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[๐Ÿ‡ง๐Ÿ‡ฉ] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
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Govt to form banking commission soon for financial sector reforms

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Star file photo

The interim government is going to form a banking commission soon to bring about reforms -- a longstanding demand of economists aimed at salvaging the financial sector which has been suffering from high default loans and weak governance.

Besides, a paper on the overall situation of the financial sector and a roadmap for the reforms will be published in the first 100 days of the interim government, according to a statement from the chief adviser's office today.

The disclosure came after a meeting between Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and Bangladesh Bank (BB) Governor Ahsan H Mansur.

The meeting also agreed to maintain the contractionary monetary policy stance to bring down inflation, which hit 11.66 percent in July, the highest in 13 years.

To increase the flow of foreign exchange, a decision has been taken to increase the band of the crawling peg, which allows fluctuations of the exchange rate within a predefined range, to 2.5 percent from 1 percent.

The revision in the band of crawling peg comes more than three months after the BB introduced the crawling peg moving away from administered rates of US dollar in its bid to gradually allow demand and supply to determine the exchange rate.

The BB introduced a crawling peg mid-rate of Tk 117 in May this year by allowing an over 6.3 percent deprecation of the taka, which has significantly lost value in the last two and a half years amid falling foreign exchange reserves.​
 

For true democracy, we need checks and balances of power

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Having so much power in the hands of one person is dangerous and harmful for a country, the results of which we are witnessing today. FILE PHOTO: ORCHID CHAKMA

Bangladesh is a country of around 170 million people, with more than 20 million residing in the capital, Dhaka, alone. Yet, only 151-300 members of parliament representing the ruling party decide our fate in parliament. They are all members of a single party led by one individual: the party leader. There is no distribution of power or checks and balancesโ€”there's only consolidation of power. Due to our people's loyalty to two political families, the only two parties to be in power since 1991 have been led by and remained completely dependent on two individuals from those two families, each of whom do everything possible to ensure all power is consolidated within their families.

As a result, each party is entirely controlled by one person; the party leader holds immense power over the party based on familial ties and our country's history, making their stance the "end all, be all" for all party decisions. On top of this, Article 70 of the Constitution of Bangladesh prohibits members of parliament from voting against their party's decisions. The elected party (primarily its leader) gets to choose a party-affiliated president for the country, who then appoints the party leader as the prime minister.

That leads us to this to the party leader, serving as the prime minister, who formally heads the executive branch of government, which includes all ministries, law enforcement, and armed forces.

As the party leader, the prime minister also has complete control over the legislative branch, since party members cannot vote against the party, as mentioned above. Therefore, all the decisions of the party ultimately rest with the leader.

The president, chosen by the ruling party (primarily at the party leader's discretion), appoints the country's chief justice and other Supreme Court judges, giving the prime minister significant influence over the judiciary.

So, our tendency to elect leaders based on familial ties, combined with our country's laws, make it easy for one person to control all three branches of government. Our laws inherently support the creation of a democratic autocracy. With the lack of separation of powers, this enables one person to be able to make our laws, enforce them, and judge us based on them.

When the constitution and laws of a country of 170 million people allow and enable one individual to have complete control over the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government, can that country genuinely be considered democratic?

On top of this, that one person also gets the power to amend our constitution when their party secures a two-thirds majority in parliament (more than 201 of 300 elected seats). The Awami League-led grand alliance achieved this feat in 2008 with 263 seats. That is the election through which we handed "supreme power" to our former prime minister.

My question now is: will we repeat the same mistake, just with a different party or leader? We must not let that happen now that we have the scope for reinstating democratic practices.

Having so much power in the hands of one person is dangerous and harmful for a country, the results of which we are witnessing today. Going forward, we need to change our laws and elect our government based on merit, not familial ties. In my opinion, our system was never strong enough to be able to protect democracy. That is why almost all political parties have exploited this system one way or another.

Bangladesh needs the distribution, checks and balances of power. Otherwise, we will always be hopelessly dependent on the mercy of the prime minister. The name on that seat may change over time, but the reality for ordinary people will remain the same.

Taus Noor is an expatriate Bangladeshi software engineer based in Canada.​
 

Banking, revenue sectors need major reforms
Business leaders tell Yunus

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The leaders of the International Chamber of Commerce, Bangladesh, (ICC-B) called on Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his office at the State Guest House Jamuna yesterday.

