[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion
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DMP ramps up security measures
667 patrol teams deployed, 71 checkpoints set up in city

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Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has significantly boosted security measures and operations in the capital in the last 24 hours to improve law and order.

According to a press release issued by DMP's media wing, 667 patrol teams were deployed and 71 checkpoints were set up in the city to tackle crimes.

During the intensified drive, law enforcers also arrested 239 individuals for various crimes, including robbery, extortion, drug dealing, and theft, it reads.

According to the DMP's Crime Command and Control Centre, the patrol teams operated in two shifts, with 340 teams active at night and 327 during the day. These included 479 mobile patrol teams, 73 foot patrol teams, and 115 motorcycle patrol teams. Additionally, 71 strategic checkpoints were set up at key locations.

Different law enforcement units, including the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit, the Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU), and the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), were also deployed alongside regular police forces. The Armed Police Battalion (APBn) operated 20 additional checkpoints to bolster security measures.

During the special operation, law enforcers recovered various weapons, including two metal rods, a hammer, a machete, a cleaver, five knives, ten switchblades, a metal knuckle duster, and two crude bombs.

Additionally, a significant amount of illegal drugs was seized, including 41.65 kg of cannabis, 307 yaba pills, 36 grams of heroin, and 33 bottles of locally brewed liquor.

Among those arrested, seven were identified as robbers, 20 as professional muggers, four as extortionists, 10 as thieves, and 17 as known drug dealers. Twenty-three individuals with warrants issued against their names were also apprehended.

DMP filed 73 cases in connection with the arrests and assured that legal action was being taken against the arrestees.

"The safety and security of Dhaka's residents remain our top priority. We will continue our operations to ensure a crime-free city," said Deputy Police Commissioner Muhammad Talebur Rahman PPM, from DMP's Media and Public Relations Division.

DMP has urged citizens to remain vigilant and cooperate with law enforcement to maintain peace and order in the capital.​
 

Auxiliary police force: DMP appoints 500 security guards
Experts emphasise supervision

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) has appointed around 500 security personnel working in various residential areas, markets, and shopping centres across the capital as members of the "Auxiliary Police Force".

The appointments were given under Section 10 of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1976, by DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali.

The ordinance, under its "Constitution and Organisation of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police" section, empowers the police commissioner to appoint auxiliary officers to assist law enforcement when additional support is required.

Subsection (2)(b) of Section 10 further stipulates that auxiliary officers, upon appointment, shall have the same powers, immunities, duties, and authority as regular police officers.

The designated auxiliary members will be legally protected, similar to regular police officers.

"If anyone obstructs an auxiliary member from performing their duties or attacks them, legal action will be taken against the offender," SN Nazrul Islam, additional commissioner (crime and operations) of DMP, told The Daily Star.

The auxiliary members will be able to make arrests: they will hand over detainees to the designated police patrol team or the nearest police station, and the police will then investigate the complaint, and after a preliminary inquiry, lawful action will be taken based on the findings.

Asked about the selection process, Nazrul said the DMP has identified malls and markets that already have private security guards.

"We appointed the team leaders of these security guards as auxiliary force members," he said.

In residential areas, the DMP focused on localities and alleys where security guards lock the gates after a specific time. "We have chosen these guards as members of the auxiliary police force."

When asked whether the auxiliary officers would receive training, Nazrul said the initiative is temporary.

"We will not provide any training. They will only wear a band labelled 'Auxiliary Police Force' on their arms."

Addressing concerns of misuse of power, Nazrul assured that strict monitoring mechanisms are in place.

"Our patrol teams and local police stations will supervise the activities of auxiliary members round the clock. If any member is found abusing their authority, their appointment will be terminated immediately."

Nazrul said the move aims to bring a large number of security guards working in malls and residential areas under greater accountability.

"We want to boost their confidence as they act as associates of the police in ensuring security. Once their work receives legal protection, petty crimes in alleys and marketplaces are expected to decrease, enhancing overall security," he said.

Earlier on Saturday, DMP Commissioner SM Sazzat Ali said that the initiative was introduced to enhance security during Ramadan and Eid shopping, as many shopping centres will remain open late into the night.

Experts have welcomed the move but emphasised the importance of supervision, background verification, and training to ensure its effectiveness.

Many private security organisations employ retired armed forces personnel and former police officers, according to Nurul Huda, a former inspector general of police.

"A significant number of these individuals have experience in firearm handling and minor investigations. This makes them a ready force, whereas recruiting and training new personnel properly would take at least six to nine months."

Supervision is essential to ensure that those appointed are properly vetted, Huda said.

Verification must be done to confirm their background, and if there are any training gaps, they can be addressed in seven to ten days.

