🇧🇩 Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Carrying out reforms: Commissions to file reports by December 31

The reform commissions declared by the interim government will start work on October 1 and submit their reports by December 31, said Asif Nazrul, the law adviser.

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Carrying out reforms: Commissions to file reports by December 31

Photo: TV Grab

The reform commissions declared by the interim government will start work on October 1 and submit their reports by December 31, said Asif Nazrul, the law adviser.

After that, consultations will be held with the political parties and other stakeholders, he said at a press briefing yesterday after the first meeting with the heads of the six commissions.

Muhammad Yunus, the chief adviser to the interim government, presided over the meeting that was attended by advisers Rizwana Hasan, Ali Imam Majumder, Nazrul and Adilur Rahman Khan and Mahfuj Alam, special assistant to the chief adviser.

"We discussed how the commissions will work, their terms of reference, how the commissioners will be appointed," Nazrul said, adding the reports would contain recommendations.

In the second phase, under Yunus's leadership, the advisers will hold consultations with the political parties, experts, professional bodies, student bodies and the general public.

"We will try to ensure that people's expectations are reflected in what we do. The expectation of the students who led the mass upsurge was not limited to only good elections but reforming the state and establishing true democracy so that no fascist can come to power in Bangladesh," Nazrul added.

The commission will be fully independent, Alam said.

The people of Bangladesh were deprived of their democratic rights for long periods, said Badiul Alam Majumder, who will leader the Election System Reform Commission.

"We need some important reforms of the state institutions. With that objective, the commission heads were appointed. In the first meeting today, we got some clear ideas of who will be invited to join as commissioners. How we will work as a commission was basically discussed," he said.

Asked how long it will take to complete the work of the commissions, Nazrul said some of the proposals that the commissions will make will be implemented in the mid-term and the others in the long term.

After Yunus's return from the UN General Assembly, the Election Commission will be reconstituted.

More commissions will also be formed to reform the education and health sectors.

"We will not only be confined to reforms thoughts but also go for implementation," Nazrul said, adding that accountability and transparency of the working of the commissions will also be ensured.

Asked how the reformed constitution will be accepted as there is no parliament, Nazrul said the constitutional reforms commission will be responsible for this.

"They will hold widespread consultation with the people and decide on the matter."

Asked about former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's extradition from India, he said Bangladesh has a treaty with the neighbouring country.

"As per the treaty, Bangladesh can seek extradition of anyone convicted -- whoever he or she is."

The prosecutors of the International Crimes Tribunal have already been appointed and there is other progress made for trying the ones accused of crimes against humanity during the July protest.

"Soon, the trial process will begin and then we will seek extradition of the former Prime Minister from India," Nazrul added.

Justice Shah Abu Naim Mominur Rahman will lead the Judicial Reform Commission, Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury the Public Administration Reform Commission, Safar Raj Hossain the Police Administration Reform Commission, Iftekharuzzaman the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission and Ali Riaz the Constitutional Reform Commission.​

 

[Saif]

National unity crucial in state reform

THE interim government is at a critical juncture to reform the state, responding to the demands of the people. Decades of discrimination, inequality and systemic injustice cast...

www.newagebd.net

National unity crucial in state reform
by Ala Uddin 21 September, 2024, 00:00

| — New Age

THE interim government is at a critical juncture to reform the state, responding to the demands of the people. Decades of discrimination, inequality and systemic injustice cast a long shadow over the nation, highlighting the urgent need for social reform at all levels. At this critical juncture in the country, it is imperative to establish a national unity that embraces democratic principles and human rights and dismantles long-standing authoritarian and discriminatory structures.

The fabric of our society has been tarnished by discrimination, inequality and the deprivation of basic rights over the years. The education system, which was once the embodiment of collective progress, has now been transformed into a political arena, where academic institutions have become centres of political conflict rather than centres of learning. The transparency and accountability of public administration, which is intended to function as a mechanism of good governance, have been significantly impeded by autocratic practices. The people have not yet achieved freedom, despite the fact that the country is independent. From a state of extreme autocracy to an unbridled culture, the majority of previous governments have evolved. The foundations of democratic participation have been undermined by the suppression of dissenting voices and the restriction of freedom of speech. The recent student-led anti-discrimination movement is the culmination of the intensified calls for reform.

Reforming a state riddled with deep problems is no easy task. The first step in this journey is to address the divisions that have arisen among the citizens over the years. To achieve meaningful reforms, it is crucial to establish an inclusive national unity that can bring together diverse views and pave the way for constructive discussions.

Bridging divisions: The existing social divisions have to be addressed directly. The aim of the reforms is to narrow these divisions and guarantee equal legitimacy for all perspectives. It is not merely a question of the removal of discriminatory practices but of building up societal conditions to embrace various perspectives as a whole.

Establishing basic principles: For reforms to advance so that a new state emerges, there is a need to clearly define fundamental pillars that will direct the reform achievements. These principles should enshrine the ethos and faith of the liberation war: democracy, equality, secularism, justice, human dignity and the protection of human rights. These ideals are non-negotiable; hence, reforms built around them will be just and long-term.

Building national unity: Successful achievement of the reforms does not only depend on change of policies. There is a need for proper consensus acceptance among different stakeholders, political players, civil societies and the general population. This consensus will help build support of the masses for the reforms so that chances of resistance and instability are minimised.

The interim government plays an important role in guiding the country through this period of transition. Its approach will set the tone for future governance and determine the effectiveness of the reform process. To this end, the following issues may be considered:

Setting the example: The interim government must demonstrate its commitment to reforms by upholding the principles of transparency, accountability and inclusion. There is a need to adopt a participatory approach to governance and actively engage with various stakeholders.

Implementation of reform measures: Concrete steps must be taken to implement reforms in all sectors. These include restructuring the education system to promote political impartiality and academic freedom, improving efficiency and accountability by restructuring administrative processes, and aligning government policies with democratic principles.

Promoting dialogue: Open and constructive dialogue is crucial for national unity and consensus. The interim government should facilitate dialogue platforms to discuss and resolve different points of view. This will help shape a shared vision for the future and ensure that the reform process is inclusive and representative.

For reforms to be successful and sustainable, both immediate and long-term challenges must be addressed. In this case, the following strategies may be helpful in achieving durable change:

Strengthening institutions: Building strong and independent institutions is critical to sustaining democratic values and preventing a return to authoritarian practices. This includes strengthening the judiciary, increasing the powers of regulatory agencies and promoting an independent and liberal civil society.

Ensuring accountability: Accountability mechanisms should be established to monitor the implementation of reforms and address any deviations from established principles. This includes creating transparent processes to assess progress, address complaints and hold those in power accountable for their actions.

Promoting citizen participation: Involving citizens in the reform process is essential so that reforms reflect the needs and aspirations of the people. This can be achieved through public consultation, awareness campaigns and promoting civic responsibility and participation.

As the country embarks on its much-desired transformation journey, future visions of inclusion, justice and democratic governance will be realized. By addressing the deep problems that have plagued the country for a long time and creating a culture of unity and solidarity, the interim government can lay the foundation for a brighter and more just future.

The anti-discrimination movement emphasised the need for immediate change and provided strong incentives for change. The challenge now is to harness this momentum for real progress. The focus should be on a society that prioritises equality, justice and human rights over so-called development with commitment, stability and attention to basic democratic principles.

But while the road to reform is arduous, it also provides an opportunity to reshape the country’s future. Through the mantra of unity and solidarity, the country can overcome the divisions of its past and build a just and democratic society. The road ahead may be difficult, but with collective effort and a shared vision, creating a brighter and more just future is not impossible.

Dr Ala Uddin is professor and former chairman, department of anthropology, University of Chittagong.​

 

[Saif]

A blueprint for reforms: Tackling corruption, inequality, and autocracy

The government needs to set in place irreversible principles and practices that constrain arbitrary power in the future leading to the misuse of popular consent.

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A blueprint for reforms: Tackling corruption, inequality, and autocracy

There is much to fix, buried deep within the political economy and culture, where much negativity has been allowed to flourish. VISUAL: SHEIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

On August 4, I submitted a piece to The Guardian in the UK under the heading "The Time Has Come." In its final paragraph, I referred to Shakespeare's Macbeth along the lines of "we are in blood stepped in so far that to return was as difficult as going o'er." By August 5, events had already overtaken my final paragraph—so the piece was not published. A pity, as The Guardian has strangely not covered the political upheaval in Bangladesh very well or accurately. Strange, given, inter alia, the large Bangladeshi diaspora in the UK with contrasting political loyalties.

But clearly, this was a moment when the incremental autocracy over the previous 15 and a half years caught up with itself: the fear of retribution if power is lost stimulating further attempts at repression until the waters break. So many dictatorial regimes end in this way. The signs had been a long time coming. I recall presenting a paper to a conference in Dhaka back in 2016 asking whether there was only analytic room for Antonio Gramsci rather than Alexis de Tocqueville in Bangladesh, referring to the then regime as crypto-fascist. The argument of that paper was that the spreading of control over civil society (civil society for de Tocqueville being a prerequisite for democracy) resembled Gramsci's notion of "political society," where the independent permanence of institutions outside the state become incorporated into it. Following Gramsci, Douglass North and colleagues in Violence and Social Orders (2009) have seen independent permanence as a "doorstep" condition for the realisation of an open access, democratic society. Unfortunately, my pessimism was increasingly vindicated up to August 5. My more "below the radar" research across the last 15 years has focused upon the analysis of extreme poverty and, more recently, agrarian futures for the country, where there has been more traction with progressive policy thinking. Nevertheless, I was given the privilege of presenting a paper (at the CPD in January 2023) on the relative autonomy of the state from factional regimes to the country's political scientists, and that argument right now has a different kind of traction!

Certainly, right now, for many devotees of Bangladesh and the interests of its people, there is more public space for critique. Back in June, The Daily Star published my review of René Holenstein's My Golden Bengal: Views and Voices from Civil Society, where many familiar activists, commentators and academics had been interviewed and where they conveyed an overall sense of betrayal of the optimism of liberation through the subsequent practices of contaminated democracy and governance. In that volume, words were chosen carefully and cautiously, and at the book launch as well, but now the "time has come" for a more open regret as a basis for the restoration of liberation principles. That path of restoration has for the moment been entrusted with the interim government.

We have been here before in Bangladesh: the caretaker government in early 1990, and the caretaker government of 2007-08. Both, though under different circumstances, were periods of technocratic management, with the bureaucracy and civil society in the forefront rather than the army or politicians representing parties, and both were trying to repair the state and make it fit for purpose for another round of competitive politics and regimes. It was a hard ask then, and it remains so again now. There is much to fix, buried deep within the political economy and culture, where much negativity has been allowed to flourish. Many will have their own list of priorities, but in a spirit of affection and loyalty to the citizens, I offer mine, which I see from reading this daily from a distance resonates with other opinions too.

First, while the evolution of the Awami League can be explained, though not excused, in dynastic terms, there have been other political players in the country with claims on a secular, inclusive narrative of liberation with religions and cultures pursued within the society in a spirit of mutual tolerance. These others have emerged from time to time, e.g., the Gono Forum, to challenge the self-serving Awami League monopoly of the inclusive narrative. In a sense, this inclusivity is the benchmark against which all future political contenders for office should be judged and encouraged. Perhaps this requires a truly independent Election Commission, representing the civil society, to interpret a constitutional "eligibility to contend" based on such inclusive principles which were so hard won across the 1950s and 1960s, early 1970s, and again in July-August 2024.

Second, the development story of the country needs more authenticity and balance. The transformation of Bangladesh over the last 50 years of my witness (I first arrived in Cumilla with my wife in August 1974) has been truly amazing—good in parts but also problematic. There needs to be a re-examination of the data bases used for claims and judgements. Has poverty really been reduced to the levels claimed? I doubt it. Not least because the economic thresholds used for measurement seem to be hopelessly unrealistic as a definition both of not being poor (though highly vulnerable) and of being "middle class." This was raised by one of the present advisers of the interim government in the presence of the then planning minister in a 2018 launch event of the book Aiding Resilience among the Extreme Poor in Bangladesh. These vulnerable and the "middle" classes were deemed not in need of support and swept up in the "leave no one behind" assumptions of economic growth, even though a minor uplift in income thresholds brings millions of the vulnerable into poverty—as was revealed in the analyses of Covid by the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD) and Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC), for example. Earlier projections by Dr SM Zulfiqar Ali at the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS) indicated the same.