The delegation, led by ICC-B President Mahbubur Rahman, told him that the country's businesspeople fully support him in his new role, said a press release of the chief adviser's press wing.

Yunus said his administration inherited an economic mess, but he was confident the situation would soon improve following vital reforms.

"It's a very hard situation that we are in now. But it's also the biggest opportunity that we can get. Our job is difficult, but very much doable," he said.

The ICC-B leaders urged the Nobel peace laureate to carry out the much-needed reforms.

They said the previous government left the country in ruins. They said deep reforms and restructuring were needed in the banking sector, revenue administrations, education, and industry.

"We are a witness to what happened over the last 15 years. The Bangladesh private sector is with you 100 percent," said Mahbubur.

Yunus asked the delegation "to think outside the box to achieve greatness as a nation".

Senior business leaders, including FBCCI President Mahbubul Alam, Tapan Chowdhury, Kutubuddin Ahmed, AK Azad, Simeen Rahman, Khandoker Rafiqul Islam, Naser Ezaz Bijoy, Fazlul Hoque, and Mohammad Hatem, attended the meeting.​
 

Can't demand polls until new constitution drafted, Farhad Mazhar to BNP

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Writer and poet Farhad Mazhar: File photo

Writer and poet Farhad Mazhar called on BNP leaders to exercise patience, stressing that demands for elections cannot be made until a new constitution is formulated.

"Until the constitution outlining how a political party will participate in elections is established, demands for elections cannot be made," said Farhad during a seminar at the Jatiya Press Club yesterday.

"BNP has already come to power. They are among the people. The party cannot be brought forward. First, the state must be organised,"said Farhad.

"No fight took place for the current constitution. The fight was to overthrow the constitution. The government must be given time until the intentions of those who were martyred are documented.

"The field must be held until a new constitution is drafted," he added.

Criticising the BNP's decision to hold a rally immediately after the recent mass uprising, he added, "It sent the wrong message. Why did you demand elections within three months? What was the purpose?"

Expressing concern over the BNP, he said, "There should be no division within the party. There are two factions within the BNP. One supports this government, and the other is causing disturbances.

Farhad further said, "The BNP could not stop this fascist government. They were behind the students. The students have shown gratitude for that, but misleading messages from London will harm the youth.

"Efforts are still being made to implement Sheikh Hasina's constitution. Yunus must be recognised as the head of the people and as president. He was elected through a mass uprising," he said.

"Those who participated in this revolution will form a national council. The BNP will also be present there. A new constitution will be drafted there. The BNP's primary responsibility is to fully support the process until the new constitution is established." he added.​
 

Crisis provides an opening for important reforms
Says Edimon Ginting, ADB country director for Bangladesh

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Edimon Ginting

Bangladesh is facing several challenges, including restoring law and order and stabilising the economy in the near term.

The country also needs to address structural constraints such as a lack of economic diversification, low productivity, high youth unemployment, a large informal sector, and weaknesses in governance and accountability.

"These are the root of ongoing macroeconomic challenges like low foreign exchange reserves, high inflation, low revenue mobilisation, meagre foreign direct investment, and significant banking sector vulnerabilities," said Edimon Ginting, country director of Bangladesh at the Asian Development Bank (ADB).

In an interview with The Daily Star, he said the crisis provided "an opening for important reforms to improve governance and public administration to combat corruption".

The country needs to address structural constraints such as a lack of economic diversification, high youth unemployment, a large informal sector, and weaknesses in governance

"Tax revenues remain low compared to international peers and must be raised so that critical investments in physical infrastructure and social sectors can be made," he said.

The chief of the Dhaka office of the ADB, one of the leading financiers for Bangladesh, said greater transparency and accountability of government institutions would help win the public's trust"The regulatory and policy environment must be more conducive to investment. Finally, tackling institutional capacity gaps, design flaws and implementation challenges will enable more effective social protection schemes."

Citing Bangladesh's banking sector, he said it is a big area of concern, especially as non-performing loans (NPLs) have been on the rise for quite some time.

"The recent political change, coupled with improved data transparency, may change the picture on NPLs and it is possible that the size of NPLs increases significantly," he said, adding that the decision to form a banking commission supported by international expertise is a positive development.

