day today

Celebrations are about to set off today as the day marks the first anniversary of a mass uprising that dealt a dramatic collapse of the authoritarian Sheikh Hasina regime--a historic turning point on Bangladesh's political trajectory. Chief Adviser of the post-uprising government Prof Muhammad Yun

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

A DAY OF RECKONING, DAY OF REJOICING
Nation celebrates Mass Uprising Day today
CA to pronounce July Proclamation at parliament's south-plaza carnival

MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Aug 05, 2025 01:07
Updated :
Aug 05, 2025 01:07

A NEW DAWN IN HISTORY : Tens of millions of people spilled onto the streets across the country on August 5 last year to celebrate the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led autocratic government. Hasina was forced to flee to India amid a student-led popular uprising. The photo was taken at Shahbagh in Dhaka. — FE Archive

Celebrations are about to set off today as the day marks the first anniversary of a mass uprising that dealt a dramatic collapse of the authoritarian Sheikh Hasina regime--a historic turning point on Bangladesh's political trajectory.

Chief Adviser of the post-uprising government Prof Muhammad Yunus would roll out the 'July Proclamation' in the afternoon at parliament's south-plaza carnival.

The fifth of August, or 'July 36th' in the uprising calendar, is a day of reckoning as of rejoicing in the nation's fresh start with recast statecraft, as aspired by the martyrs and veterans of the mass movement for equal opportunities for all.

This day last year (2024), the long-reigning prime minister, Hasina, was forced to flee the country following a month-long student-led mass upsurge that swept through cities and towns, shaking off the very foundation of her 15-year rule.

The uprising, sparked by mounting grievances over democratic backsliding, rampant corruption, and the erosion of public institutions, ultimately culminated into her abrupt and ignominious exit, political analysts say.

The fall of the Hasina regime, described by many political analysts as the most significant political event in the post-independence Bangladesh, was a watershed moment that rekindled the nation's aspirations for democracy, justice and accountable governance.

Hasina's long and controversial rule had been marked by the centralisation of power, politicisation of the bureaucracy, curtailment of judicial independence, and the rise of an oligarchic economic order. Allegations of state-sponsored corruption, extrajudicial actions, and repression of dissent had reached a boiling point, eventually erupting into a mass movement that would spell her downfall.

As the news of her departure broke this very day last year, spontaneous celebrations erupted across the country. Streets were flooded with jubilant crowds waving flags, lighting candles, and chanting slogans that echoed a sense of long-awaited liberation. For many, it was a symbolic end to what they saw as years of political suffocation.

The price was, however, so dear. Over 1,500 students and civilians lost their lives and thousands more their limbs or eyes in confrontations with security forces during the mass upheaval. Their sacrifices, mourned and honoured today in commemorative events nationwide, were the catalyst for a national awakening.

In the immediate aftermath of the regime's fall, an interim government led by Nobel-laureate economist Professor Muhammad Yunus was sworn in on August 8, 2024. The transitional administration set out an ambitious roadmap for democratic revival and structural reforms. Several high-powered commissions were formed to draft recommendations on judicial reform, law enforcement, local governance, public administration, and media freedom.

These commissions, comprising eminent jurists, academics, and civil-society leaders, worked expeditiously and submitted far-reaching reform proposals. Their work was widely lauded for both vision and depth. However, the slow pace of implementation has become a source of frustration among reformists and civil-society activists, in particular.

Meanwhile, all activities of the Awami League and its affiliated organisations were suspended few months ago.

One year into the transition, cracks have begun to surface within the broad coalition that had united against Hasina's authoritarianism.

The rise of 'mob justice' in certain regions, in the absence of a fully functioning law-enforcement system, has raised serious concerns about the state of public order.

Another notable development in the post-August-5th period is the emergence of a new political party formed by the student leaders who had spearheaded the July uprising. Their entry into the political arena has altered the traditional balance of power.

One of the major debates on the cusp of transition has been over the timing and extent of reforms needed before holding national elections. While some political groups demanded a complete overhaul of state institutions first, others argued for early elections under minimum reforms.