However, a multidimensional understanding of poverty and well-being indicates that incomes, expenditure and assets are unconvincing as a sole guide to well-being outcomes, even if thresholds are uplifted. And this is even more so in the throes and aftermath of significant inflation, especially on essential commodities. It would be interesting if Bangladesh could imitate Bhutan in the pursuit of happiness and well-being indicators to measure its inclusive success.

Third, strongly linked to the above is inequality. Bangladesh appears to be among the most unequalising societies in the lower middle-income country (LMIC) group. There is a consensus among individual and institutional observers that the economic gains of the country's rapid transformation over the last 50 years have been largely captured by narrow elites, both legally by capitalism and of course illegally through rent-seeking. The interim government is beginning to deal with this illegal capture, but it will be even more challenging to address the underlying structural issues that reproduce inequality.

This brings me to a little obsession of mine about language and discourse. The global aid powerholders have coined the expression "leave no one behind" as the key principle of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is solipsistic. A trap for the unaware. A neo-liberal formula for trying to make everyone better off at their level in society, without scaring the horses, without pain for the rich and better-off who have benefited from decades of rent-seeking. The interim government should not be fooled by this and should leave a clear legacy to any successors that inequality is a function of entitlements and access to opportunities, structured subtly by class preconditions, cultural labelling, adverse incorporation and social exclusion. These social forces have to be deliberately confronted based on an acceptance across the whole society that redistribution of opportunities and outcomes has to be affirmatively actioned. "Sharing the well," in other words.

And it starts with children and youth—their access to quality education, the underpinning of future public goods. The students are right. But how? Attacking corruption is one thing. But progressive income and wealth taxation is structurally key to any inclusive economic restoration. The interim government could put in train irreversible tax policies to this effect, which no subsequent government needing popular support could possibly dismantle. Just consider the fortunes made in Dhaka real estate, derived from fortuitous receipt of plot allocations by successive regimes across favoured state and business communities. At present, tax rates in Bangladesh are so unsustainably low as a proportion of GDP that no government can make a difference to inclusiveness.

Fourth, of course, corruption and rent-seeking have been pervasive. The state and upper echelons of the society have conspired in kleptocracy. From the media, I can see that examples are being made through arrests, charges and freezing of banked assets. Loan defaulting has also been pervasive with culprits running free across Dhaka as well as investing in places like Dubai and the UK. But perhaps there should be carrots as well as sticks. There is no point in making examples of offenders unless those examples engender behavioural change. Perhaps, initially, the interim government should pursue some version of the Laffer curve, where under the threat of what could happen to them through the courts, offenders are incentivised to accept a fairer tax on assessed gains in return for immunity alongside zero tolerance for re-offending. In other words, a deliberate pursuit of restitutive economic justice which sets the path for future revenue-based inclusive investment in basic services as well as contribution to present cleansing. After all, no government, however well- intentioned, and starting from this present legacy, can lock up half the society!

Of course, there is so much more to fix in terms of stabilising the macroeconomy and subduing inflation, diversifying the economy from overreliance on the RMG sector, managing geopolitical vulnerability, defending minorities, protecting women, upskilling to reduce reliance upon overseas managers and engineers, understanding agrarian futures in the context of climate change, and so on. But there is no more space in this piece. For now, I have emphasised: eligibility to contend for power democratically; a more authentic and balanced understanding of development as a platform for policy priorities; stronger attention to well-being and happiness notions of progress and inclusivity; and "sharing the well" and restitutive economic justice to address inequality and rent-seeking, reinforced by wider income and wealth taxation. All of these occur within a desire, an inherent Bangalee desire, for justice and fairness which has other dimensions not addressed here.

So, I end here, for now, with a strategic principle for the interim government. It needs to set in place irreversible principles and practices that constrain arbitrary power in the future leading to the misuse of popular consent. This requires the organisation and management of equity as the basis of justice and fairness, i.e., a reform of the justice system itself. Part of that irreversibility is the freedom of citizens to critique state practice and hold institutions and individuals to account as a precondition of good governance, while bearing down on the destructive freedoms of hate, othering and exclusion, always remembering that social capital can have this dark side too. All of the above takes time to entrench. Given 15-plus years of democratic decline, I would think the society could tolerate a year or two for a restoration of the underlying principles of inclusive democracy. A rush for elections without such restoration might just repeat the cycle that Holenstein's interlocutors were so depressed about.

Dr Geof Wood is a development anthropologist and author of several books and numerous journal articles, with a regional focus on South Asia. He is also emeritus professor of international development at the University of Bath, UK.​

 

[Saif]

UN to support Bangladesh reforms, flood rehab measures

The United Nations will support Bangladesh in wide ranging areas including police and election reforms as the interim government rolls out major restructuring of the country's institutions, said the UN's resident coordinator in Dhaka. The chief of UN in Bangladesh, Gwyn Lewis, came up with assuran

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

UN to support Bangladesh reforms, flood rehab measures
BSS
Published :
Sep 22, 2024 22:50
Updated :
Sep 22, 2024 22:50

The United Nations will support Bangladesh in wide ranging areas including police and election reforms as the interim government rolls out major restructuring of the country's institutions, said the UN's resident coordinator in Dhaka.

The chief of UN in Bangladesh, Gwyn Lewis, came up with assurance when she paid a courtesy call on Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office in Dhaka on Sunday.

During the meeting, they discussed reforms, corruption, floods, Rohingya crisis and the UN-led investigation on the July-August carnage.

Gwyn Lewis expressed her support for the reform initiatives undertaken by the interim government and she thanked Professor Yunus "for taking up extraordinary role" as the head of the post-revolution administration.

The Chief Adviser said this was the "most unifying moment" for the whole nation and the main job of his government was to "set an example" for everyone.

"This is a great opportunity for the country to reform the economy and fix almost every institution," he said.

Gwyn Lewis enquired about the reforms in the security forces including police administration.

The chief adviser said the government has made police reform a top of its priorities.

He said the government was also committed to setting up an integrated national IT system, which will ease hassles and cut corruption in the country.

Prof Yunus said the government has also formed a commission to make major reform in the electoral system so that votes can be held in a free and fair manner.

Lewis said the UN-led investigation team has already started working on the murders and mayhem committed during July and August.

She said UN agencies, WHO and ILO, were looking at ways to help the injured victims and people who were traumatised by the events.

The UN resident coordinator said the UN has provided four million dollars for the post flood rehabilitation in the country's eastern and southern region.

She said some 18 million people in Bangladesh have been hit by floods since the beginning of the monsoon and the UN was coordinating aid from the agencies and charities for the flood victims.

Prof Yunus sought UN help for instituting an early warning system for floods in South Asia.

They also discussed environmental, climate change and the Chittagong Hill Tracts issues, with Lewis outlining the aid work the UN agencies have done in the three hill districts.

Prof Yunus sought UN help for building a better future for the Rohingya children in the camps, saying "a whole generation of angry young people is growing up there".​

 

[Saif]

Fixing the reform priorities

Much expectation has been generated among the masses following a people's revolution in Bangladesh culminating in the assumption of office by an interim government. There is now almost a universal consensus that the state needs to be repaired before a national election is held in order to put the c

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Fixing the reform priorities
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Sep 23, 2024 22:03
Updated :
Sep 23, 2024 22:03

Much expectation has been generated among the masses following a people's revolution in Bangladesh culminating in the assumption of office by an interim government. There is now almost a universal consensus that the state needs to be repaired before a national election is held in order to put the country on the path of a genuinely liberal democratic dispensation. Heeding this popular demand, the chief adviser of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus has announced the formation of six commissions- tasked to submit recommendations on reforming six critical domains of the state, viz. the constitution, public administration, the police, judiciary, electoral system, and curbing corruption.

Reforming the state is a very complex and difficult task. Besides, there is widespread demand and aspiration for reforms among the masses. However, compromises may have to be made due to the limited time and resources of the interim government, and the impossibility of materialising all aspirations at the same time. Therefore, priorities have to be set at all stages of this upcoming reform exercise.

Now, the question arises as to how the government will fix priorities, and what would be the basis or premises for such reforms. Besides, the width, depth, timing and coverage of reforms will also have to be addressed. Decisions will have to be made on whether to undertake procedural reforms only by keeping the structure intact, or to overhaul the whole structure. For this, priorities have to be set through objective and unbiased analysis before execution of reforms. This is not an easy task, as the objectives and interests of various parties may often diverge. Therefore, the concepts and ideas for reforms will have to be clearly spelt out by following an objective methodology, and their width, depth, and boundaries will have to clarified based on major aims and objectives of reforms.

Professor Golam Rasul of IUBAT has suggested a framework for undertaking the review exercise for reform. These include: deciding on the fundamental policies cum criteria for reforms, collection of reform proposals and their preliminary screening, analysing the proposals based on their importance and applicability, and then prioritisation of recommended reforms.

Determination of major aims and objectives is the first step in the reform process. However, it should not be difficult to arrive at an agreement on these because of the massive support for reforms following a mass upsurge and people's revolution. This agreement can be arrived at through dialogue with all relevant parties and stakeholders, and by reconciling their interests in the light of national priorities. A fundamental criterion will be to establish a discrimination-free state alongside minimising the scope for re-emergence of another autocracy. Apparently, all political parties now seek a liberal democratic system that does not provide room for flourishing of fascism.

Another basic criterion for reform should be to endow the state with the capacity to maintain law and order as well as ensure politico-economic stability. It has been observed across the globe that the popularity of interim governments gradually diminishes with the passage of time. Therefore, the time aspect should also be considered during prioritisation of needed reforms.

The first among the basic policies and criteria for reforms should be to maintain social order, and safeguard people's lives and properties. The law-and-order situation must be improved, and the security of people should be ensured. Priorities should therefore be attached to those measures that aid in the improvement of law-and-order situation.

The second objective should be ensuring politico-economic stability, as politics and economy are intertwined with each other. Priorities should therefore be attached to those reforms that aid in generating people's employment, income and livelihood, removes economic disparity, and reduces inflation.

Identification of existing discriminations in the state apparatuses, and their gradual eliminations -so that all citizens irrespective of race, colour or religion get equal opportunities - should also be one of the fundamental priorities in any reform exercise. Consequently, matters related to fundamental rights, social justice, and removal of discriminations must be prioritised.

As the masses are seeking a liberal democratic order, priorities should be attached to those reforms that support the strengthening of democratic institutions, and enable those bodies to run independently and efficiently by shunning politicisation, promoting citizens' rights, and ensuring transparency cum accountability. As time is of essence, the likely tenure of the interim government should also be taken into consideration while deciding on the reform package, as popular support may wane with the passage of time.

The proposals for reforms must be obtained from all sections of society, as all citizens should own the subsequent implementation. They include all political parties, students and teachers, the civil society, mass media, NGOs, and the working classes. All proposals should be evaluated in the light of aforementioned criteria, and any proposal that does not tally with those should be discarded. The proposals should be evaluated objectively without any bias, and those passing the preliminary test based on basic criteria should then be included in a list of reform priorities based on their importance and conformity with the major reform objectives.

In the final stage, the prioritised reforms will have to be implemented phase-wise. This will require proper action-plans, identification of implementation challenges, steps for overcoming those challenges, appropriate measures for implementation, regular monitoring of progress, and making adjustments when needed.

The principal task of the interim government is to create a conducive environment for holding a free and fair election, so that a competitive cum participatory polls takes place. It will then have to hand over power to the democratically elected government, so that the elected administration can complete the reform process. Besides, necessary legal cover will also have to be assigned to reforms undertaken by the interim government.