He said Bangladesh needs a stable and strong banking system to efficiently finance its development needs going forward. For this, Bangladesh Bank will need to address weaknesses in the regulatory environment while strengthening supervision and governance to rebuild confidence, he said.

Ginting, an Indonesian national, said the ADB is engaging with the interim government to understand its priorities, share its views, and offer assistance.

"My impression is that the interim government is focused on stabilising the situation, and on making effective use of the opportunity to advance robust and far-reaching reforms," he said, citing meetings between senior ADB officials and Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and other top government functionaries.

He said the ADB stands ready to support the reforms, which are needed to forge a more inclusive, resilient, and sustainable future for the people of Bangladesh.

Ginting said the interim government needs the support and trust of the public, which means restoring confidence in law and order and getting the economy back on track while charting a path towards elections.

"There are no quick fixes."

He added that the Manila-based lender has a large ongoing portfolio of projects financing critical sectors including energy, transport, human and social development, finance, public sector management and governance, agriculture, water, and urban development.

"Once the situation is more stable, we intend to undertake a comprehensive portfolio review with the interim government so that public investments and services are not stalled."

This year, ADB has committed $481 million to three projects and had planned to commit to many more projects.

"We hope to be able to continue financing as requested by the interim government. Our approach will be cautious, paying close attention to the political environment and preparations for an election that will hopefully bring a peaceful resolution to the current difficulties."

For new projects, ADB will carefully identify any needed adjustments to meet the priorities of the interim government.

He said the interim government's major reform priorities line up with the ADB's key areas of interest and expertise. The ADB will continue to provide support on the country's most pressing development challenges, he added.

"There are persistent, cross-cutting issues such as climate change and inclusive growth that we aim to prioritise.

"Also, there are growth opportunities that we should further leverage, such as an abundance of talent and skills and a thirst for digital transformation."

In times of transition, strong development outcomes depend on a stable political settlement, transparent and fair processes, and trust in public institutions and political leaders, he opined.

"ADB is an apolitical institution, but as a trusted development partner of Bangladesh, we are committed to supporting the strength and resilience of public institutions so they can be a force multiplier to drive growth and prosperity.

"Once a new government is elected, ADB will work hard to support the leadership's policy agenda to realise the country's immense potential and help meet the aspirations of its people," said Ginting, who has over 20 years of experience, including about 14 years at the ADB.​
 

Star interview: Reshuffle of officials for ensuring reforms
Law Adviser Asif Nazrul tells Star, says efforts on for withdrawing false cases

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The interim government aims to reform the administration in order to make it people-oriented, inclusive, transparent, and accountable, says Law Adviser Asif Nazrul.

"Reforms involve more than just appointing qualified individuals. Competent people are being placed in positions to ensure that no one can obstruct the reform process.

Reforms signify a shift towards a more people-oriented, inclusive, transparent, and accountable administration. We must make that happen," he said in an exclusive interview with The Daily Star.

Before the reforms, the administration, the judiciary and the police must get rid of those who helped an autocratic government sustain for over one and a half decades, he said, replying to a query on the massive reshuffle in different tiers of the administration and other bodies.

"Is it possible to bring reforms keeping in place the people committing extrajudicial killings? Is it possible to reform the police administration with Harun [Harunor Rashid, former chief of DMP's DB] still in the force? These people should be replaced by honest and competent ones," Asif said.

After bringing in these people, he said, reforms will be done in the institutions, laws and policies. Efforts were already made to withdraw false cases filed over the killings during the uprising in July and early August. "Now we will try to change the policy and laws so that this does not happen again in the future."

He said a lot of work had been done on reforms in Bangladesh in the past โ€“ the framework of the three alliances in 1991, constitutional reforms proposed by Serajul Alam Khan in the early 80s, and by many civil society organisations in different times.

"What was absent then was a lack of goodwill. Now, I believe we can deliver some good work because we have a leader [Prof Muhammad Yunus]," he added.

Speaking of reforms in the judiciary, the law adviser said a popular opinion about judicial reform is that the lower courts should be reformed first. However, to get an independent judiciary, the higher courts must be reformed first, according to him.