This impasse was largely resolved following a pivotal meeting in London earlier this year between Chief Adviser Yunus and Tarique Rahman, the de facto leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The two reportedly reached a consensus on holding national elections by February 2026--a move that has brought some clarity and optimism to an otherwise uncertain political timeline.

The nation now awaits an official announcement of the election date by the head of the post-uprising government of Bangladesh, Chief Adviser Yunus. Public sentiment, as reflected in recent opinion surveys and media commentary, strongly favours the formation of a stable, elected government to steer the country through its recovery phase.

Investors - both domestic and foreign - have largely held back over the past year, citing concerns about political uncertainty and transitional governance. Business leaders have repeatedly warned that prolonged uncertainty could jeopardise economic-recovery efforts.

Despite the challenges, one of the most commendable achievements of the past year has been the finalisation of the July Proclamation. And the July Charter - a political consensus document---being crafted by the National Consensus Commission-albeit with some notes of dissent is in its final stage. Through extensive consultation with political parties, the Commission has put forward reform blueprints for the legislature, judiciary, and local government that, if implemented, could reshape Bangladesh's political architecture for generations to come.

As the country observes this solemn yet hope-raising anniversary of the changeover, the legacy of the uprising stands as a testament to the power of collective action in the face of repression. It is also a reminder of the responsibilities that now lie ahead - to honour the sacrifices made, to protect the gains won, and to build a democratic future rooted in justice and accountability.

While the journey is far from over, the people of Bangladesh have already demonstrated that when the call of history comes, they are capable of rising to meet it.​

 

[Saif]

One year since mass uprising: Hasina’s fall must not be the sole achievement

The downfall of an autocratic or authoritarian is rarely smooth or peaceful. They must be overthrown — through revolution, mass uprising, or coup. Borrowing from political sociologists like Charles Tilly and Frantz Fanon, one could say: since states are born through violence and conflict...

en.prothomalo.com

One year since mass uprising: Hasina’s fall must not be the sole achievement

AKM Zakaria
Prothom Alo Deputy Editor
Updated: 06 Aug 2025, 16: 24

People at PMO celebrate the fall of Sheikh Hasina on 5 August 2024 Prothom Alo file photo

The downfall of an autocratic or authoritarian is rarely smooth or peaceful. They must be overthrown — through revolution, mass uprising, or coup. Borrowing from political sociologists like Charles Tilly and Frantz Fanon, one could say: since states are born through violence and conflict, violence tends to persist in state politics as a continuation of that process. This is particularly true for countries that have emerged from colonial rule or through armed liberation struggles — where violence remains as a legacy. In such states, when an autocracy takes hold, the path to removing it is often violent as well.

It was already certain that Hasina would eventually fall. What was uncertain was when and how it would happen. Naturally, there was also the fear that her ouster could be bloody.

The BNP and other opposition political forces had tried to fight against this regime for 10–11 years. Blood was shed then too. Through enforced disappearances, killings, and various forms of repression, Hasina crushed those efforts.

The BNP’s long campaign to topple the government failed because the downfall of a dictatorship or a mass uprising cannot be achieved solely through the efforts of party leaders and activists — it requires public participation.

Although people wanted Hasina gone, the BNP could not make them partners in their movement. Had they succeeded, the BNP would have been the party to lead the uprising.

The anniversary of the mass uprising is not a particularly hopeful moment, especially if we take into account the disunity and conflicts among the political forces of the uprising, along with the interim government’s lack of capacity, absence of necessary initiative, indecision, and, in many cases, indifference.

The public was searching for a way out of authoritarian rule, but they did not feel confident rallying behind the BNP. In 2018, when students took to the streets demanding safe roads, ordinary citizens stood beside them. The spontaneity and intensity of that non-political movement struck fear into the government, making them worry about its own downfall.

They took no risks — alongside the police, they deployed its cadres of the Chhatra League and Jubo League to crush the protests. The school and college students who suffered violence — along with their parents and supporters — eventually returned home, but they were waiting. Six years later, it was again students who created that opening.