Proper selection, prioritisation, and execution of reforms will reassure the stakeholders about the democratisation process in the country. Effective stewardship will be required at all stages of this reform exercise. The country's citizens have high hopes that this will materialise in due course under the pragmatic leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Dr Helal Uddin Ahmed is a former editor of Bangladesh Quarterly.​

 

[Saif]

Roadmap for electoral reforms

THE cornerstone of an inclusive democracy lies in a free and fair electoral system. Electoral reform, therefore, is one of the interim government’s highest priorities. While restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, shifting public perception about the significance of voting is equally...

www.newagebd.net

Roadmap for electoral reforms
Saifur Rahman 26 September, 2024, 00:00

THE cornerstone of an inclusive democracy lies in a free and fair electoral system. Electoral reform, therefore, is one of the interim government’s highest priorities. While restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, shifting public perception about the significance of voting is equally important. The interim government can swiftly restructure the commission, but the more challenging task of changing people’s attitudes toward voting requires sustained, long-term efforts that the interim government can at least initiate. This article presents a practical roadmap for addressing both objectives.

Reforming Election Commission

THE main problem with the electoral process is the inherent conflict of interest. Election Commissioners, appointed for long terms, often prioritise securing their positions over providing impartial services. Field-level officials — such as returning officers, presiding officers, and law enforcers — are government employees who struggle to act neutrally. Even during a caretaker government, these conflicts of interest persist, as civil servants managing the elections can often predict likely winners and adjust their loyalties accordingly.

A fundamental shift in the conduct of elections is necessary. One way to achieve this is by appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts, typically three months, with little flexibility to tailor their roles for any particular election. These commissioners could be selected from a pool of retired judges, civil servants, and police officers with prior experience in election activities. For ease of administration, elections can be conducted over several days instead of just one day.

Additionally, a pool of retired judges can be created to address all election-related disputes as necessary. The Election Commission Secretariat should start updating the voter list and developing an online voting system for Bangladeshi citizens living abroad well in advance of the elections. To ensure transparency, the voter list should be made accessible online for public scrutiny and viewing.

Returning officers and law enforcement coordinators at the district level can be appointed from retired members of the civil, military, and police services. Presiding and polling officers, needed in large numbers, may come from private organisations. Any additional personnel may be sourced from government employees, but they must be assigned outside their own jurisdiction.

Law enforcement units for deployment at the field level can be created from the ranks of the armed forces, border guards, reserve police, and Ansar, as well as cadets of the Bangladesh National Cadet Corps, commanded by junior police and military officers.

Community engagement

IF YOU were to randomly ask someone in a village, ‘Why do some individuals sell their votes for as little as a cup of tea?’, their typical response might be, ‘People have lost their moral compass, becoming self-centred and indifferent to the nation’s well-being.’ They may suggest that only a fundamental change in the mindset of the general population can address this issue.

As Larry Diamond points out in Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation, building a durable democracy goes beyond electoral reform — it also requires cultivating a political culture that encourages active participation in the voting process. Therefore, while restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, reshaping public perceptions about voting must also be prioritised.

Due to the public’s misconceptions about the true value of votes, elections can be easily manipulated by oligarchs — wealthy individuals or families who dominate government, society, and the economy. Autocratic regimes often form mutually beneficial alliances with them, providing protection and favourable policies in exchange for their support. Oligarchs preserve their influence by manipulating elections through money, fraud, and the use of force.

People generally act in their self-interest; thus, if they recognised how fair voting could improve their social and economic well-being — such as better access to justice, enhanced job opportunities, and quality healthcare — they would actively defend it. The interim government can launch voter education programmes by leveraging existing infrastructure, such as local governments, field administrations, agricultural extension, and cooperative services coordinated by the District Election Office. Large NGOs with extensive rural networks can, independently or in collaboration with the interim government, launch similar programmes. They have successfully implemented mass immunisation and adult literacy campaigns, so educating voters falls well within their capabilities and is essential for sustaining broader social development initiatives.

The people of Bangladesh were hoping for a new political alternative, but none has yet emerged. In this context, voters can be educated to select candidates based on honesty, competence, and patriotism, regardless of party affiliation. Existing complex processes for independent candidates, such as requiring 1 per cent of voter signatures and barriers to the emergence of new political parties, should be removed to promote broader participation and expand voter choice.

Indonesia’s election system includes citizen participation mechanisms such as community-based monitoring, independent election observers, local election committees, and civil society engagement. We can adopt similar practices. To monitor the election process and prevent fraudulent voting, groups of 50–100 volunteers can remain near polling stations throughout Election Day as vigilant observers. They can also assist law enforcement agencies in maintaining law and order and help bring voters to polling stations, ensuring higher voter turnout.

Parallel Vote Tabulation is a method for independently verifying election results through a parallel vote count. During Kenya’s 2017 presidential election, civil society groups used PVT to cross-check data from trained observers with official results, revealing irregularities that led to a Supreme Court annulment and a re-election. Relevant civil society organisations in Bangladesh could adopt a similar approach.

Challenges and mitigations

IMPLEMENTING the roadmap presents several challenges, but viable strategies exist to address them. Appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts aims to reduce bias and conflicts of interest; however, it may inadvertently lead to instability and inconsistency in election management. To mitigate this risk, it is essential to completely separate the management responsibilities of the Election Commission, which should be handled by the EC secretariat, from the actual conduct of elections, which should remain solely within the domain of the Election Commissioners.

Another significant challenge is effectively educating voters and engaging rural populations, who often encounter obstacles such as illiteracy, limited access to information, and political apathy. To enhance these programmes, direct outreach methods similar to those used by agricultural extension workers or microcredit managers can be employed. Furthermore, leveraging social media and information technology can be beneficial, as many rural residents now have improved access to satellite TV, SMS, and smartphones.

The success of Parallel Vote Tabulation hinges on adequate resources, training, and funding, which may be limited in the current context. This issue can be addressed by initiating these processes well ahead of the elections and securing funding through public donations from Bangladeshi citizens living abroad who wish to be involved in the process.

A multifaceted strategy that focuses on building public trust, dismantling oligarchic influence, and fostering genuine civic engagement will be vital for achieving sustainable and inclusive electoral reforms in Bangladesh.

Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and a sociopolitical analyst.​

 

[Saif]

IMF chief pledges support to Bangladesh’s reform initiatives

International Monetary Fund Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has pledged support to Bangladesh's reform initiatives, saying the Washington-based lender has sent a team to Dhaka to hold talks with the stakeholders over the matter. The IMF managing director expressed her support at a mee

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

IMF chief pledges support to Bangladesh’s reform initiatives
BSS
Published :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42
Updated :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42

International Monetary Fund Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has pledged support to Bangladesh's reform initiatives, saying the Washington-based lender has sent a team to Dhaka to hold talks with the stakeholders over the matter.

The IMF managing director expressed her support at a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the UN headquarters in New York on the sidelines of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on Tuesday.

"It is a different country. It is Bangladesh 2.0," Kristalina Georgieva told the Chief Adviser when he gave a short briefing on the student-led mass uprising which ousted the previous autocratic regime.

During the meeting, Prof Yunus spoke about the six commissions that his interim government has set up to recommend vital reforms in election, civil administration, police, judiciary, anti-corruption and constitution.

He said the government would hold discussions with the political parties on the recommendations of the commissions.

Once the consensus on the reforms is reached and the voter list is prepared, and the date for the election will be announced, the chief adviser said.

The IMF chief executive extended her support for the initiatives, saying the lender would fast-track financial support for the Bangladesh government.

She said she sent an IMF team "quickly" to Bangladesh and it is in Dhaka at the moment. The team would place its report to the IMF management board next month, he added.

Georgieva said the IMF board could initiate a new lending programme for Bangladesh based on the report of the team, or it could also extend more lending under the existing support programme launched early last year.

Energy, power and transport adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan and eminent economist Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya attended the meeting.

Adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan told the IMF chief that the Bangladesh interim government took just a week to "dismantle the architecture of crimes" in the power and energy sector.

Dr Debapriya stressed the need for IMF support to bolster the country's balance of payments.

He said the role of the IMF would be critical to stabilising exchange rates.​

 

[Saif]

Talks with Yunus: UN chief reaffirms support for Bangladesh's reforms

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres met with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus in New York today

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Talks with Yunus: UN chief reaffirms support for Bangladesh's reforms

Photo: United Nations/UNB

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres met with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus in New York today.

During the meeting, Guterres expressed his gratitude for the strong partnership between the UN and Bangladesh, particularly acknowledging Bangladesh's significant contributions to UN peacekeeping efforts.

The secretary-general reaffirmed the UN's commitment to supporting Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform processes. They also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and the global challenge of climate change.​

 

[Saif]

US to back interim govt in holding free, fair polls

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has indicated that Bangladesh will have US support for a free and fair election, which will chart an inclusive, democratic, and equitable future for the people.

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US to back interim govt in holding free, fair polls
Yunus, Blinken hold talks

Photo: PID

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has indicated that Bangladesh will have US support for a free and fair election, which will chart an inclusive, democratic, and equitable future for the people.

He also underscored US support and assistance for the interim government of Bangladesh as it guides the country towards economic stability and highlighted the importance of reforms to ensure continued foreign direct investment, according to US State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and Blinken yesterday discussed the importance of building strong institutions to fight corruption, uphold media freedom, respect internationally recognised labour rights, and protect human rights for all in Bangladesh, including Rohingya refugees and members of the minority communities, he said.

Secretary Blinken and Prof Yunus met on the sidelines of the United National General Assembly.

According to the chief adviser's Facebook page, Blinken expressed full support for the interim government as they discussed economic cooperation, the Rohingya crisis, counterterrorism, labour issues, and the recovery of laundered money.

YUNUS AND GUTERRES MEET

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, while meeting with Yunus at the UN headquarters, reiterated its readiness to support Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform process.

An UN statement said the secretary-general expressed appreciation for the close cooperation between the UN and Bangladesh.

The Secretary-General and the Chief Adviser also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and climate change.

Earlier on Tuesday, US President Joe Biden offered his country's full support to Bangladesh's interim government during his bilateral meeting with Muhammad Yunus.

They met on the sidelines of the UNGA in New York, signalling a new beginning of the relationship between the two countries.

President Biden welcomed further engagement between the two governments while Prof Yunus said his government must succeed in rebuilding the country and would need US cooperation.​

 

[Saif]

RTI act needs reform

Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), yesterday emphasised the need for reforms in the Right to Information (RTI) Act and the Information Commission to uphold the spirit of the July Revolution.

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RTI act needs reform
Says Iftekharuzzaman

Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), yesterday emphasised the need for reforms in the Right to Information (RTI) Act and the Information Commission to uphold the spirit of the July Revolution.

He made the remarks during a discussion at the Information Commission's auditorium, marking International Day for Universal Access to Information 2024.

"When the RTI Act was first introduced, it was seen as a victory for citizens, but over time, it has become clear that it remains largely symbolic," said Iftekharuzzaman.

He stressed the importance of direct recruitment within the Information Commission, asserting that the commission should not be defined solely by its commissioners, who must be appointed impartially.

"The commissioners should be nonpartisan, ensuring the commission's credibility," he added.

He criticised the entrenched mindset among officials, saying, "Many officials treat information as their personal asset, but in reality, it belongs to the people. Public officials should understand their role as custodians of information, not gatekeepers."

He also called for an end to the practice of withholding information, a problem that has persisted since the past.

Iftekharuzzaman urged that the RTI Act be used as a tool for empowering citizens and promoting transparency.

"Freedom of speech, the right to dissent, and the free flow of information are essential elements of the student-led movement. Ensuring the unrestricted flow of information is critical for building a transparent, accountable, and corruption-free Bangladesh," he said.

Information Commission Director SM Kamrul Islam chaired the event, while the secretary in charge of Information and Broadcasting Ministry Md Nazrul Islam also spoke.​

 

[Saif]

Need proper reforms before election

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday said they want the country to go through proper reforms before an election.

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Need proper reforms before election
Says Jamaat ameer

Shafiqur Rahman. Photo: Collected

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday said they want the country to go through proper reforms before an election.

An acceptable election can only be held after a thorough reform, he said.