"Ensuring an independent lower court is to ensure the higher court's full authority on it. The higher court will govern and control the lower court, and the government will not intervene here. What's the point of giving [the control of] lower courts to the higher court if the higher court functions as a subordinate to the government?"

"So, we have to reform the higher court," he said.

Asif said the interim government has been working to this end as there was "anarchy" in the appointment of higher court judges during both Awami League and BNP governments with "incompetent, corrupt and partisan" people.

Steps for higher court reform will include amending the recruitment act and policy, rationalising the chief justice's sole authority over the entire judiciary, reforming the general administration committee of the Supreme Court's Appellate Division and the High Court Division, establishing an independent and dedicated secretariat for the higher court, and putting an end to recruiting retired judges in any post, he said.

Asked if the spree of filing cases against top Awami League leaders and their arrests on various charges are ridiculous, as seen by many, Asif said questions could be raised against these cases but those are not ridiculous.

"Many people have filed cases as they have lost their children during the July massacre. They filed the cases after losing their children, and if they think that the former prime minister was responsible for the murders, will the cases be controversial?"

He said filing a case against someone does not mean they are already punished.

"Even after taking the case into cognisance, there can be an investigation and the accused person can be out on bail. But things will not be like what they used to be during the Awami League regime, whose target was to keep people behind bars by filing cases without granting bail."

Asked whether the cases would hinder the judicial process, Asif said no one has the right to prevent a father who lost his children from filing a case.

He said the July mayhem not only saw people killed but thousands of others were hurt to different degrees, such as loss of eyesight.

"If the people file cases accusing Sheikh Hasina or her former ministers as instigators, we cannot prevent them from doing it.

"We are not encouraging anyone to file cases either. People are filing cases spontaneously. We will only ensure that justice is done," he added.

Commenting on the harassment of some arrested AL leaders, including former social welfare minister Dipu Moni, on the court premises, Asif said, "I felt bad about such incidents, especially about what happened with Dipu Moni. But isn't the recently ousted regime responsible for the situation that unfolded on the court premises?"

It is not proper to expect people to be humble after the anarchy the ousted regime had created in the name of justice and snatched the people's voting rights for the last 15 years, he added.

Speaking of the interim government's tenure and the next parliamentary election, he said the people of Bangladesh will decide how long the government will continue.

If the people want reform and the next election to be fair, then this government should be given time, he said.

BNP, one of the country's biggest political parties, said it will wait as long as it takes, Asif said. "At this moment, we need to do the 'urgent things' first."

The law adviser also said the interim government is trying to learn from its mistakes.

"Many of us don't have the experience of running a government. If any person goes to work with little experience, s/he will make some mistakes. But one should consider whether I have the will to do something good, whether I am working hard and trying to learn from the mistakes," he said.

Asked if a "judicial coup" was going to take place as a counter-revolution, the adviser said, "Since it didn't happen, we don't know what the truth is. However, there was an apprehension that such a thing would happen."

About the student-led movement, he said although six student coordinators are often referred to when it comes to the movement, many others played major roles.

He praised their maturity and sense of consciousness, urging them to be patient so that the revolution, which came in exchange for many people's supreme sacrifice, does not become futile.

Asked about their steps on repressive laws against the media, he said his stance on the issue is nothing different from that of the journalist community.

"I can tell you that the application of these laws will not be the same as before. We will review them very seriously. We will take the stakeholders' views and then see which sections could be scrapped and which are amendable. We will try to give a good news in a month," he added.

About the seven journalists accused in a murder case yesterday, Asif reiterated they cannot prevent a parent of a slain student from filing a case.

"The previous government had made it an established culture to file such cases. Perhaps, we're seeing a continuation of it. However, we will look into the matter so that no one is harassed without proper investigation," he added.​
 

Reforms needed in political parties and the electoral process in Bangladesh

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Individuals ever convicted of financial corruption and homicide by the highest court of Bangladesh will be ineligible to contest any parliamentary election. VISUAL: STAR

The citizens of Bangladesh have been victims of a frustratingly underperforming democracy for quite a long time. As one of the ordinary citizens, I feel that the interim government should immediately take up the measure of dialogue among the relevant stakeholders to bring about substantial reform in the practices of the political parties.