He acknowledged that there is added pressure due to Ramadan as security duties increase during this time.

"Shopping malls remain open late and ensuring security with standard eight-hour shifts requires three shifts per day to meet international standards."

Besides, many key police positions in the DMP are now occupied by newly appointed officers.

"Handling law enforcement in a metropolitan city like Dhaka requires extensive local knowledge and a well-established information network, which some new officials may still be developing," he said.

He remains optimistic about this initiative.

"Rather than dismissing this as a failure, it should be seen as an experiment. If it proves effective, it could be a model for future security arrangements."​
 

A questionable move by DMP
Giving security guards police power raises concerns

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VISUAL: STAR

The Dhaka Metropolitan Police's (DMP) decision to empower private security personnel with the power to detain individuals suspected of crimes has raised concerns. While its objective—to bolster security during Ramadan and Eid—seems reasonable, the delegation of such powers to untrained private guards risks creating more problems than it solves. Under this initiative, as revealed by the DMP commissioner recently, guards deployed in shopping malls, residential areas, and markets—potential crime hotspots during festival/holiday seasons—will serve as members of an "Auxiliary Police Force," wearing official bands and having the power to make arrests if necessary. Already, the appointment of around 500 such police assistants has been confirmed.

The move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The question here is not about the legality of the move—which is being taken under the DMP Ordinance, 1976—but rather its security and accountability risks. First of all, the move blurs the line between trained law enforcement officers and private security guards, whose primary role is to monitor and report incidents, not to enforce the law. Unlike police officers, private guards do not undergo the same rigorous training, ethical scrutiny or legal oversight. Granting them the authority to arrest people without proper training invites the possibility of abuse. The question is: how will the DMP prevent this scenario, especially when those will be unaccompanied by police?

The DMP commissioner has stated that auxiliary officers will be "legally protected" like police officers, but does that mean they will also be held to the same accountability standards? If an auxiliary officer makes an unjust arrest or uses excessive force, will they face the same consequences as a regular officer? There's a potential legal grey area that could lead to chaos and further insecurity. We must say that this decision reflects poorly on the DMP's capacity to do its job. The commissioner has cited the limited number of police personnel and the need to grant officers leave for Eid as justifications for the move. While we acknowledge the resource constraints amid increasing street crimes, the answer is not to outsource policing, however temporarily, to private security personnel.

The DMP should be credited for boosting security measures in the capital in recent days. According to its media wing, 667 patrol teams have been deployed and 71 checkpoints have been set up to tackle crimes. While this and other factors have likely stretched the force thin, the decision to delegate police powers to private guards is almost as troubling as the Awami League government's move to grant similar powers to Ansar shortly before the 2024 election. Similar misuse concerns also arose after the interim government granted magistracy powers to commissioned army officers in September. So, instead of hastily delegating such powers, what the DMP should do is focus on strengthening its own capacity.​
 

Hotline launched at Police HQ to prevent violence against women
UNB
Dhaka
Published: 10 Mar 2025, 18: 42

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Bangladesh Police logo

A hotline service has been launched at Police Headquarters to take swift action against women repression, aggressive gestures towards women, slander, eve teasing and sexual harassment.

If such an incidents happen anywhere in the country, complaints can be made to the hotline numbers which will be available round the clock, said a media release issued on Monday.

The hotline numbers are—01320002001, 01320002002 and 01320002222.

Besides, the Police Cyber Support for Women Facebook page is still operational to provide legal services and protection to the victims of cybercrimes.

Bangladesh Police follows a zero-tolerance policy to maintain law and order and prevent crime as well as prevent repression on women and children.

It also is committed to taking appropriate legal actions against the repressors of women and children, said the release.​
 

No alternative to democratic reforms of police force
13 March, 2025, 00:00

THE way the police have relied on violence to disperse an anti-rape march towards the residence of the chief adviser demanding a more decisive role in ending violence against women is a shocking reminder of the role that the police played during the July uprising. The anti-rape march was one of many protests taking place over the rape of a child in Magura, fighting for life in a hospital in Dhaka. On March 11, as the protesters reached the crossing beside the InterContinental Hotel, the police charged with truncheons, leaving at least 21 people, including a few police personnel, injured. The protesters pressed home their nine-point demand, including the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. Protesters allege that the police not only attacked but also grabbed women by the hair and kicked and punched them in the face. Some photographs of police violence substantiate the claims. The police may need to disperse marches for law and order and there may be hostile elements within the protests, but that does not justify the police action.