He was speaking as chief guest in a rally, organised by Pabna district unit of Jamaat, held at the Pabna Edward College yesterday afternoon.

"We want to give a logical amount of time to the interim government before holding the election so that they can make proper reforms in different sectors. Through the path of such reforms, we can have a fair and acceptable election," said Dr Shafiqur.

The roadmap for the reformation should be fixed after holding discussions with political parties, he also said.

Appreciating the initiative of the interim government, the Jamaat Ameer said this government has been formed through a revolution, so they have to do a lot.

"If the interim government fails, then the entire nation will fail. So they have to be successful, and we have to help this government for the sake of proper reformation," he added.

Shafiqur also said they have forgiven Awami League for oppressing their party, but they will never forgive the mass killings conducted by the AL government.

"We want justice for every killing," he said.

The party's district unit ameer Abu Taleb Mondol chaired the rally.

Earlier, Sahfiqur met with the families of the martyred students during the student movement in Pabna.​

 

[Saif]

State reforms not possible with AL cohorts in admin: Rizvi

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed today said it will not be possible to make state reforms keeping cohorts of Awami League in various key positions of administration

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State reforms not possible with AL cohorts in admin: Rizvi

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed today said it will not be possible to make state reforms keeping cohorts of Awami League in various key positions of administration.

He made the remarks while addressing a memorial meeting held for Shaheed Jahiduzzaman Tanvir, who was shot dead by police firing during anti-discrimination student movement, in the capital's Dakshinkhan.

Rizvi said around 2,000 people were killed in the last 36 days till the ouster of fascist Sheikh Hasina's regime during the July-August movement.

Those who opened fire on common people to protect Hasina's regime are still holding various key positions, he said.

The BNP leader demanded removal of cohorts of AL before making any reforms saying state reforms cannot be possible without bringing the killers to book.

He said AL enforced authoritarian rule seizing the people's voting rights and finally it wanted to cling into power by killing students and general masses.

Those who carried out carnage must be brought to justice, otherwise, souls of the martyrs won't get peace, he said.

About Bangladesh, India relations, Rizvi said: "At first India will have to respect our independence and sovereignty as a friend, leaving aside their lordship attitude".

He said when the entire world rejected Sheikh Hasina's one-party election, only India supported it.

"The border between Bangladesh and India is seen as the bloodiest one. The days of bowing down to India has come to an end. The people of Bangladesh will never be on their knees again," he said.

He urged the interim government to hold a free, fair and neutral election after making required reforms.​

 

[Saif]

Will reforms be possible without placing Awami League on trial?

After a bit of prevarication, General Ershad came along and imposed martial law in March 1982. Bangladesh attained an 18-point bouquet to cleanse the society by means of pure democracy and reforms. As part of this, the weekly Bichitra was told to write a report on administrative reforms. And it...

en.prothomalo.com

Will reforms be possible without placing Awami League on trial?
Kazi Zawad
Updated: 28 Sep 2024, 17: 44

After a bit of prevarication, General Ershad came along and imposed martial law in March 1982. Bangladesh attained an 18-point bouquet to cleanse the society by means of pure democracy and reforms. As part of this, the weekly Bichitra was told to write a report on administrative reforms. And it was to highlight the importance of the armed forces in running the state in the style of Indonesia's Golkar. A colonel was then in charge of reforms (read: 'control').

Shahadat bhai (editor Shahadat Chowdhury) gave me the task of writing this cover story. He told me to visit the Indonesian embassy and gather details of Golkar and the government. I was not too pleased about having to write this tailored article about the "democracy-loving" military junta. So while rebellion brewed in my heart, I set to the task for the sake of Bichitra and my job.

When it comes to reforms, the first task in implementing reforms will be to have a workforce in place, in the administration in all areas, committed to the new government

In 1964, a group of army officers close to Indonesia's first president Sukarno formed the 'party of functional groups' or Golkar as a counter to the Communist Party. And it was based on this that president Suharto took over state power in 1967 and continued his autocratic rule for 30 years.

I went to the Indonesian embassy and picked up a booklet on their government programmes and some scenic pictures of the Bali sea beach. None of this was related to the topic of my cover story. As a student I had an inclination towards left-leaning politics. I had learnt about rural communes at the time. I mixed that with some imagination and wrote about local government at the thana level in a parliamentary system. The significant aspect of this was that there would be an opposition leader in the thana council. If any political activist was to be arrested, that leader's approval would be required. The local government would have authority regarding the jobs of government officials. That would abolish the dominance of bureaucrats over the people's representatives.

The report did not fulfill the wishes of the authorities. The military bosses had wanted one thing and got another. From this experience of mine I want to say, no matter what the interim government wants or what aspirations the people have from the mass uprising, it is the will of those who are to carry out the reforms that is most important.

The interim government has, in the meantime, formed six commissions for reforms. Based on the people's aspirations as expressed in various ways, the commissions will come up with recommendations. The question is, who will implement these recommendations? Basically it will be the civil servants who were appointed and benefitted by the autocratic government. Can we be assured of their allegiance and integrity? How do we know that they won't reform the recommendations and apply them as they please? So when it comes to reforms, the first task in implementing reforms will be to have a workforce in place, in the administration in all areas, committed to the new government.

The government has put their hope in the officers and employees who have been "deprived" over the 16 years of autocracy. But in the meantime we have already got an inkling of their mindsets and behaviour. The deprived persons may include those who were sympathetic towards the autocrat but were not skilled in sycophancy. Political smears do not give deprived officers a clean chit of merit and efficiency.

A certain matter must be made clear concerning people's expectations about placing the autocratic government on trial. There is a question that it was not the individual Hasina that people wanted to be removed, but the party with whose support she managed to become an autocrat. The attorney general had said in parliament that there was no scope to ban the party. The question then is whether only one individual is guilty of autocratic activities? Does the party have no liability? Can a party not be placed on trial? There has been a proposal to amend the law pertaining to crimes against humanity and then to ban the party for 10 years.

In this context, we may recall that after World War II, the Nazi leaders' Reich cabinet, the Gestapo, SA, SS, SD and German armed forces Wehrmacht, etc, were brought to trial. That means a party can be tried too. Awami League was the party in charge during the 15 years of autocratic rule and so it must be tried.

If the party is to be tried, then the question may arise whether it can then be banned. Parties have been banned on past allegations. No one raised questions of trial then. But for the sake of justice, a trial must be held.

I would like to mention two international examples here. In December 1999 the Venice Commission, officially European Commission for Democracy through Law, set guidelines for the prohibition of any political party in Europe. The fifth recommendation mentioned that before approaching the court or relevant agency for the banning of a political party, it must be determined whether the party is actually a threat to free and democratic political system or individual rights.

Germany also has a law that says a political party will be declared unconstitutional if its objective is to spurn or destroy democratic norms and to use its supporters to that end. In 2017 the constitutional court of that country ruled that the political objective of the party NDP was to abolish fundamental democratic rights.

Can a law be formulated on the basis of those two laws and justice be brought about regarding the massacre and autocratic activities that were used to repress the people of this country? If there is such a law in place, perhaps the party's supporters, leaders and workers can obstruct the autocratic ambitions of any individual in fear that their party may be banned. I propose that this trial be carried out not by the International Crimes Tribunal but by a constitutional court formed for the purpose.

Actually the people want justice for all the injustice that has taken place for so long. Implementing their aspirations to this end would be the most important reform.

* Kazi Zawad is a journalist​

 

[Saif]

“Reform must come from the people”

The 1969 Mass Uprising was primarily focused on achieving either provincial autonomy or independence, which ultimately led to the Liberation War in 1971.

www.thedailystar.net

“Reform must come from the people”
In conversation with philosopher and poet Farhad Mazhar

Farhad Mazhar. Photo : ZIAUDDIN SHIPLU

The Daily Star (TDS): Could you offer your reflections on the 2024 uprising, particularly in comparison to the 1969 Mass Uprising and the 1990 Anti-Authoritarian Movement?

Farhad Mazhar (FM): The 1969 Mass Uprising was primarily focused on achieving either provincial autonomy or independence, which ultimately led to the Liberation War in 1971. At that time, we demanded a provincial government based on the Six Points, advocating for Pakistan to become a federal state where East Pakistan could enjoy greater autonomy. This demand transformed into a call for independence following the Pakistani Army's brutal Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. The 1969 uprising was fundamentally about political and economic autonomy and later the creation of a new nation.

In contrast, the mass movement of 2024 is centered around state-building based on popular sovereignty. Its core aim to dismantle the existing fascist state and the structures of authoritarian and fascistic power by organizing the people as the central political force. This movement seeks to launch a constitutive process to draft a new constitution based on the will of the people. Thus paving the way for the establishment of true democracy—a fundamentally different kind of state power and governance. It's important that the movement also aims to deconstruct and dismantle the false ideology of election as democracy. Elections are merely mechanisms for practicing democracy, and what we need is to install the democratic state first and practice election as a decision making process at various levels of state craft as required by the constitution. When a democratic state is installed, elections are important to its functioning and remain akin to the will of the people.

In Bangladesh, however, elections have often been equated with democracy, which is a misconception and the major ideological challenge for the people's movement that we have been facing for long time. Elections alone do not ensure democracy. We often fail to learn from history that fascist regimes rose through elections and constituted as fascist power based on nationalism and populism. In the absence of a powerful ideological struggle against nationalisms and various undemocratic religious and secular tendencies, so called election as democracy ends up in populism and fascism, as we saw in Europe in the past. We must learn from Germany, Italy, Spain, Chile, and now from India. Hitler, Mussolini and Sheikh Hasina all came to power via elections. Those advocating for elections and preaching election as democracy in the current context of Bangladesh are, in effect, perpetuating fascism because they are pushing for the continuation of authoritarian rule under the guise of electoral legitimacy.

TDS: What steps should be taken to initiate the process of drafting a new constitution?

FM: First, we must declare the existing constitution null and void. Dr. Mohammad Yunus, as Chief Adviser of the interim government, is advising President Mohammed Shahabuddin Chuppu, who was appointed by the fascist regime and served under the fascist government. This indicates that the mass uprising remains under the legal and constitutional mechanism and control of the fascist power. Did people sacrifice their lives for this outcome? Therefore, the first step is to declare a new president reflecting the sovereign will of the people firmly based on the political and legal paradigm of popular sovereignty, annul the existing constitution, and remove Mohammed Shahabuddin.

Second, we must review the top army officers appointed by Sheikh Hasina. If it is found that they remain loyal to her or Tarique Siddique rather than the people of Bangladesh, they must be removed. Should the Army Chief choose to support the people, he must show a positive attitude, as there were moments when soldiers refused to fire on civilians. Many in the army demonstrated solidarity with the people, forming a new alliance among students, citizens, and soldiers. This is the essence of people's power.

Dr. Yunus or a similarly chosen figure should be appointed as head of state. Afterward, the president must undertake two crucial tasks. First, he must ensure Bangladesh operates under existing laws and regulations, except for those that are colonial, enacted by Sheikh Hasina, or violate human rights. Examples include the Digital Security Act (DSA), laws regarding the RAB, or the colonial-era Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC). We may proclaim that any law that violates the international human rights regimes will be considered null and void and the state will function as it is functioning now, until we draft a new constitution.

Finally, the president must declare an interim period to draft a new constitution. The political parties and the people must give him time to begin this work. The interim government must provide ample space for political parties free from fascist ideology and practice, to participate at all levels of discussions. Elections should be held for a constituent assembly rather than simply a regular election to elect government. This process should begin with local-level meetings—at the division, upazila, or even union level—where people can voice their vision for the state and their expectations. Political parties, too, will present their ideas for the nation's future.

The people are not an abstract entity but rather possess a deep political understanding in their own way, not necessarily adhering to the expectations of the educated elite. A National Constitution Council will draft the constitution based on the suggestions proposed by the people, which will later be legitimized by an elected National Constituent Assembly. Our aim is to create a charter founded on human dignity, equality, and social justice.