To foster a more vibrant political landscape, each party should be required to develop and maintain a core agenda that differentiates it from others. Currently, many political parties pursue the same agenda. Often a new party is born from a faction of an existing party with no distinctly different agenda.

Political parties should hold a council every two years to elect their top leaders for the subsequent term. Regular leadership elections would prevent stagnation from long-serving leaders and provide opportunities for new voices and ideas to emerge. Currently, most political parties are like proprietorship concerns, where top leaders are irreplaceable until their death. Under their folds, other leaders can hardly emerge, and consequently, with the top leader's death, the parties suffer from a leadership crisis.

Relevant council proceedings must be reported to the National Election Commission, and any party failing to hold two subsequent councils will not qualify for the next national election.

To prevent power consolidation, no individual should be allowed to hold the same leadership position for two consecutive terms or more than five terms in a lifetime. By regularly introducing new leadership, parties can benefit from fresh perspectives and innovative approaches. The leaders, ineligible for holding any top positions, can be included in the advisory council of that party.

Barring individuals from holding both party positions and government roles simultaneously is essential to reducing conflicts of interest and promoting a clearer distinction between party politics and governance. Currently, there is almost no difference between the positions at the party and the government, and in effect, the party is mired in government. Once out of government, the party is in extreme disarray and shambles.

To curb nepotism, the position of a departing party leader should not be filled by a close relativeโ€”first-blood relatives, spouses, and spouses of the first-blood relativesโ€”for ten years. This reform would reduce the likelihood of dynastic succession and encourage a merit-based approach to leadership selection.

There should be rules preventing close relatives of retiring members of parliament from contesting for parliamentary positions within the same party. By ensuring no first-blood relatives as well as the spouses of a retired member can run for a parliamentary seat from the same party, parties can promote broader democratic participation and reduce the potential for entrenched political networks.

Also, both structural and procedural issues are needed to promote a more robust and representative democratic process.

In the direct voting process, parties' total votes and the number of winning Members of Parliament (MPs) are not actually representative. A party that receives 35 percent of the total votes in the country may win more than 150 of the 300 seats in parliament and form government. However, immediately shifting to proportional representation may be an unpopular proposition among political parties. As a first step, a hybrid electoral system that combines direct elections and proportional representation will assist people in becoming accustomed to the process.

Out of a total of 350, including 50 for women, parliamentary seats, 200 would be elected directly by the voters in their constituencies. The individual getting the most votes will be the MP for the concerned constituencies. The remaining 150 seats would be allocated based on proportional representation. The number of seats each political party receives would correspond to the percentage of total votes they receive in the whole country. This approach ensures that smaller parties are not left out of their representation in parliament. Proportional representation will increase the chance of eminent citizens, journalists, intellectuals, professionals, different ethnic and minority representatives, as well as politicians, being in parliament.

Of the 150 total seats for proportional representation, a maximum of 30 will be reserved for women. A party getting women MPs through direct voting will get the same number of women MPs from the 150 seats reserved for proportionate representation. However, the total number of women MPs in the reserved seat will not exceed 30. Even religion-based parties will have to engage and get directly elected women MPs to get their share of the reserved seats. Women MPs will fetch more women in the parliament, which will be more dignifying for them than the current process.

Parties or independent candidates receiving less than a specified minimum percentage of votes, 0.5 percent in the direct elections may club together to be eligible to participate in the proportional representation segment. This provision allows smaller parties to collaborate post-election and nominate a representative of their choice from the list declared before the election. However, there can be a requirement of getting minimum threshold votes, say 0.1 percent, for a party or an independent candidate to be eligible to join the club.

The role of the MPs will have to be designed to be more meaningful. MPs will concentrate solely on national-level policy-making and state issues, excluding involvement in local government activities. They cannot hold positions in political parties while in office, and they will be ineligible for such roles for two years even after the MP tenure ends. This separation is needed to prevent conflicts of interest and ensure that MPs are focused on their core responsibilities.

No first-blood relative of an MP can contest for the same constituency from the same party for ten years after the MP's term ends. Additionally, no MP can contest from the same constituency more than three times, whether elected into parliament or not. Also, an individual cannot serve more than two terms as prime minister in their lifetime.