Anti-rape protesters have been organising for a morally and politically just cause for several weeks. Since the interim government assumed office in August 2024, among the incidents that gained public attention are the assault on sex workers in Dhaka, attacks on woman tourists in Cox’s Bazar, violence over a girl’s football match in Jaipurhat and the harassment of two young women over smoking in public. The government has recently made a few arrests in the cases, but only after nationwide protests criticising its failure to recognise the surge in anti-women, right-wing activism. It is also concerning that the police played the role of spectators when an organised ‘mob’ held a sit-in programme at a police station to free a person accused of harassing a Dhaka University student from police custody but chose violence to disperse anti-rape protesters. Similar high-handedness was also witnessed against recommended primary schoolteachers in February. The high-handedness, therefore, suggests a certain bias on part of the police force and further contributes to their anti-people image.

The recurring incident of violent policing of protests in the changed political context, when police reforms are said to be a priority of the interim government, is deeply disappointing. The interim government should, therefore, initiate an investigation to identify how matters of pacifying peaceful protests turned into a targeted attack against certain protesters. In the long run, the government should ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​
 

Police must abandon violence, harassment for crowd control
14 March, 2025, 00:00

DESPITE support and care from authorities, particularly the healthcare providers, the eight-year-old rape victim from Magura lost the battle for life in Combined Military Hospital in Dhaka on March 13 while anti-rape protests raged. Four accused in this case are arrested and the law minister assured a speedy trial of the case but the movement against rape continued as the government has failed to respond in other recent cases of violence against women. Protesters demand a systemic change in the legal system, which includes the removal of the home adviser for his failure to ensure women’s safety, the establishment of a speedy tribunal for rape cases and logical reforms in rape and sexual harassment laws. The government so far has taken no steps to address the systemic concerns but appeared hostile towards the protesters. The police have not only violently dispersed an anti-rape march towards the chief adviser’s residence but have also filed a case against the protesters, 12 named and 90 unnamed, for allegedly ‘attacking the police.’ The interim government has relied on the same strategy of police violence and legal harassment against protesters that the deposed Awami League used to silence people’s demand for justice.

Anti-rape movements for a systemic change and undoing patriarchal biases in state and society leading to victim blaming is more than justified given the way a harasser was recently publicly welcomed with a garland while the police appeared helpless before a ‘mob’. The police in a statement on March 12 also claimed in the case statement against the protesters that they were attacked and seven of their personnel were injured. Contrary to police claims, the protesters said that plainclothes police personnel tried to instigate violence from within the rally and became violent. On other occasions recently, the police used similar high-handedness to disperse crowds. The police on March 12 dispersed a section of non-government primary schoolteachers using water cannons and charged at them with truncheons. In January, an ordinary man fell victim to police violence as he was mistaken for a protester demanding the constitutional recognition of the ethnic minorities. Sadly, police behaviour shows a clear bias against the students and a large section of the people who made the end of the authoritarian Awami regime possible.

For the police to win public trust, they must abandon the strategy of violence and legal harassment of the deposed authoritarian regime. The interim government that claims police reforms as its priority agenda should investigate to establish how matters of pacifying a peaceful protest became a targeted attack on certain protesters. The government must also ensure that a protocol to disperse crowds is in place and thoroughly followed.​
 

Reform commission report
Police aggrieved with recommendations, top officials to meet Chief Adviser
Mahmudul Hasan
Dhaka
Updated: 16 Mar 2025, 18: 32

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Discontent has been created in the police force regarding certain recommendations of the Police Reform Commission as well as its omission of several essential proposals. One of the primary concerns is the setting up of an independent police commission.

According to relevant sources, discussions were held on the necessity of forming an independent police commission to ensure the professional and politically neutral operation of the force. However, the reform commission did not come up with any specific framework in this regard.

Instead, it stated that expert opinions should be sought and a thorough process of “examination and evaluation” should be undertaken before reaching a decision.

Additionally, there is dissatisfaction within the force over the absence of recommendations for the establishment of an independent complaints commission to oversee police misconduct. Furthermore, the exclusion of police reform from the agenda of the National Consensus Commission has also contributed to the discontent among the police.

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus will sit with the police officials from various levels on Monday regarding this.

According to relevant sources, during this meeting, police officers will present their concerns regarding the limitations and challenges they face in maintaining law and order and managing the force.

Additionally, they will bring to the government’s attention the perceived shortcomings of the reform commission’s “weak” report, particularly its failure to address key aspects of necessary reforms.

Police sources have confirmed that the meeting will take place at the Chief Adviser’s office, with attendance from all district superintendents of police (SP), range DIGs (Deputy Inspector of Police), metropolitan police commissioners, heads of all units, three DIGs from the police headquarters, all additional IGPs and the IGP.

The Chief Adviser will deliver a directive speech to the senior police officials there.