Many might think that I am an ultra-leftist, convinced by the Bolshevik model, but our reality is quite distinct from that of Russia. Instead, we may look at China as our economic model, if not for the political ideals. We are in dire need of economic development that has been thwarted by the new liberal capitalist global order, dominated by few transnational corporation. We must free ourselves from old petti-bourgeois utopian socialist ideals that breed underdevelopment and fascism. We must invent policies that promote accelerated economic transformation and secure for us a strong economic position in the international division of labor. So we have a very challenging task to engage with global capital and globalization that is not possible by conventional economic ideologies and externally prescribed economic policies. We cannot remain perpetually poor and deprived of technology. We must find ways for the transfer of science, technology, the art of management and efficient governance and appropriate social relations and forms to remain cohesive and strong. As you know, China rapidly advanced toward economic development immediately after 1976, and it is quite possible that we could similarly develop ourselves within a very short period of time.

We are rich in natural, biological, aquatic and human resources that accompany historically accumulated local knowledge system. These will be the key to our massive economic upheaval. Once the people are convinced that they are part of a massive state and nation-building project the people's revolution will be able to realize the aspiration of the people. We are an emerging political community endowed with powerful political agency, pragmatic ambitions and a clear goal to chart a path for ourselves in the global economy. No one could stop Bangladesh to emerge as a powerful country. People are willing to sacrifice their lives for their dreams and ambitions. We have seen that in the July Revolution.

Students are protesting in front of Shaheed Minar on 3rd August. Photo: Amran Hossain

TDS: Do you see any significant changes in the post-uprising period?

FM: The anti-fascist spirit remains strong and active among the people. As an activist intellectual, my main focus is to sustain that intense desire for societal transformation and facilitate dialogue with others. I am not alone in this revolutionary passion; many others share the same drive.

Democracy, at its core, depends on the collective will of the people, as seen in constitutional preambles like "We, the people of the USA" and "We, the people of Bangladesh." It's crucial to emphasize that the people have agency. They are not apolitical; through their united action, they overthrew the fascist regime. However, it's also true that some individuals supported the fascist regime.

This brings up the need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), akin to the one in South Africa after the anti-apartheid struggle led by Nelson Mandela. Such a commission should have been established right after the people took control of state power in Bangladesh. The urgency for a TRC stems from the fact that not all Awami League supporters are fascists; some are genuinely committed to democracy.

Amidst all of this, we tend to overlook critical questions, such as the nature of heinous institutions like Aynaghar, about which we still know a very little as citizens.

And why isn't Dr. Yunus engaging in dialogue with civil society? While we recognize his contributions, he must also listen to the people, otherwise it will eventually damage his acceptability. The state is a political entity with complex processes that require broad engagement.

TDS: How do you foresee the South Asian political landscape evolving in light of the recent developments in Bangladesh?

FM: Our relationship with India differs significantly from our ties with the USA. Unfortunately, the interim government lacks experts who fully understand these geopolitical nuances. A faction within Delhi's foreign policy circles, including the BJP, perceives India's bilateral relationship with Bangladesh is based on a flawed premise. Instead of people-to-people relations, India maintained relations as a state to the individual leader of a fascist regime. That's wrong.

Despite these challenges, we must work towards establishing a constructive and positive bilateral relationship with the people of India, considering the geopolitical subtleties and regional dynamics. We need to approach this with political acumen, clearly identifying which aspects of India's policy we support and which we oppose. It's crucial to bridge the gap between the people of Bangladesh and India, especially to counter any misconceptions about the treatment of minorities in Bangladesh.

As someone who engages closely with students concerned about the country, I haven't noticed any baseless or irrational anti-Indian sentiment among them. The dissatisfaction many Bangladeshis feel is largely due to India's perceived injustice and oppression towards its Muslim population, which is understandable. Additionally, India's refusal to shelter Muslim refugees contrasts sharply with our own acceptance of Rohingyas. To alleviate this discontent in Bangladesh, India needs to address its treatment of Muslims within its borders. Continued aggression will have negative repercussions for India.

From a broader perspective, our goal is to live peacefully within the subcontinent, which is a fundamental principle. However, if India maintains its current stance, it could provoke and intensify anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladesh, potentially mobilizing forces against India. This would place responsibility squarely on India. Policymakers must therefore work to prevent such outcomes.

TDS: There is much talk about political reforms. What are the essential steps to achieve genuine reform?

FM: The people of Bangladesh must understand that we cannot rely on external help; no one will come to our rescue. We need to build a genuine consensus among the populace to move forward effectively. Herein lies my fundamental disagreement with our political parties. They may profess a commitment to reform, but they are not equipped to drive real change. Reform must come from the people, with political parties providing support rather than leading. Had the political parties acted responsibly, we wouldn't be in this crisis today. Political parties are not above the people, which they often imagine and try to impose; they are an extension of the people and their existence depends on the people.

We should consider forming a Reconciliation and Reconstitution Council that includes political parties. Our role would be to engage in discussions with them while respecting the interim government's responsibilities—interference should only occur if the government acts against the will of the people. Additionally, we must confront any remaining fascists within the bureaucracy, police, and army. Political parties should encourage their members to support the authentic path to democracy. This process should be completed hopefully within a year, as our goals are clear.

Engaging the public will naturally involve political parties. By establishing committees at the Upazila level, we ensure their inclusion. Integrating political parties is essential for building a new state. We should facilitate discussions and possibly hold seminars to gather ideas and solutions, as this is a collective issue that transcends any single party. Our aim is to resolve these issues swiftly.

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

TDS: It seems the interim government is not adequately addressing the people's demands, and there is a perceived void, as political parties are claiming that this government has not provided a clear roadmap. How do you evaluate the situation?

FM: It's unjust to place the responsibility for creating a roadmap solely on the interim government. The initiative should come from the political parties themselves. Why are the political parties failing to put forward their own roadmap? It's contradictory to expect the interim government to provide a plan while leaving the task of reform to the political parties.

I've published seven critical articles on the BNP's proposals for state reform, which are available on my website. None of the BNP members have contested my views. If political parties refuse to listen to public feedback and dismiss criticism while demanding a roadmap from the government without offering their own, how can they claim to be a legitimate agency to lead the people? They need to outline their plans to the people, earn their trust, and secure their votes.

Furthermore, we still have bureaucrats who were involved in significant corruption and remain loyal to the Awami League. Why haven't we replaced them? What's stopping us from promoting capable young bureaucrats aged 30 to 32? If they are competent, why not consider them for senior positions like secretary?

TDS: How does the July movement stand to shape narratives related to the 1971 Liberation Movement?

FM: The independence movement of 1971 is a non-negotiable issue! It clearly and historically marks us as a political community different from Islamic Pakistan, and in 1947 we marked ourselves as different from Hindu India. I fundamentally reject the prevailing narrative about the events of 1971.

It's crucial to differentiate between independence and liberation. Liberation involves the creation of a politically empowered community, whereas independence merely signifies control over territory without fully realising statehood and its essential structures. Collective self-consciousness as the driving historical agency is not easy to achieve and realize. This is why I am so keen on literature, art, culture and the critique of theology and traditions. So I squarely place emphasis on the appropriate articulations between Bangla language, Bangla culture, pre-Islamic history and the religions. To progress, we must challenge the conventional Awami League (AL) narrative that 1971 was the culmination of our journey. No. It is only the beginning. We must integrate the golden history of Islam both in its place of origin and its arrival in the subcontinent and contribute to building powerful foundational imaginations and structures in our own language, and culture integrating the traditions and legacies we carry within us from pre-Islamic era. We must cultivate a critical, historical and creative mind that keeps us united and altered to our collective self-consciousness as the agent of world history, and not slaves of colonial, imperialist ideologies and power.

The intellectual shortcomings of the Awami narrative become apparent when we consider the constitution's adoption, which was driven more by the preferences of lawyers and bureaucrats than by the general will of the people formed by the collective self-consciousness as I discussed earlier. The Constitution is not a legal document, as naive lawyers usually think. To constitute is the most important political act through which a political community arrive to world history and contributes to the collective good of humanity and world history and planetary survival as a life form.

The core demands of the 1971 movement—equality, human dignity, and social justice—must now be actively pursued. Following the July uprising, Bangladesh has the chance to advance towards these goals. At this pivotal moment, we must address issues related to laws, culture, tradition, religion, and history to move forward effectively. Most importantly, we must learn to imagine ourselves as a unique political community and our existence is not negotiable.

The interview was taken by Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

 

[Saif]

Dissolution of textbook committee shows fault lines in reform drive

Hate campaign against two teachers deeply troubling

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Dissolution of textbook committee shows fault lines in reform drive
Hate campaign against two teachers deeply troubling

VISUAL: STAR

The row over the composition of a textbook revision coordination committee over the last few days has exposed a fault line in the government's ongoing reform drive, underscoring the challenges it faces as it prepares for more critical reforms, especially surrounding the question of religion in the constitution. On Saturday, the government dissolved the committee after facing backlash from certain groups for the lack of Islamic scholars in the 10-member committee and alleged "anti-religious" views held by its two members. The development, and the manner in which the authorities have acquiesced, underline a dilemma that has long plagued the state: how to balance progressive reforms with the expectations of religious constituencies that still hold significant sway.

The education adviser has denied the decision had anything to do with the pressure, stressing that there was no need for such a committee as specialists from both Islamic and general streams of education are "at the final stage of revising textbooks." But why form a committee then and disband it only after 13 days? The episode suggests that the government may be susceptible to yielding to conservative pressure in its reform initiatives. It also brought into focus the broader question about the role of religion in state affairs, with the fallen Awami League regime setting a trend of exploiting and appeasing fundamentalist elements for political gains. One may recall how pressure from religious groups led to the removal of certain stories and topics from school textbooks. Nothing much has changed even after the regime's ouster.

If we analyse the criticisms directed at the two Dhaka University teachers, it is clear that those had nothing to do with education or their qualifications, but only their perceived beliefs. Many have even indulged in a hate campaign online to the point that it sparked concerns about the safety of the teachers. Dissolving the committee, without critically evaluating the criticisms or doing nothing about those indulging in hate speech, also cast doubt about the government's commitment to such reforms. Are we to accept that any group can influence or reverse much-needed reforms through public agitation?

We must acknowledge the importance of ensuring a balanced and inclusive curriculum, one that reflects the cultural and religious diversity of the nation. But decisions on curriculum revisions must be based on academic merit and pedagogical principles, not political pressures. The government must realise that yielding to such pressures is contributing to an atmosphere where education is increasingly getting detached from the objective of nurturing critical thinking which it is supposed to do. We must not allow our education system to regress under the weight of such undue pressures any longer.​

 

[Saif]

Prof Yunus expresses resolve for quick reform, election

Chief Adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh Professor Muhammad Yunus has expressed his determination to advance reform and hold an election quickly

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Prof Yunus expresses resolve for quick reform, election

File photo

Chief Adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh Professor Muhammad Yunus has expressed his determination to advance reform and hold an election quickly.

Prof Yunus made the remarks in an interview with Tokyo-based news outlet NHK WORLD in New York, where he went to attend the United Nations General Assembly, it reports on Sunday.

He became chief adviser of the interim government after the administration of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina collapsed in August after 15 years in power, following student protests.

Yunus is the founder of Grameen Bank, which extends small unsecured loans to underprivileged people. He and the bank won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006.

In the interview, Yunus said the interim government's job is to carry out reform as quickly as possible, and that the government will hold an election as soon as it is ready.

He said, "Failure is not something that we can accept."

Referring to students who played a major role in the overthrow of the Hasina government, Yunus said young people gave their lives during what he called the "revolution".

He indicated his stance of including the young generation in policy making.

The chief adviser said Bangladesh looks forward to support from its biggest donor Japan "during this very critical period".

He emphasised that Japan's cooperation is essential in rebuilding his country's economy and helping democracy take root there.​

 

[Saif]

Dialogue with parties before reform bodies start working

The advisory council of the interim government will hold another round of dialogue with the political parties before the six reform commissions begin their work in full swing.

www.newagebd.net

Dialogue with parties before reform bodies start working
Staff Correspondent 30 September, 2024, 21:40

Chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam, centre, speaks at a press briefing, flanked by deputy press secretaries Mohammad Abul Kalam Azad Majumder and Apurba Jahangir, at Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka on Monday. | BSS photo

The advisory council of the interim government will hold another round of dialogue with the political parties before the six reform commissions begin their work in full swing.