In the apolitical, quota-reform movement, students stood face-to-face with the authoritarian with unparalleled courage. This time, people began rallying behind them. The public had been waiting for precisely such a force to join the movement to oust Hasina. Opposition political parties also entered the field. This time, the people were no longer willing to go home without an outcome.

The mass uprising of 5 August was not a revolution under the leadership of any organised political party or guided by any ideology. Its primary objective was the removal of Sheikh Hasina and the end of authoritarian rule. That goal was achieved.

Considering the political uncertainty after 5 August, as well as the infighting and conflicting interests among the forces that supported the uprising, I had already posed a question in the headline of a column published in Prothom Alo on 15 January this year: “Will we have to remain satisfied with just Hasina’s fall?” On the first anniversary of the mass uprising, the answer to that question is perhaps becoming clearer. Since there was no revolution on 5 August, the student leaders, allied political parties, other forces, and the general public involved in the uprising had no vision beyond ousting Hasina. The confusion over government formation and the events that followed 5 August prove this.

People celebrate the fall and fleeing of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on the parliament premises on 5 August 2024 Prothom Alo file photo

Still, since 5 August, many of us have begun talking about the “aspirations of the mass uprising.” But the question is: what are these aspirations, and who has defined them?

Under Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule, the very concept of elections disappeared from Bangladesh; restoring free and fair elections thus became one of the uprising’s central aspirations.

But beyond that, several other demands have emerged as “aspirations of the mass uprising” — many of them taken from graffiti on the walls before and after 5 August.

Over the past 15 years, as we watched institutions being systematically destroyed, a deep-seated desire grew within us to repair them. We also developed the aspiration to ensure that the experiences we endured during this period are never repeated — that no one can ever again establish authoritarian rule in any form. We thought that through reforms, we could fulfil these aspirations.

Now, as the reform process is underway, we are seeing that political parties cannot reach a consensus on how a democratic transition should take place. Parties have different ideologies and there could be disagreements. But what we are observing is that, rather than ideology, it is the calculation of gaining power that has become the central issue. Discussions on reforms are also revolving around these concerns.

As previously noted, violence has become entrenched in our political culture, something we have inherited as part of our state-building process. It is now an integral feature of our politics. At the same time, long periods of authoritarian rule inevitably strengthens reactionary and extremist politics, albeit secretly. We are now witnessing signs of that in the aftermath of Hasina’s fall.

The reform process remains stuck in attempts either to take power or to prevent others from gaining it. There has been no public debate on the reform proposals put forward by the commissions on labour, women, the media, local government, and health.

We see no sign of any internal reform initiatives or even aspirations for reform within the political parties themselves either, although they are going to assume responsibility for running the country in the near future. The older and major political parties, long before actually gaining power or becoming part of the government, have already started scrambling to place their people in various institutions and assert control, engaging in practices such as extortion and patronage.

Old political parties are determined to operate as before, but what about the new ones? Students who led the mass uprising have formed parties, and many more are emerging (148 political parties have reportedly applied for registration). Do we see any fresh direction or promising signs among them? Unfortunately, it’s the same old pattern of extortion, and hiring people to attend rallies.

Graffiti at Dhaka University. The photo was taken on 9 August 2024 Suvra Kanti Das

The anniversary of the mass uprising was celebrated yesterday. If we look at the outcomes of recent uprisings around the world, we see that a mass uprising does not necessarily lead to meaningful reform or successful democratic transition. We too are perhaps walking down that same path. It seems we are being compelled to move forward through a kind of compromise between the fascist regime—which we wish to regard as the 'past'—and the 'present' that followed a mass uprising. This, perhaps, is the reality of our times.

The anniversary of the mass uprising is not a particularly hopeful moment, especially if we take into account the disunity and conflicts among the political forces of the uprising, along with the interim government’s lack of capacity, absence of necessary initiative, indecision, and, in many cases, indifference.

Even so, the prolonged discussions at the National Consensus Commission and whatever limited consensus has emerged among the political parties must be seen as gains of the mass uprising, beyond simply the fall of Hasina. These gains could be carried forward by a free, fair, widely accepted, and inclusive election.