The president of Bangladesh will be elected directly by the people to enhance the position's credibility and impartiality. Additionally, the speaker of parliament will be directly elected by at least 200 out of the 350 votes cast by the MPs. Among the deputy speakers, one must be from the opposition, and one must represent women or minorities. At least half of parliamentary committees must be headed by MPs from opposition parties.

Local government elections, such as those for upazila and union council representatives, should be conducted without the involvement of political parties. By removing party influence, the focus can shift entirely to the individual candidates and their qualifications, fostering a more community-centred and accountable local government.

Individuals ever convicted of financial corruption and homicide by the highest court of Bangladesh will be ineligible to contest any parliamentary election. The measure of deterring the convicted ones from contesting the election can significantly increase the probability of morally pure individuals representing the people in parliament.

Mohammad Abdul Hannan is deputy general manager at IDLC Finance PLC.​
 

A call for legal reform and justice

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Sheikh Hasina's rise and clinging to power for 15 long years were through certain processesโ€”however flawed those may beโ€”but her fall was quite dramatic. August 5 marked our freedom from the Hasina-led Awami League dictatorship, which comprised of suppression, oppression, and merciless persecution. A new era has begun thanks to the supreme sacrifices of our young generation in particular, and the people in general. It is now the sacred duty of the entire nation to preserve and protect this newfound freedom not only for the present generation, but for future generations as well.

The interim administration, led by Nobel laureate Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus, faces far greater challenges than any of the past caretaker administrations did, starting with the first one led by Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed in 1990. On August 18, while meeting foreign diplomats and international agencies, Dr Yunus expressed his intention to reform the election commission, the judiciary, civil administration, security forces, and mass media. The list is long but it is far from exhaustive. The interim government has other things to do as well, such as holding the perpetrators of crimes to account, including financial crimes, and above all, the trial of Sheikh Hasina for committing Crimes Against Humanity (CAH) under the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act, 1973.

The 1973 act, even with its several amendments, is an outdated one. It has been heavily criticised by the international community, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, International Bar Association, the UK Bar Association, and the European Union for falling far below the international standard. In my capacity as Chief Defence Counsel of the 10 opposition politicians who were indicted under the 1973 act (five of whom were executed), I am fully aware of the international community's criticism.

The last nail in the coffin of the act is the very recent UK Supreme Court's verdict on it. In view of the matter, it won't be advisable to proceed with the trial of Sheikh Hasina either in her presence or in absentia with the act as it is. The trial process will not be acceptable to the international community and will rightly face a barrage of criticism.

However bleak Hasina's record may be, the interim administration's objective should not be to exact revenge but to establish rule of law. Hence, this law should be updated to the international standard. Moreover, CAH being a very complicated area of law, it is crucial that the prosecution team is be well-versed in it.

The greatest contribution of the administration would be to clean up the rotten political system, and put an end to divisive politics. Perhaps more importantly, it should open up our decade old political system to new ideas, so that educated and patriotic young people find it comfortable to enter politics and contribute to nation-building. Unhealthy student politics should be cured by national consensus.

The present constitution has become unworkable. By amending it with their brute majority, the Awami League has changed certain sections of the constitution in alignment with their party manifesto. In any event, so much power has been given to the prime minister under the constitution, and so little to the president, that a Roman emperor would envy the powers of the former instead of the latter.

The parliamentary committees under the full control of the party in power have become non-functional. In a parliamentary democracy, the opposition has a very important role to play. Under our constitution, winners take all. Ideally, we need to begin our new journey with a balanced constitution.

This administration certainly does not have the mandate to frame a new constitution for which we need a national consensus. Once a national consensus is reached, a constituent assembly needs to be elected by the people to frame a constitution within a particular period, say within 120 days. After the new constitution has been framed, the constituent assembly needs to be dissolved, and a fresh election should be held for the re-establishment of parliament.

Here, the political parties need to make sacrifices. They have to put the country before their party. Bearing in mind the 15 long years of oppression, misrule, and misuse of powers, we can reasonably expect our political parties to act purely in the nation's interests in this critical juncture of our history.

It is unfortunate that the country which produced leaders such as Shaheed Suhrawardy and AK Fazlul Haque has now become leaderless. In the early days of our independence, the late Abul Mansur Ahmad, who was an Awami Leaguer all throughout his life, used to advise and criticise the Awami League and its leadership, both privately and publicly. We do not have such a wise politician amongst us now, leading to our civil society being divided along party lines.