‘The dialogue will be held very soon,’ the chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam told a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital on Monday.

The press conference was organised to brief the media about chief adviser Muhammad Yunus’s participation in the United Nations General Assembly in the past week.

Shafiqul called the chief adviser’s visit highly successful and historic.

In his address to the nation on September 11, Yunus announced the formation of six commissions for reforms in the electoral system, police, judiciary, public administration, constitution and Anti-Corruption Commission.

Badiul Alam Majumder will head the electoral system reform commission; Safar Raz Hossain will head the police reform commission; Justice Shah Abu Naeem Mominur Rahman will head the judiciary reform commission; Iftekharuzzaman will lead the Anti-Corruption Commission reform commission; Abdul Mueed Chowdhury will lead the public administration reform commission; and prominent lawyer Shahdeen Malik was first announced to head the Constitution Reform Commission to be later replaced by professor Ali Riaz.

According to the announcement of the interim government, the commissions were supposed to start work from today (October 1).

The formation of six reform commissions, however, has not been gazetted yet.

The government has asked the commissions to complete their work and submit reports by December 31.

Responding to questions from the journalists at the Monday press conference, the chief adviser’s press secretary said that the reform commissions were scheduled to start their work from today.

‘But before they start their work the advisory council wants to hold another round of discussions with the political parties,’ he said.

Shafiqul remarked that with the announcement of the names of the commission heads their work had started to some extent.

‘Since political parties are a stakeholder here, the commissions will discuss with them and ask for their opinion,’ he said.

The press secretary at the briefing also highlighted the chief adviser’s meetings with high-level delegations, including US president Joe Biden and many other heads of states and governments, regarding obtaining loans.

Referring to an interview of Yunus given to the New York Times in New York, Sahfiqul Alam said that the chief adviser would not contest in the next polls and he had no wish to join politics.

Responding to a question, he said that there was no discussion about the interim government’s timeframe during the visit.

‘The timeframe of the interim government would be determined by the people of Bangladesh,’ he added.

The chief adviser’s deputy press secretary Mohammad Abul Kalam Azad Majumder and Apurba Jahangir were also present at the press conference.​

 

[Saif]

Full commission on constitutional reforms formed

The government yesterday formed a full commission to make recommendations on constitutional reforms.

www.thedailystar.net

Full commission on constitutional reforms formed

The government yesterday formed a full commission to make recommendations on constitutional reforms.

The commission was constituted after Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus approved it, according to a gazette notification.

Prof Ali Riaz leads the commission.

Eight other members include Dhaka University law professors Sumaiya Khair and Muhammad Ekramul Haque; lawyers Imran Siddique, Sharif Bhuiyan, and Moin Alam Ferozi; writer Firoz Ahmed; rights activist Mustain Billah; and student representative Mahfuj Alam, who is also the special assistant to the chief adviser.

In his speech to the nation on 11 September, Prof Yunus announced the formation of six commissions to reform the electoral system, police, judiciary, public administration, the constitution, and the Anti-Corruption Commission.

Initially, prominent lawyer Shahdeen Malik was named as the head of the Constitutional Reform Commission, but later he was replaced by Prof Ali Riaz.

On October 3, the government formed five commissions to reform the public administration, ACC, judiciary, police, and the electoral system.​

 

[Saif]

State reforms: CA to hold 2nd round of talks with parties October 19

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus will hold talks on reforms with some political parties on October 19.

www.thedailystar.net

State reforms: CA to hold 2nd round of talks with parties October 19

Photo: Courtesy/UNB

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus will hold talks on reforms with some political parties on October 19.

His dialogue is aimed at advancing the reform process, said Abul Kalam Azad Majumder, deputy press secretary to the CA.

At a press conference held at the Foreign Service Academy yesterday, he said that the Gonoforum, Bangladesh Jatiya Party, 12-Party Alliance, Liberal Democratic Party, Jatiya Mukti Council, Labour Party, the alliance of like-minded nationalist parties, and some others will be invited to the dialogue.

Asked if the Jatiya Party would be invited, he said the chief adviser's dialogue with political parties is an ongoing process, and a decision regarding the JP's invitation would be made later.

On October 5, Prof Yunus held talks with the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Ganatantra Mancha, Left Democratic Alliance, Hefazat-e-Islam, Islami Andolon Bangladesh, and Amar Bangladesh (AB) Party.

Responding to another query, Azad yesterday said the interim government is unaware of any "minus two" formula. "There have been no discussions about this in any government meetings, and there is no likelihood of such an issue being discussed."

As a journalist sought his comment on the BNP's recent statement that it did not want to see another "minus-two" attempt, the deputy press secretary said, "Please ask the BNP what they have said and why."

'IDENTIFYING SYNDICATES'

Talking about syndicates of traders, Azad said the interim government was working to identify the syndicates to check the price hike of essentials.

"Efforts are on to identify and bust the syndicates of traders. We are seeking your [journalists] cooperation. If you have information on the syndicates who are manipulating prices, let us know about it. If you cooperate with the government by providing information, the government will of course take steps."

He said 99 percent garment factories are open now.

Mentioning that ordinary people are worried about the price hike of essentials, Azad said the government has already taken some steps to bring down the prices to an affordable level.

"The price of eggs is going up. A decision has been made today [yesterday] to reduce the duty on egg imports to 13 percent from 33 percent."

The deputy press secretary said the government has decided to cut the duty on edible oil imports by five percent and withdraw VAT on its production and supply.

He said the government has started selling agricultural products, including potato, onion and vegetables, at affordable prices under an Open Market Sale (OMS) programme at different places in the capital.

The products are now being sold at 20 points and the number will be increased later.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Safiqul Alam was present at the press briefing.​

 

[Saif]

EU ready to support reform agenda: new envoy

The new European Union ambassador to Bangladesh Michael Miller on Tuesday expressed the EU’s readiness to support the reform agenda of the interim government, led by...

www.newagebd.net

EU ready to support reform agenda: new envoy
Staff Correspondent 15 October, 2024, 21:01

New European Union ambassador to Bangladesh Michael Miller pays an introductory courtesy call on foreign affairs adviser Md Touhid Hossain at his Segun Bagicha office in Dhaka on Tuesday. | Press release

The new European Union ambassador to Bangladesh Michael Miller on Tuesday expressed the EU’s readiness to support the reform agenda of the interim government, led by professor Muhammad Yunus.

During an introductory courtesy call on foreign affairs adviser Md Touhid Hossain at his office in Segun Bagicha, Miller offered the EU’s full cooperation in areas such as human rights, good governance, and the democratic process, according to a foreign ministry press release.

The EU envoy highlighted the recent student-led mass uprising as an unprecedented opportunity for change in Bangladesh.

Miller also stated that the EU was keen to diversify trade relations with Bangladesh by increasing investment, and it supported the country’s transition following its graduation from the Least Developed Country status.

In response, the foreign adviser welcomed the EU’s support and assured efforts to create a better business environment to strengthen trade and investment relations.

Describing Bangladesh-EU relations as vibrant and important, Touhid Hossain requested EU assistance in the health and education sectors, with a particular focus on improving technical and vocational training institutes.

He also stressed the need for support in recovering stolen assets deposited abroad by some Bangladeshi nationals, to which the EU ambassador offered technical assistance.

Miller informed the adviser about the European Investment Bank’s ongoing 900 million investment in Bangladesh’s rail, energy, water, and health sectors. He expressed the EIB’s readiness to increase its investment portfolio in the country.

Both the adviser and the ambassador welcomed the forthcoming discussion on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which aims to elevate Bangladesh-EU relations to new heights.

The EU ambassador reaffirmed the EU’s continued assistance for the Rohingya refugees and host communities in Cox’s Bazar.

Both parties agreed that the return of the Rohingyas to Myanmar, with rights and safety guaranteed, remained the only sustainable solution to the ongoing crisis.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms require unity among our politicians

Bangladesh’s political standards are now at their lowest point, with integrity in governance and honesty in leadership almost non-existent.

www.thedailystar.net

Reforms require unity among our politicians
People yearn for leaders capable of rooting out corruption, challenging harmful traditions, and fostering unity for the betterment of Bangladesh

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

In a recent interview with Prothom Alo, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus urged the nation, "Unite for reforms. We must not hold the election without carrying out reforms. That is my appeal to everyone. Do not lose this opportunity." His appeal captures a sentiment shared by millions: emphasising that reforms must precede elections if democracy is to thrive in Bangladesh. For too long, elections have been treated as rituals to renew power, not as opportunities for meaningful change. Since independence, no government in Bangladesh has fully lived up to the expectations of its people. Despite repeated promises, successive administrations have failed to deliver on their commitments. This persistent failure has fuelled widespread disillusionment, with many citizens now seeing politics as a self-serving enterprise rather than a means of public service. The growing mistrust reflects a deeper crisis within the political system, raising a crucial question: what do the people of Bangladesh truly expect from their leaders?

The people of Bangladesh expect politicians to be honest, accountable, and dedicated to public service. They want leaders to create a safe and fair environment where they can live and work without fear of bribery or extortion. People also expect politicians to focus on important matters like economic growth, healthcare, and education. Sadly, most politicians seem more interested in criticising opponents, using harsh words and weak arguments. People also hope for fair prices of essential goods and reliable access to basic services such as water, electricity, and gas, so people from all income levels can live with dignity. They want freedom of speech to be protected, allowing them to speak out without fear of retaliation. Citizens are tired of promises made during election campaigns that are never kept—they expect politicians to deliver on their commitments through fair and responsible leadership that upholds the law and ensures institutions serve everyone equally. Unfortunately, there is a wide gap between these expectations and the political reality in Bangladesh.

For the past three decades, Bangladesh's political landscape has been dominated by two major players: the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Despite their longstanding dominance, these parties have failed to reach a consensus on any matter of national, political, social or economic importance that could genuinely benefit the country. Their ideological divisions are stark, but ironically, their main goal remains the same—winning elections and holding on to power—at any cost. Both parties have followed the same playbook when they were in opposition: boycotting parliament, inciting violent protests, and damaging public and private property, all in the name of democratic rights. They claim to uphold democracy, but their actions suggest otherwise. Their internal structures remain highly autocratic, and most decisions are made based on the personal preferences of the party president/chairperson. There is little room for new ideas or input from others, which stifles political progress and power stays within a small circle of individuals.

Politics in Bangladesh, once considered a noble calling, has now become a fast track to wealth and power. For some, it serves as a family legacy; for others, it is a shortcut to personal enrichment. While corruption has always existed in politics, the current scale and openness of it are alarming. Many politicians control local territories, rig public contracts, and engage in various illegal activities, including land grabbing, sand mining, extortion from street vendors and the transport sector, and running drugs and gambling operations. A Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) report reveals that corruption in the Roads and Highways Department alone has cost the nation nearly Tk 50,835 crore over the past 15 years. Another TIB report estimates that Tk 2,000 crore is extorted every year by transport owners' and workers' associations. This money is shared among influential figures, including politicians, police, bureaucrats, contractors, and engineers.

Political leaders have built a patronage system that extends into nearly every sector, including student groups, labour unions, lawyers, teachers, doctors, and business leaders. These groups are often offered financial incentives, business opportunities, or influential positions in exchange for suppressing dissent from the public or opposition parties. This system has enabled successive regimes to cling to power through a mix of violence and rewards, alienating ordinary citizens and causing unnecessary suffering. What is particularly concerning is how politicians exploit the poor and manipulate the youth for their political interests. It has become customary for political parties to use young people as picketers during protests. Some of these picketers are street children, while others are students. Under the guise of political movements, they engage in street violence, often fighting fiercely on behalf of their political mentors and, in the process, become victims of violence themselves. These young people are treated as expendable foot soldiers by all political parties.