As previously noted, violence has become entrenched in our political culture, something we have inherited as part of our state-building process. It is now an integral feature of our politics. At the same time, long periods of authoritarian rule inevitably strengthens reactionary and extremist politics, albeit secretly. We are now witnessing signs of that in the aftermath of Hasina’s fall.

Thanks to Hasina’s autocracy, the influence of far-right politics has become increasingly apparent in our political landscape. Without placing too much hope in lofty outcomes, perhaps the most urgent task now is to guard against these twin dangers. Electoral politics is the only viable way to check the rise of reactionary forces.

To counter both the legacy of violent politics and the threat of far-right ascendance, the most immediate and effective step could be to resume electoral politics as soon as possible.

Yesterday, Chief Adviser Professor Yunus announced a specific timeline for elections, scheduled for the first half of February, before Ramadan. As we mark the anniversary of the mass uprising, for the time being our demand is this: let its gains extend beyond the fall of Hasina, and pave the way for credible elections.

* AKM Zakaria is the Deputy Editor at Prothom Alo.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising, abiding hopes and harsh truths

When people from all walks of life rose up against the Awami League regime in July last year, their focus remained firmly on toppling an authoritarian government. With the state forces unleashing violence on unarmed protesters on the streets, there wasn't enough time to consider what political syst

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

July uprising, abiding hopes and harsh truths

SYED MUHAMMED SHOWAIB
Published :
Aug 08, 2025 22:31
Updated :
Aug 08, 2025 22:31

When people from all walks of life rose up against the Awami League regime in July last year, their focus remained firmly on toppling an authoritarian government. With the state forces unleashing violence on unarmed protesters on the streets, there wasn't enough time to consider what political system might follow the crisis. It was only after Sheikh Hasina fled to India on August 5 that the people truly sensed her grip on power had broken and felt free to turn their attention to reshaping the country's political future. In the immediate aftermath of the regime's fall, coordinators of the student-led uprising turned to Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus and urged him to lead the government during this critical period. Given his global stature, clean image and track record, they could think of no one more qualified than him to restore stability, rebuild public trust and initiate reforms in the post-uprising atmosphere. True to their hopes, Dr. Yunus's interim government entered office as one of the most popular and widely supported administrations in the country's history.

It is difficult to say for certain how much of that initial popularity still holds as the government completed one year in office and set early February 2026 as the tentative date for national elections. But if public opinion on social media is any indication, dissatisfaction is growing, fuelled by unmet expectations and the slow pace of meaningful reform in a system plagued by inefficiency and corruption. Admittedly, the government's journey over the past year has not been easy. There were multiple attempts to unsettle it and create chaos on the streets, some of which were perhaps inevitable after a mass uprising. However, managing these crises, especially the law and order related ones, was particularly difficult, as the government had to rely on a police force weakened by years of politicisation under the previous regime which left it demoralised and ineffective.

Obviously, the government failed to deliver the fundamental reforms needed in the police, intelligence agencies, security forces and civil service that made up the power structure sustaining the previous autocratic system. While many hoped for a decisive shift from colonial, authoritarian and exploitative governance models of the past, they saw no real commitment or meaningful steps toward such reforms. In fact, the government itself appeared unsure of its ability to drive such transformation. This failure to reform, whether from inability or neglect, has allowed all forms of malpractice to flourish which is the source of public outrage. Today, public conversations revolve around talks of extortion, bribery, corruption, fraud and mob violence because these are the harsh realities people face daily. Many attribute this to the uprising's failure to transform civil service and law enforcement into accountable, citizen-centric institutions. After all, as they understand, rampant extortion and irregularities could not persist in Bangladesh's political reality without the civil administration and law enforcement letting them happen.

It is a sad reality that in some places, members of the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) have been involved in extortion and lobbying. Students hold a privileged position under this administration because they played a key role in overthrowing the previous regime, and now the same cycle seems to be repeating where privileges lead to excesses, and excesses lead to oppression and violence.