Finally, this administration is not yet free from external and internal existential threats. This administration matters to each and every Bangladeshis. We cannot and must not allow it to fail.

Abdur Razzaq is a senior advocate of Bangladesh Supreme Court and currently practises law in the United Kingdom.​
 

Govt, administrative systems: TIB proposes a raft of reforms
Suggests two-term limit for PM

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Transparency International Bangladesh yesterday proposed a host of reform measures that would create a conducive state structure and the environment to build a transparent, accountable, corruption-free and discrimination-free "New Bangladesh".

"We are making these recommendations to assist the government. The authoritarian regime fell at the cost of unprecedented bloodshed and sacrifice through the movement of students and the people. One authoritarian regime should not be replaced by another," said TIB Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman at a press conference.

Chief among the recommendations is adding a provision in the constitution that would bar an individual from serving as the prime minister for more than two terms, a practice followed in the US.

The same person should not hold the positions of the prime minister (head of government), the chief of a political party and the leader of parliament simultaneously.

TIB's recommendations for necessary reforms in the state structure to prevent corruption, and establish democracy, good governance and integrity are categorised into two groups: immediate and strategic areas.

The immediate priorities include ensuring discipline, public safety and administrative normalcy; conducting UN-led investigations into past human rights violations; ensuring proper legal procedures such that the judicial process remains unquestionable; and restoring normal economic activities.

A task force must be formed comprising the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU), the National Board of Revenue (NBR), the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Attorney General's Office to set an exemplary standard of effective accountability for high-level corruption and money laundering.

TIB demanded revealing the true picture of the banking sector following an independent and neutral investigation, and the formation of an "independent bank commission" with skilled specialists for the revival of the banking sector.

Strategic reforms include the introduction of proportional representation in the parliamentary system to ensure the true reflection of the people's verdict in the national parliament.

Additionally, an election-time interim government system should be introduced to ensure free, fair, neutral, and participatory parliamentary polls.

The Speaker should be free from party influence, avoid conflicts of interest and act as the guardian of parliament. They must conduct all parliamentary activities impartially.

The deputy speaker should be elected from the opposition in parliament.

In the absence of both the Speaker and the deputy speaker, members of the opposition parties included in the presidium should be allowed to perform the duties of the Speaker.

TIB also recommended amending Article 70 of the constitution to allow MPs the freedom to criticise their party and vote against it on different matters, including legislation, except for no-confidence motions and the budget.

Among the recommendations for democratic practices, TIB emphasised the need to abolish the monopoly and dynastic rule of a party chief and to determine party leadership through fair elections at all levels.

In the category of the rule of law and human rights, TIB called for immediate separation of the judiciary and specific policies and laws in consultation with the Supreme Court for the appointment of judges to the High Court.

TIB also recommended repealing the 16th amendment to the constitution, which gave power to the Jatiya Sangsad to remove judges if allegations of incapability or misconduct against them are proved.

The other recommendations include ensuring accountability and exemplary punishment for multidimensional and unprecedented human rights violations through nationally and internationally acceptable, impartial and independent investigations.

The National Human Rights Commission must be granted the jurisdiction and capacity to investigate all allegations of human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances by security forces and law enforcement agencies, and to repeal all laws that violate human rights, including the Special Powers Act.

To prevent irregularities, corruption and money laundering, TIB called for ensuring the independence and capacity of the ACC and amending the Civil Service Act of 2018, the Money Laundering Prevention Act of 2012 and the Income Tax Act of 2023.

The agencies responsible for curbing and preventing corruption such as the ACC, the BFIU, the NBR, the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, the Attorney General's Office, the CID and other institutions concerned must develop professional skills free from party influence.

TIB recommended that no political appointments be made to institutions such as the Election Commission, ACC, Information Commission, NHRC, Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General and Public Service Commission.

An independent working environment must be ensured in these institutions.

The Official Secrecy Act of 1923 and the Cyber Security Act of 2023 must be repealed and measures must be put in place to ensure personal information protection.

Additionally, TIB called for the necessary amendments to the constitution and relevant laws to make the local government system independent, strengthened and effective.

In the electricity, energy, and environment category, TIB proposed a short-, medium-, and long-term time-bound plan to gradually phase out the use of fossil fuels and promote renewable energy.