There is no doubt that Bangladesh's political standards are now at their lowest point, with integrity in governance and honesty in leadership almost non-existent. Bangladesh's politics had a glorious past, marked by a proud history of struggle and supreme sacrifices for national causes, including the Language Movement of 1952, the Mass Uprising of 1969, and the Liberation War of 1971. In those days, the most well-educated, honest, and socially conscious individuals with high moral values engaged in politics. Unfortunately, over time, things have deteriorated. While even a clerical job now requires a college degree, there is no minimum educational qualification requirement to become an MP—an important position with responsibility for making laws.

Professor Yunus rightly argued that holding elections without meaningful reforms would be a grave mistake. Rebuilding political institutions and fostering a healthier political culture are monumental tasks—especially for an interim government with limited time. Yet, key reforms are essential not only to ensure free and fair elections but also to curb the misuse of state resources and dismantle the cycles of patronage and political violence that have plagued the nation for decades. People are exhausted by these "self-serving netas;" they yearn for leaders capable of rooting out corruption, challenging harmful traditions, and, most importantly, fostering unity for the betterment of Bangladesh. However, these aspirations demand more than empty promises—they require genuine action. Unless politicians address these critical issues, the gap between public expectations and political realities will continue to widen. The question now is whether political leaders will rise to meet the people's expectations—or allow yet another opportunity for meaningful change to slip away.

Abu Afsarul Haider is an entrepreneur.​

 

[Saif]

Ensure diversity in the reform commissions

Lack of female, minority representation is concerning

www.thedailystar.net

Ensure diversity in the reform commissions
Lack of female, minority representation is concerning

VISUAL: STAR

It is disconcerting that the reform commissions established by the interim government lack adequate representation of women and minority groups. Among the 10 commissions set up so far—concerning the judiciary, election system, civil administration, police, Anti-Corruption Commission, constitution, health affairs, mass media, labour rights, and women's affairs—only the one on women's affairs is headed by a woman.

So far, a total of 50 members have been selected to work for the six commissions constituted on October 3 (while the remaining four are yet to be fully staffed). Of them, only five members are female, according to a report by Prothom Alo. Moreover, there is no representation from religious and ethnic minority groups in the nine-member constitutional reform commission, despite one of the major criticisms of the 1972 constitution being its failure to recognise ethnic minorities. Similarly, the police and judiciary reform commissions have no members from religious and minority communities. Retired government officers make up the largest group—30 percent—among all commission members. In addition, the academics selected as members of various commissions are mostly from Dhaka University (particularly its law department), while other universities, especially those outside Dhaka, have been overlooked.

This underrepresentation of certain groups, and simultaneously overrepresentation of certain others, go against the spirit of the July-August uprising that called for an end to all forms of discrimination. However, diversity carries more than just symbolic value. For example, a recent opinion piece published in this daily highlighted the need for diversity in the health system reform committee. This committee mainly consists of clinicians and physicians, excluding professionals from essential fields such as pharmacology, which is a critical aspect of healthcare.

We still do not know the extent to which the reform commissions will influence the final reform framework, as their mandates or terms of reference have not been published yet. However, Chief Adviser Prof. Muhammad Yunus's September 11 speech indicated that changes proposed by the commissions will not be implemented without consultation with representatives from student bodies, civil society, and major political parties. This offers hope that the final reform framework will incorporate the voices of less-privileged and marginalised communities. Additionally, there is always room to improve the composition of the commissions as the head of each commission has the authority to select the number and qualifications of members.

Thus, we hope that all commissions will prioritise proper representation of diverse groups and perspectives while finalising their members. We also hope that the interim government's future actions will uphold the importance of representational value in all matters of state reform.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms progress reviewed as Yunus sits with body chiefs

The commissions, formed by the interim government to reform different systems and organisations, are now proceeding at full speed to complete their tasks as soon as possible.

www.newagebd.net

Reforms progress reviewed as Yunus sits with body chiefs
Staff Correspondent 04 November, 2024, 16:53

Bangladesh’s interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus holds a meeting with advisers to different ministries and chiefs of reform commissions at his office in Tejgaon, Dhaka on Monday. | BSS photo

The commissions, formed by the interim government to reform different systems and organisations, are now proceeding at full speed to complete their tasks as soon as possible.

Chiefs of the reform bodies on Monday updated interim government chief adviser Muhammad Yunus about their progress, findings and ideas at a meeting held at the Chief Adviser’s Office at Tejgaon in Dhaka city.

Electoral reform commission chief Badiul Alam Majumdar said at the meeting that measures were underway to ensure the voting rights of Bangladeshi expatriates and work on postal ballots was progressing to enable the voters to exercise franchise through post.

Having mentioned that the voter list was being adjusted with the national identity card database, he said that his commission was taking effective measures to facilitate women’s participation in the electoral process.

Besides maintaining regular communication with the stakeholders, their suggestions were also being collected through using digital platforms, he added.

Public administration reform commission chief Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury informed the chief adviser at the meeting that besides proceeding with the work at full speed, his commission started seeking stakeholders’ opinion through website.

The commission members visited the district and upazila levels and exchanged views with people, Muyeed said.

The commission members informed the chief adviser that they were currently exchanging views with the representatives of various public administration cadres and hoped that they would be able to submit their report within the stipulated timeframe, the chief adviser’s press wing said.

Highlighting the progress of the initiatives of the police administration reform commission, its head Safar Raz Hossain said that the reform commission had already held 14 meetings, including four meetings with stakeholders.

The police reform commission had also posted a questionnaire on the website seeking public opinion, he said, adding that it was scrutinising the proposals made to amend some laws and rules.

The commission was also preparing some proposals to simplify some processes, he added. Safar said that work was also underway on a proposal to change the method and use of force for mob control, while several sections of the Criminal Procedure Code 1898 were being examined to check their need for undergoing change.

Interim government chief adviser at an address to the nation on September 11 announced the six reform commissions tasking them with proposing reforms in six key sectors and organisations.

The commissions have been formed in the backdrop of the interim government’s assuming power on August 8 after Sheikh Hasina had resigned as prime minister and fled to India on August 5 amid a student-led mass uprising, ending the 15-year long autocratic regime led by Awami League.

In his September 11 address, Yunus said that his government wanted effective reforms to start a new journey as a nation.

As the initial step towards reforms, the six commissions were formed, he said.

Later, six prominent citizens were appointed to lead the commissions that officially began their activities from the last month.

The six commissions are—election system reform commission, police administration reform commission, judiciary reform commission, Anti-Corruption Commission reform commission, public administration reform commission and constitutional reform commission.

All the commissions were asked to place their reports by December 31.

The government later formed four more commissions—mass media reform commission, health affairs reform commission, labour rights reform commission, and women affairs reform commission.

On September 19, Yunus held the first meeting with the reform commission chiefs.

With a provision to have a student representative in each commission, so far only the constitutional reform commission out of the first six commissions has named its student member.

The rest five commissions have yet to name their student representatives although over a month has already passed out of 90 days allotted to complete their tasks.

Separate gazettes have, so far, announced the names of 7–9 members of each commission, mentioning the student representative’s name for only the constitutional reform commission.​

 

[Saif]

Future governments must commit sustaining reform process: Finance Adviser

Finance and Commerce Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed has said the interim government has started reforms that the future elected governments must continue. He said the interim government is making clear the road to reforms, which will be made from a narrow place to a highway. The speed of reforms will

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Future governments must commit sustaining reform process: Finance Adviser
Published :
Nov 05, 2024 23:07
Updated :
Nov 05, 2024 23:07

Finance and Commerce Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed has said the interim government has started reforms that the future elected governments must continue.

He said the interim government is making clear the road to reforms, which will be made from a narrow place to a highway. The speed of reforms will increase in the next government.

The adviser said this while speaking as the chief guest at ERF-Nagad best reporting award ceremony, held at hotel in the capital on Tuesday evening, according to UNB.

Dr Salehuddin said the reforms will be sustainable with commitment from the political governments. Otherwise, the benefits of reforms would not reach the common people.

He said the government is doing what works well for the country. Irregularities over years of misrule can't be removed overnight.

He appreciated Bangladesh Banks' Governor Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur for working hard to bring the financial sector on the right track.

With Economic Reporters Forum (ERF) president Refayet Ullah Mirdha in the chair, the function was also addressed, among others, by Bangladesh Bank Governor Dr Ahsan H. Masur, Nagad Board Chairman KAS Murshid, its administrator Muhammad Badiuzzaman Dider and ERF General Secretary Abul kashem.

The Economic Reporters' Forum (ERF) and Nagad, a leading digital financial service have jointly conferred awards on 19 economic reporters in 17 categories economic journalists.

The award winners are Doulot Akter Mala (The Financial Express), Sadrul Hasan (UNB), Fakhrul Islam Harun (Prothom Alo), Jebun Nesa Alo (The Business Standard), Rajib Ahmed (Prothom Alo), Iqbal Ahsan (Channel 24), Md Ismail Ali (Daily Sharebiz), Ahsan Habib Rasel (The Daily Star), Babu Kamruzzaman (News 24), Obaidullah Rony (Samakal), Tauhid Hossain Papon (Jamuna Television), Md Shofiqul Islam (Dhaka Post), Sajjadur Rahman (The Business Standard), Arifur Rahman (Prothom Alo), Salah Uddin Mahmud (The Business Standard), Ziadul Islam (Amader Shomoy), Mohammad Jahangir Shah Kajol (Prothom Alo), Razu Ahmed (Daily Kalbela), and Sushanta K Sinha (Ekattor Television).​

 

[Saif]

What are the challenges for administrative reform

In post-independence Bangladesh, several commissions were formed for administrative reform and restructuring. In 1971, after independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman established the 'Civil Administration Restoration Committee' for administrative restructuring. Subsequently, in 1972, the...

en.prothomalo.com

What are the challenges for administrative reform
Syeda Lasna Kabir &
Mohammad Esa Ibn Belal
Published: 05 Nov 2024, 15: 33

The history of administrative reform commissions in this region is long and diverse, beginning during the British colonial era, when several reform commissions were established with the aim of creating a strong administrative structure. Notable commissions are: the Aitchison Commission (1886), the Islington Commission (1912), the Lee Commission (1924), and the Simon Commission (1930).

These commissions aimed to create opportunities for the local population to be included in administration and to establish a bureaucracy capable of sustaining British rule. Although some reform initiatives were taken during the Pakistan era, they failed to have a significant impact due to the lack of democracy and military rule.

In post-independence Bangladesh, several commissions were formed for administrative reform and restructuring. In 1971, after independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman established the 'Civil Administration Restoration Committee' for administrative restructuring. Subsequently, in 1972, the 'Administrative Re-Organization Committee' and the 'National Pay Scale Commission" were formed. Through these commissions, ministries were reorganized, constitutional institutions were established, and a new salary structure was created.

During Ziaur Rahman's rule, a 'Pay and Service Commission' was formed with the goal of restructuring administration and improving the salary framework. His successor, Hussain Muhammad Ershad, established ten reform commissions, including the 'Martial Law Committee', 'the Administrative Reform and Reorganization Committee (CARR)', and the National Pay Commission. Significant changes included upgrading police stations to upazilas and introducing a new salary structure.

After the restoration of democracy in 1991, the BNP government formed a reform committee for administrative restructuring. This committee, however, failed to submit any recommendations. Subsequently, in 1996 and 1997, the Awami League government formed the Administrative Reform Commission (ARC) and the Public Administration Reform Commission (PARC) with the aim of increasing transparency, accountability, and efficiency.

In 2005, the BNP government passed the "Tax Ombudsman Law," which helped ensure financial transparency. The military-backed caretaker government established the 'Regulatory Reform Commission' in 2007 and took reform measures to separate the executive branch from the judiciary.

In 2009, the Awami League government returned to power and attempted to introduce a performance-based evaluation system (PBES) for administrative reform aimed at increasing public participation and administrative efficiency. However, most of the recommendations from these commissions were not implemented by the government. The failure of administrative reform commissions can be attributed to several longstanding issues.

First, there is a lack of political commitment. Political parties often promise administrative reform during elections, but fail to take effective measures to implement those promises once in power. As a result, most reform initiatives remain only on paper, and the public does not reap the benefits.