Ever since this new government took office, the BNP has been calling for elections because they believe, in the current climate, they are the main contender with virtually no competition. Their leaders have made the demand for early elections their central talking point, insisting that elections alone can restore representative democracy. However, as the 15 years of misrule under Awami League have shown, without real reforms that make those in power fully accountable to the electorate, even competitive elections may become little more than political theatre. As American writer Walter Mosley once said about his own country, "We have the formal structure of democracy, but not the substance." The same can be said of Bangladesh today. The necessary institutions exist and resources are available, but progress remains obstructed by the entrenched interests of those who come to power and benefit from the status quo. This explains why in the post-uprising era, people continue to dread that a change in leadership might simply replace one ruling elite with another.

So what happens if the BNP wins power in the February elections? Will they be able to truly champion the people's interests or will they pursue their own agenda just like their predecessors and dominate and control? It is true that the BNP's 31-point charter contains some ambitious ideas for the country's future, however it lacks a clear roadmap for implementation. On top of that, many of these points rely heavily on legislative changes. But as history is our witness, expecting political legislation alone to solve the country's problems is fundamentally misguided.

More alarmingly, reports suggest the party is struggling with internal corruption. Media accounts reveal that the BNP has expelled approximately 5,000 leaders and activists since the fall of the autocratic government for disciplinary violations, which often means involvement in extortion or violence. That a party aspiring for power must expel so many of its members suggests that criminal elements are viewing it as their new safe haven. This points to the need for a fundamental shift in both attitude and behaviour. Such changes obviously will not come on its own, because if it were to happen naturally, it would have happened by now. The BNP must take deliberate steps to cleanse itself of corrupt actors and sever the link between money and politics. Otherwise, there is a risk that any electoral victory will just be another chapter in the cycle of hegemony and corruption.

This is why the current mass uprising holds extraordinary potential to reshape the nation's direction and fulfil the people's long-standing aspirations. It has generated a momentum for establishing equality and transforming our political culture. But if this historic opportunity is squandered and the forces rising to power repeat the mistakes of the past, the same injustices will return and the uprising will have all been for nothing.​

 

[Saif]

707 cases filed in capital over July uprising, 5,079 held

A total of 707 cases have been filed with 50 police stations across the capital till 5 August 2025, in connection with the killing and attempted killing incidents during the July-August Mass Uprising that toppled the Awami League (AL) government. The uprising forced the then Prime Minister...

en.prothomalo.com

707 cases filed in capital over July uprising, 5,079 held

BSS Dhaka
Published: 08 Aug 2025, 21: 24

July Graffiti BSS

A total of 707 cases have been filed with 50 police stations across the capital till 5 August 2025, in connection with the killing and attempted killing incidents during the July-August Mass Uprising that toppled the Awami League (AL) government.

The uprising forced the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign from office and flee the country.

During the movement, around 1,400 were killed and several thousand others injured after being shot by members of law enforcement agencies, cadres of the Awami League, and its affiliated organisations.

According to police, the cases name thousands of top leaders and activists of the Awami League, including its president and ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

Following the cases, police arrested former law minister Anisul Huq, former adviser to the Prime Minister Salman F Rahman, former ministers Amir Hossain Amu and Dr Dipu Moni, Rashed Khan Menon, Hasanul Haq Inu, former state minister for ICT Zunaid Ahmed Palak, former MPs Momtaz Begum, A M Naimur Rahman Durjoy, Kazi Monirul Islam Monu, Abdus Sobhan Golap and AKM Sarwar Jahan Badsha, among others.

In total, 5,079 AL leaders and activists and members of its affiliated bodies have been arrested during the period.

Two former Inspectors General of Police (IGPs) -- Mohammad Shahidul Haque and Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun -- along with 21 other former and serving police officials are among the detainees.