Supportive policies must be created to increase local and international investment in the renewable energy sector.

Moreover, TIB demanded the abolishment of the "Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act 2010", the removal of capacity charges and the cancellation of all ongoing development projects that are harmful to the environment and biodiversity.

"It is not possible to say how long it will take for the interim government to implement the recommendations made today [yesterday]. That decision lies with them. This government should be given the time it needs to meet the expectations of the people," Iftekharuzzaman said.

The government has been in office for only 20 days and it would not be fair to evaluate them so soon.

"They must fulfil the aspirations of the masses, even as they work amid the ruins," he added.​
 

Time to reform the judiciary
Mir Mostafizur Rahaman
Published :
Aug 28, 2024 21:12
Updated :
Aug 28, 2024 21:12

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An independent judiciary is a cornerstone of any democratic society where justice is administered without bias or external influence.

In Bangladesh, this basic element of a democracy was under severe strain as we have seen that ruling parties, in some cases, preferred to appoint loyal people as judges and law officers.

This very practice posed a threat to basic principles of an independent judiciary. The judiciary acts as a guardian of the Constitution and the rights of citizens. It is tasked with interpreting the law impartially, remaining free from any political influence or pressure.

In a democratic system, the judiciary serves as a check on the other branches of government, ensuring that they operate within the bounds of the law. This separation of power is essential for preventing the abuse of authority and maintaining the balance necessary for a functioning democracy.

In Bangladesh, the judiciary has historically played a crucial role in safeguarding the rights of the citizens, often stepping in to correct executive overreach. However, this role can only be effectively fulfilled if the judiciary remains independent and free from political interference.

Unfortunately, the judiciary was made highly controversial during the last one and a half decades. It was open secret that courts were dictated by the government and nakedly used as an instrument to clamp down on dissenting and opposition voices.

At one stage people in general lost confidence in the court and justice became illusive for many. All these resulted from the absence of a transparent process to recruit judges and law officers.

After the fall of the Hasina regime through mass upsurge, people are now expecting a real and meaningful reform of the judiciary so that it could perform independently.

However, some disturbing developments are taking place on the court premises that have made people apprehensive about the fate of judicial reform.

As several judges, and 107 law officers including the Attorney general, have resigned, pressures are reportedly piling up on the administration from different political parties to fill up these vacant posts with people loyal to them.

If the government succumbs to such demands it will come as a severe blow to the process of establishing an independent judiciary.

This government must not follow the old practice of recruiting judges and law officers under political consideration ignoring their merit.

The judiciary risks becoming a pawn in the hands of political actors if the posts that have fallen vacant following resignations of judges and law officers are filled up under outside pressure.

Such interference undermines the impartiality of the judiciary, as judges and law officers might feel beholden to the political forces that facilitated their appointments. This creates a conflict of interest, where the rule of law could be compromised in favour of political expediency. The impartial application of justice becomes questionable, leading to a loss of public confidence in the judiciary's ability to act as an unbiased arbiter.

Moreover, this politicization can lead to a situation where legal outcomes are influenced by political considerations rather than the merits of the cases. This not only causes damage to the credibility of the judiciary but also erodes the public's trust in the justice system. When citizens believe that justice is not being administered fairly, it weakens the social contract and can lead to civil unrest and a breakdown of the rule of law.

To address these challenges, it is imperative that Bangladesh undertakes comprehensive judicial reforms aimed at strengthening the independence of the judiciary. These reforms should focus on creating transparent and merit-based processes for the appointment of judges and law officers. A judicial appointments commission, free from political influence, could be established to oversee the selection of judges and law officers based on their qualifications, experience, and integrity.

In addition to reforming the appointment process, it is essential to ensure that judges and law officers have security of tenure. This means that they should not fear removal from office for political reasons. Clear and stringent criteria for the removal of judges, such as proven misconduct or incapacity, should be established, and any process for removal should be carried out through an independent and impartial body.

It is crucial that the government, civil society, and all stakeholders in Bangladesh recognize the gravity of this situation and work together to implement judicial reforms that will safeguard the independence of the judiciary. Only through a strong and independent judiciary can Bangladesh ensure that justice is served, the rule of law is maintained, and democracy is preserved for future generations.​
 

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