Second, the legacy of colonial bureaucratic structures continues to persist in Bangladesh. The bureaucracies established during British rule are centralized and lack transparency. Government officials often view change as a threat to their power and influence. They perceive administrative reform as harmful to their status and privileges. As a result, they obstruct reform efforts and slow down their implementation.

Third, individuals with business interests often oppose administrative reforms when they enter politics. Their primary concern is to protect their personal or business advantages, which hinders the development of the administration and public welfare. Administrative reform is not implemented successfully.

Fourth, patron-client relationships have compromised the neutrality of the administration. Loyal officials of the ruling party receive promotions, while those with opposing views are labeled as ineffective or designated as "officers on special duty" (OSD). Such favoritism weakens the efficiency and effectiveness of the administration. The governments oppose administrative reform by showing favouritism to their favoured bureaucrats resulting in hampering the progress of reform activities.

A lack of institutional capacity is also a major barrier to administrative reform. Many departments and agencies lack adequate training, skills, or technical knowledge to carry out reform activities. Additionally, the weakness of the rule of law and the lack of administrative autonomy further obstruct proper implementation of reforms.

Moreover, the lack of citizen participation poses a significant challenge to administrative reform in Bangladesh. It is essential to consult relevant stakeholders and ensure their participation for successful implementation of reforms. However, government officials often show reluctance to accept public opinions or suggestions. Even when stakeholders are consulted, effective steps are rarely taken to implement their recommendations. This lack of consultation and citizen participation weakens institutional capacity and hampers the progress of administrative reforms.

The current interim government presents an exceptional example in the country’s history. This government has been established primarily for the purpose of state reform and is operating without direct support from political parties. This unique situation is creating new possibilities for the country's development and reform. Since this government has no visible political interests, the public hopes it will succeed in reforming the country. However, there is a concern about how long this government will remain in power. Therefore, some short-term recommendations for reforms that can be implemented quickly, along with a long-term vision for a comprehensive development plan, are essential.

A fundamental change in administrative culture is crucial to making public administration more citizen-oriented. The British established modern bureaucracy in this country to prolong their colonial rule. During that time, serving the people was not the primary focus; rather, a centralized and controlling administrative structure was created for the benefit of British rule. Consequently, that bureaucracy was never dedicated to serving the public.

From the Pakistani era until 1990, bureaucracy was often used as a tool of military rule. After the restoration of democracy in 1991, the influence of politicization in administration began to become evident. After 2008, bureaucracy lost its neutrality and began to prioritize the implementation of party agendas. The Awami League government appointed its supportive officials to various key positions in the administration, causing a gradual disconnection between the administration and the public.

In this context, one of the current reform committee's goals is to make administration citizen-oriented. This is an extremely challenging task. In the past, the administration has repeatedly failed to meet public expectations because its main objective was to implement government orders, not to dedicate itself to serving the people.

Emphasis must be placed on training and ethics for officials to change administrative culture. They must be instilled with the understanding that the true owners of the country are the people and that the primary goal of administration is to serve them. If the principle of accountability to the public is firmly established among officials, the administration will genuinely become citizen-oriented and work for the welfare of the people.

If transparency and accountability are ensured in administration, it will not only improve efficiency but also facilitate the successful implementation of citizen-oriented governance. Currently, only senior officials evaluate the annual confidential reports (ACRs) of subordinate officials. However, there is no direct accountability of the administration to the general public. Consequently, the public often suffers from various inconveniences when accessing services.

To overcome this situation, it is crucial to ensure direct public participation and accountability in administrative activities. A complaint box could be placed in every government office, or an online complaint submission system could be established. This would allow citizens to bring their grievances and complaints directly to the attention of the administration, making officials more attentive and responsible in their duties.

Additionally, the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission can analyze these complaints to quickly identify corrupt and dishonest officials, which would play a significant role in preventing corruption within the administration.

The cadre-based conflict in Bangladesh's public administration is not new. Similar to other countries, the ongoing tension between general officials and specialized officials negatively impacts overall administrative improvement. Traditionally, general officials hold convenient positions and exercise executive power, while specialised officials’ power is largely limited to technical matters.

One of the main reasons for dissatisfaction among specialized officials is that important positions in the secretariat are occupied by general officials. Even in cases where specialized knowledge is essential, general officials often retain control. This situation obstructs the proper recognition of specialized officials' skills and contributions.

To resolve this conflict, it is necessary to establish an institutional framework where appointments and promotions of specialized cadre members are made solely from within their ranks. This will allow for proper recognition of specialized officials' contributions and create a balanced environment for administrative improvement.

To successfully achieve the goals of administrative reform, it is essential to develop plans considering the demands of the times, environmental challenges, and the capacity and objectives of the relevant administrative structure. However, the role of regional and international influencers or factors in the reform process cannot be overlooked. Strong states, global financial institutions, and international organizations often seek to influence the direction of these reforms due to their own agendas and interests.

Therefore, the activities of administrative reform must ensure integrated participation from all levels of society, rather than relying solely on bureaucrats. A monitoring committee comprising individuals from various classes and professions could be formed to oversee the progress of reforms and facilitate their successful implementation.

Reform is an ongoing process, especially administrative reform, which involves short, medium, and long-term activities. This interim government should start this journey with at least a few minimal reform initiatives. It is important to remember that past administrative activities often failed due to a lack of political support and bureaucratic obstacles.

Proposing reforms and implementing them are two different things. From the outset, our focus should be on trying to gain political support and then attempting to implement specific reform proposals based on that support. An overly ambitious reform proposal may create optimism, but without implementation, such proposals can lead to long-term disappointment.

Syeda Lasna Kabir is professor at the Department of Public Administration, Dhaka University

Mohammad Isa Ibn Belal is a researcher​

 

[Saif]

Thinking of foreign policy reform

Our foreign policy narratives must confidently articulate objectives and advocate for global humanitarian concerns, whether regional or extra-regional

en.prothomalo.com

Thinking of foreign policy reform
Shahab Enam Khan
Published: 06 Nov 2024, 08: 18

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Bangladesh is at a pivotal moment in its history, transitioning from quasi-authoritarian rule to an anticipated functional democracy. The recent uprising and the supreme sacrifices made by thousands of individuals led to the removal of the Awami League's fifteen-year regime, paving the way for an interim government led by Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus to fulfill the promises of change. The world has noticed how fast the public has risen to topple a fifteen-year-old Awami League in power. Despite its challenges, this transition is fueled by the passion and active participation of the younger generation and the wider public.

The July 2024 movement reflects the collective desire of the people to position Bangladesh as a confident nation, both domestically and on the global stage. Dr. Yunus, a highly esteemed figure worldwide, embodies the spirit of Bangladesh. His assumption of leadership has reignited global interest and enthusiasm in Bangladesh. The substantial support from the multilateral agencies and international community, particularly from the Western bloc, China, and significant economic powers in the East, such as Malaysia, Japan, and Korea, is a testament to the global confidence in Bangladesh's reform initiative and recognition to the changes that the public wants to see.

As Bangladesh continues to attract global attention, the responsibilities confronting the government and political parties as they engage in the democratic process are increasingly complex and challenging. The primary goal of the interim government is to ensure a smooth election process, a commitment that should instill confidence in the democratic transition. Dr. Yunus's administration must implement electoral reforms and secure global support for the transition to democracy. Foreign policy will require a comprehensive revision to sustain the reform efforts beyond the interim government's term and protect Bangladesh's national interests.

It's important to understand that foreign policy is no longer just a matter of high-level politics; with advancing technologies, it has become a subject of public scrutiny. In the post-July 2024 movement, public perception has become a critical influencer in foreign policy decisions toward the US, China, and India. The events of the July 2024 movement have emphasized a radical shift in our foreign policy. It necessitates a proactive foreign policy, constructive narratives that reflect our national interests, and a national consensus, regardless of political affiliations.

So, what should we reform in foreign policy then?

The key reform should be rooted in narratives. Bangladesh upholds multilateralism and is dedicated to international trade. That’s not enough. Article 25 of its constitution mandates support for oppressed populations, regardless of their political, racial, religious, or ethnic affiliations. Our foreign policy narratives must confidently articulate objectives and advocate for global humanitarian concerns, whether regional or extra-regional. This necessitates clearly articulating national sovereignty to establish boundaries for external actors influencing domestic politics and national security priorities. But here is a caveat – the narratives will only be compelling if a good government is at home.

The reform should include a well-defined and cohesive foreign policy. The government should have four key international goals aligned with a practical foreign policy approach. Firstly, the two major power blocs—the US and China—will inevitably seek to maintain a geopolitical balance of power. Therefore, Bangladesh's strategy should prioritize maximizing national interests while maintaining a delicate balancing act based on mercantile liberalism. Undoubtedly, the Bay of Bengal, as the middle sea in the Indo-Pacific region, exposes Bangladesh to ongoing geostrategic complexities.

Second, bilateral engagements would require Machiavellian realism to be on the center stage. Multilateralism, the cornerstone of Bangladesh’s foreign policy, requires a shift from idealism to pragmatism based on global humanitarianism and domestic human security interests. Built on the spirit of the 1971 liberation war and the constitutional obligation, standing for fair and equitable international affairs and resolving disputes through international mechanisms is imperative. This should be the case in bilateral relations with the countries Bangladesh shares borders with.

Third, our Indo-Pacific Outlook needs to be broadened, and the issues with Myanmar must be addressed pragmatically. While Japan, Korea, and the Southeastern countries will be critical to Bangladesh’s economy and connectivity, it is crucial to design clear foreign and coordinated strategic policies to stabilize Myanmar in collaboration with the international community, Rakhine stakeholders, Rohingyas, and the political actors in Myanmar. Bangladesh and Myanmar have a successful history of repatriating the Rohingyas in 1978-79 and 1991-92. Therefore, Bangladesh must demonstrate a Myanmar policy based on national strategic considerations rather than being influenced by the interests of third countries.

Bangladesh needs to design a comprehensive South Asia policy with a primary focus on India. Bangladesh's approach towards India should be based on transparent trade and investment principles and international law and norms rather than overemphasizing political and security concerns. Bangladesh is crucial in ensuring the external security of India's northeastern region, the Bay of Bengal, minority issues, and even its domestic politics. Therefore, the focus should be on the potential impact of Indian instability on Bangladesh. I have no hesitation in saying that our political community has much to learn from India's strong partisan consensus and unified media stance on foreign policy to protect their national interest.

Where do we go from here?

Bangladesh needs to adapt its foreign policy approach considering the public sentiment demonstrated during and post-July 2024 movement. To embody the spirit of a confident nation, the country requires diplomats, negotiators, defense strategists, and politicians who are merit-based, innovative, and courageous. It is undeniable that rapid advancements in AI and technology are reshaping societies, and diplomacy is no exception. The Rohingyas or Ukraine and Palestine are classic reminders that the intertwining of social, religious, cultural, or language is not a guarantee of protection from the neighboring states.

Factors such as interest groups, demographic divisions, resource nationalism, trade protectionism, energy supply lines, technology disparities, political populism, labor migration, misinformation, disinformation, climate, water, and health crises will continue to present significant challenges. It's important to note that as we see religious far-right narratives rising across the world, foreign policy should weigh costs and benefits rather than be driven by theology.

As a result, the current tasks differ significantly from those of the past. My conversation with senior diplomats reminds me that our foreign policy objective should be to strive for strategic autonomy in our decisions. Coordinating foreign policy still presents a significant challenge that has troubled the foreign ministry for decades. Additionally, foreign policy accountability needs to be more noticed, as evidenced by the rare discussions of the constitutional articles 145 and 145A within the policy domain.

It is crucial to recognize that a strong national consensus will be essential for advancing significant foreign policy in the coming years. It's important to remember that our primary foreign policy challenge arises from political divisions at home. Henry Kissinger once ironically remarked, "No foreign policy—no matter how ingenious—has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none." This serves as a poignant reminder.

* Professor Shahab Enam Khan, Department of International Relations, Jahangirnagar University​