The arrested police officials are former DMP Commissioner Mohammad Asaduzzaman Miah, former DIG Molla Nazrul Islam, former DC Tanvir Salehin Emon, former Sylhet SP Abdul Mannan, former SP Mohammad Asaduzzaman, former DC of DB Lalbagh Division Mashiur Rahman, Additional Deputy Commissioner (ADC) (Dhanmandi Division) Abdullah Hil Kafi, Assistant Commissioner Md Tanzil Ahmed, former ADC Md Shahen Shah, ADC Md Jewel Rana, former Gulshan OC Md Rafiqul Islam, former Additional SP Md Apel Uddin, AC (DB Gulshan Division) Md Iftekhar Mahmud, former OC of Jatrabari Police Station Md Abul Hasan, Inspector Majharul Islam, SI Md Sajjad-uz-Zaman, Nayek Sojib Sarkar, constables Sujon Hossain, Shoaibur Rahman and Md Bayejid Bostami.

Confirming the information, ADC (administration) of DMP’s Prosecution Division Mayeen Uddin Chowdhury told BSS that 707 cases have been lodged, so far, over killings and attempted killings during the uprising.

“A total of 5,079 people -- including ministers, MPs, and senior officials -- have been arrested. Among them, two former IGPs and 23 police officials are included. All cases are currently under investigation,” he added.​

 

[Saif]

5,079 arrested in Dhaka till Aug 5 over killings, attacks during July Uprising

707 cases filed with 50 police stations across the capital

www.thedailystar.net

5,079 arrested in Dhaka till Aug 5 over killings, attacks during July Uprising
707 cases filed with 50 police stations across the capital

A total of 707 cases have been filed with 50 police stations across Dhaka till August 5, 2025, in connection with the killings and attempted killings during the July uprising.

Additional Deputy Commissioner (Administration) of the DMP Prosecution Division Main Uddin Chowdhury told BSS that 707 cases have been lodged, so far, over killings and attempted killings during the uprising.

"A total of 5,079 people -- including ministers, MPs, and senior officials -- have been arrested. Among them, two former IGPs and 23 police officials are included. All cases are currently under investigation," he added.

The uprising forced Sheikh Hasina to resign from office and flee the country and toppled the then Awami League government. During the movement, around 1,400 were killed and several thousand were injured after being shot by members of law enforcement agencies, activists of the Awami League, and its affiliated organisations.

According to police, the cases name thousands of top leaders and activists of the Awami League, including Hasina.

Following the filing of cases, police arrested former law minister Anisul Huq, former private industry and investment adviser Salman F Rahman, former ministers and AL MPs Amir Hossain Amu and Dipu Moni, Rashed Khan Menon, Hasanul Haq Inu, former state minister Zunaid Ahmed Palak, former MPs Momtaz Begum, AM Naimur Rahman Durjoy, Kazi Monirul Islam Monu, Abdus Sobhan Golap, and AKM Sarwar Jahan Badsha, among others.

Two former inspectors general of police (IGPs), Mohammad Shahidul Haque and Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, along with 21 other former and serving police officials are among the detainees.​

 

[Saif]

The anatomy of post-uprising disillusionment

The more things seem to change, the more they seem to remain the same.

www.thedailystar.net

The anatomy of post-uprising disillusionment

'It is time to confront a painful possibility that the July movement was not about systemic transformation, but about renegotiating power.' FILE PHOTO: PALASH KHAN

When Sheikh Hasina's Awami League government finally fell on August 5, 2024, after over 15 years in power, many saw this as the end of not just a regime but also its legacy of nepotism, elite capture, and weaponisation of bureaucracy. In its place, an interim government, strengthened by student leaders and civil society figures, promised a new beginning. But now, on the first anniversary of that momentous transition, we are left to confront a dispiriting paradox: the more things seem to change, the more they seem to remain the same.

To observe this trajectory is not merely to diagnose political stagnation; it is to confront a deeper malaise that grips the postcolonial state. The Bangladeshi polity, like many postcolonial entities, remains haunted by what Partha Chatterjee termed the "derivative nature" of its politics, importing forms of democracy and revolution without addressing their foundational preconditions: ethics, justice, and institutional integrity.