On 12 March, the police headquarters issued a formal letter informing the concerned officials about the meeting with the Chief Adviser. Prothom Alo talked to 13 invited officials and gleaned information regarding the topics of discussions and concerns that the police force will raise.

Several police officials, on condition of anonymity, have stated that they wish to inform the Chief Adviser about the reasons behind the police force’s excessive actions during the previous government’s tenure.

They also intend to emphasise that unless an independent authority is established to oversee police operations, similar situations could arise in the future. Therefore, despite the absence of such provisions in the reform commission’s recommendations, the officials will urge the Chief Adviser to take necessary steps towards implementing essential reforms, including the formation of an independent police commission.

However, when asked about Monday’s meeting, IGP Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo, “The Chief Adviser will deliver a directive speech to us at his office. We hope this will further inspire the police force.”

Objections over commission’s recommendation and role
Before the fall of the Awami League government due to the student-people uprising, a section within the police fired indiscriminately, resulting in the deaths of numerous individuals.

Consequently, following the formation of the interim government, demands arose for the establishment of an “independent police commission” to ensure the police remain impartial and free from external influence.

On 3 October last year, the interim government formed the Police Reform Commission, which submitted its report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on 15 January.

The student representative in the reform commission advocated for the establishment of a separate commission for the police.

The reform commission’s report stated that there was a general consensus on the necessity of forming a neutral and independent police commission.

It recommended that expert opinions should determine whether the proposed police commission would function as a statutory body under the law or be incorporated within the constitutional framework.

Furthermore, the report highlighted the need for further scrutiny and analysis regarding the commission’s structure, scope of work, constitutional or legal obligations and other relevant considerations.

Police have expressed strong objections to this section of the report. They believe that the Police Reform Commission has disregarded public demands in its recommendations.

The officials argue that the commission itself was formed with expert members and yet, its recommendations call for further expert opinions. This, they claim, raises questions about the commission’s role and competence. Furthermore, many officers consider the mention of “examination, evaluation and analysis” as a strategy to delay the reform process.

A senior police official, wishing not to disclose identity, told Prothom Alo, “The core issue within the police force is unlawful orders and political influence. This influence stems primarily from recruitment, transfers, promotions and postings. If these matters were handled by an independent police commission, political interference in the police force would be significantly reduced.”

“Under the current system, where the police remain under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Home Affairs, true reform will never be achieved,” the official insisted.

On 12 February, the government formed the National Consensus Commission, chaired by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to review and implement the recommendations of various reform commissions.

The official notification stated that police reform recommendations would also be considered. However, the Consensus Commission subsequently began working on the recommendations of the other five commissions, excluding the Police Reform Commission.

At a press conference on 10 March, Consensus Commission vice-chairman Ali Riaz stated that key recommendations from the five commissions had been organised into a structured framework.

However, the recommendations of the Police Reform Commission were not included in this framework.

He further mentioned that the Police Reform Commission believes its proposals can be implemented through the existing administrative system.

This statement, made by the Police Reform Commission, led by former secretary Safar Raj Hossain, has sparked displeasure among police officials. Many believe that suggesting police reform through administrative measures undermines the expectations of meaningful reforms within the force, potentially stalling progress.

What kind of commission did the police want to see?

As the governing authority, the police had submitted certain recommendations to the reform commission regarding the structure of the police commission. According to these recommendations, the police commission would be considered a statutory, independent and impartial body.

The commission would comprise of 11 members, with the chairperson being either a retired justice of the Appellate Division or a retired IGP. The members of the police commission would be appointed, elected or nominated on either a permanent or part-time basis.

In consultation with the Speaker of the National Parliament, the leader of the house and the leader of the opposition, four members of parliament would be nominated as commission members. Among these four, two would be from the ruling party, one from the main opposition party and one to be nominated through consensus among the other parties.

The tenure of both political and non-political members would be four years and no individual would be eligible for a second term.

Four remaining non-political members of the police commission would be selected from various professions based on the recommendations of a selection committee. These members would include a legal expert, a retired IGP, an expertise in sociology or policing and human rights activists.

However, at least one of these four individuals must be a woman. The remaining two members would be the secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs and the IGP serving as the member secretary of the commission.

The commission would also have a three-member complaints management committee. This committee would primarily function as the appellate authority for the existing complaint management system concerning the police.

A senior official from the police headquarters informed Prothom Alo that the most crucial aspect of police reform was the establishment of an independent police commission. The police had submitted a comprehensive and impartial proposal to the reform commission in this regard, which could have been modified as necessary. However, instead of proceeding with these recommendations, the reform commission suggested further analysis and evaluation of the police commission’s formation. The situation appears as though another commission would need to be formed simply to assess their recommendations!

* The report, originally published in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo, has been rewritten in English by Nuzhat Tabassum​
 

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