Instead of dismantling the Hasina-era architecture of inequality, the uprising appears to have inherited its scaffolding. The bureaucracy, once subservient to a party machine, remains largely unchanged, save for new masters who often replicate the performative gestures of the old. The passport office is still a Kafkaesque labyrinth; BRTA still delays issuing licences; roads are still cleared for convoys of newly minted VIPs—the list goes on. The "sir" culture persists not because of policy failure, but because it is rooted in a psychology of entitlement and feudal deference cultivated over generations.

What is equally disturbing is the appropriation of the movement's moral capital by those who once fought under its banner. Many students who braved tear gas and rubber bullets in the name of justice now find themselves accused of replicating the very practices they once condemned. Extortion, influence-peddling, and administrative favouritism are no longer exclusive to career politicians; they have found new agents among the revolution's own. This is what Hegel would describe as the "tragedy of history," wherein noble ideas are often corrupted by the dialectic of power.

History offers many such warnings. The Bolshevik Revolution, once heralded as the dawn of proletarian emancipation, ossified into Stalinist terror. The post-Mubarak transition in Egypt collapsed into military authoritarianism. Even the French Revolution, perhaps the most emblematic of all, devoured its own architects in the Reign of Terror. In each case, the moral legitimacy of mass uprising was squandered by the inability—or unwillingness—of its leaders to reimagine governance beyond the idioms of control and domination.

The failure of Bangladesh's post-July regime lies not in its slow pace of reform—radical change is rarely instant—but in its abandonment of ethical seriousness. What was meant to be a foundational rupture has congealed into a cynical continuity. The deeper structures of clientelism, bureaucratic aloofness, or institutional dysfunction remain unmoved. July, a symbol of defiance, is now turning into a brand rather than a beacon. The very mechanisms that animated resistance—solidarity, courage, and truth-telling—have been commodified.

Perhaps nowhere is this more visible than in the movement's treatment of women. It was women who reignited the movement on the night of July 14, 2024, when they marched from Rokeya Hall in defiance of curfews and repression. Their audacity shifted the moral centre of the uprising. And yet, a year later, discriminatory rules still bind women within university halls, harassment on the streets remains rampant, and the societal reflex to rehabilitate predators with garlands of social forgiveness is unchanged. Simone de Beauvoir once warned that no revolution is truly revolutionary unless it transforms the condition of women. In this sense, the July uprising has not merely fallen short; it has betrayed its most courageous constituency.

It would, however, be too easy, and too comforting, to lay blame solely at the feet of the new leadership. The deeper problem is cultural and civilisational: our collective fascination with the theatre of change and our reluctance to pursue the rigours of transformation. The Bangladeshi elite, intellectual and political alike, have mastered the aesthetics of protest but remain averse to the ethics of reform. We chant slogans with lyrical passion but balk at the demands of justice when they challenge our privileges. Nor can we ignore the complicity of the populace. When civic memory is short and historical amnesia is encouraged, authoritarian residues thrive. When corruption is normalised as a tool of survival, and influence is celebrated as success, revolutions cannot endure.

It is time, then, to confront a painful possibility: that the July movement was never about systemic transformation, but about renegotiating power; that the anti-discrimination rhetoric was instrumental, not intrinsic; and that the struggle was less about eliminating privilege and more about redistributing it.

Still, all is not lost. The disappointment of the past year may yet serve as a crucible for a more serious reckoning. We must resist the temptation to romanticise revolutions or demonise reform. What is needed is a deep reimagining of the moral foundations of public life in Bangladesh. We must ask: What does it mean to govern ethically? What does it mean to dissent responsibly? What does it mean to rebuild institutions that serve, rather than dominate, the people?

Education, too, must rise to this challenge. Universities must become sites not only of resistance but also of reflection. Students must be taught not only to demand rights but also to practise justice. We must return to the basics of civic education as a collective pursuit of wisdom, integrity, and service.

To the young who marched last July, and dreamed of a Bangladesh without discrimination, let this be a reminder: that revolutions are not events—they are obligations. Their legitimacy lies not in what they destroy, but in what they dare to create. The golden Bengal we dreamed of was never going to be inherited; it must be built, word by word, act by act, truth by truth. And that work is not yet done.

H.M. Nazmul Alam is an academic, journalist, and political analyst.​