[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Ensure diversity in the reform commissions

Lack of female, minority representation is concerning

www.thedailystar.net

Ensure diversity in the reform commissions
Lack of female, minority representation is concerning

VISUAL: STAR

It is disconcerting that the reform commissions established by the interim government lack adequate representation of women and minority groups. Among the 10 commissions set up so far—concerning the judiciary, election system, civil administration, police, Anti-Corruption Commission, constitution, health affairs, mass media, labour rights, and women's affairs—only the one on women's affairs is headed by a woman.

So far, a total of 50 members have been selected to work for the six commissions constituted on October 3 (while the remaining four are yet to be fully staffed). Of them, only five members are female, according to a report by Prothom Alo. Moreover, there is no representation from religious and ethnic minority groups in the nine-member constitutional reform commission, despite one of the major criticisms of the 1972 constitution being its failure to recognise ethnic minorities. Similarly, the police and judiciary reform commissions have no members from religious and minority communities. Retired government officers make up the largest group—30 percent—among all commission members. In addition, the academics selected as members of various commissions are mostly from Dhaka University (particularly its law department), while other universities, especially those outside Dhaka, have been overlooked.

This underrepresentation of certain groups, and simultaneously overrepresentation of certain others, go against the spirit of the July-August uprising that called for an end to all forms of discrimination. However, diversity carries more than just symbolic value. For example, a recent opinion piece published in this daily highlighted the need for diversity in the health system reform committee. This committee mainly consists of clinicians and physicians, excluding professionals from essential fields such as pharmacology, which is a critical aspect of healthcare.

We still do not know the extent to which the reform commissions will influence the final reform framework, as their mandates or terms of reference have not been published yet. However, Chief Adviser Prof. Muhammad Yunus's September 11 speech indicated that changes proposed by the commissions will not be implemented without consultation with representatives from student bodies, civil society, and major political parties. This offers hope that the final reform framework will incorporate the voices of less-privileged and marginalised communities. Additionally, there is always room to improve the composition of the commissions as the head of each commission has the authority to select the number and qualifications of members.

Thus, we hope that all commissions will prioritise proper representation of diverse groups and perspectives while finalising their members. We also hope that the interim government's future actions will uphold the importance of representational value in all matters of state reform.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms progress reviewed as Yunus sits with body chiefs

The commissions, formed by the interim government to reform different systems and organisations, are now proceeding at full speed to complete their tasks as soon as possible.

www.newagebd.net

Reforms progress reviewed as Yunus sits with body chiefs
Staff Correspondent 04 November, 2024, 16:53

Bangladesh’s interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus holds a meeting with advisers to different ministries and chiefs of reform commissions at his office in Tejgaon, Dhaka on Monday. | BSS photo

The commissions, formed by the interim government to reform different systems and organisations, are now proceeding at full speed to complete their tasks as soon as possible.

Chiefs of the reform bodies on Monday updated interim government chief adviser Muhammad Yunus about their progress, findings and ideas at a meeting held at the Chief Adviser’s Office at Tejgaon in Dhaka city.

Electoral reform commission chief Badiul Alam Majumdar said at the meeting that measures were underway to ensure the voting rights of Bangladeshi expatriates and work on postal ballots was progressing to enable the voters to exercise franchise through post.

Having mentioned that the voter list was being adjusted with the national identity card database, he said that his commission was taking effective measures to facilitate women’s participation in the electoral process.

Besides maintaining regular communication with the stakeholders, their suggestions were also being collected through using digital platforms, he added.

Public administration reform commission chief Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury informed the chief adviser at the meeting that besides proceeding with the work at full speed, his commission started seeking stakeholders’ opinion through website.

The commission members visited the district and upazila levels and exchanged views with people, Muyeed said.

The commission members informed the chief adviser that they were currently exchanging views with the representatives of various public administration cadres and hoped that they would be able to submit their report within the stipulated timeframe, the chief adviser’s press wing said.

Highlighting the progress of the initiatives of the police administration reform commission, its head Safar Raz Hossain said that the reform commission had already held 14 meetings, including four meetings with stakeholders.

The police reform commission had also posted a questionnaire on the website seeking public opinion, he said, adding that it was scrutinising the proposals made to amend some laws and rules.

The commission was also preparing some proposals to simplify some processes, he added. Safar said that work was also underway on a proposal to change the method and use of force for mob control, while several sections of the Criminal Procedure Code 1898 were being examined to check their need for undergoing change.

Interim government chief adviser at an address to the nation on September 11 announced the six reform commissions tasking them with proposing reforms in six key sectors and organisations.

The commissions have been formed in the backdrop of the interim government’s assuming power on August 8 after Sheikh Hasina had resigned as prime minister and fled to India on August 5 amid a student-led mass uprising, ending the 15-year long autocratic regime led by Awami League.

In his September 11 address, Yunus said that his government wanted effective reforms to start a new journey as a nation.

As the initial step towards reforms, the six commissions were formed, he said.

Later, six prominent citizens were appointed to lead the commissions that officially began their activities from the last month.

The six commissions are—election system reform commission, police administration reform commission, judiciary reform commission, Anti-Corruption Commission reform commission, public administration reform commission and constitutional reform commission.

All the commissions were asked to place their reports by December 31.

The government later formed four more commissions—mass media reform commission, health affairs reform commission, labour rights reform commission, and women affairs reform commission.

On September 19, Yunus held the first meeting with the reform commission chiefs.

With a provision to have a student representative in each commission, so far only the constitutional reform commission out of the first six commissions has named its student member.

The rest five commissions have yet to name their student representatives although over a month has already passed out of 90 days allotted to complete their tasks.

Separate gazettes have, so far, announced the names of 7–9 members of each commission, mentioning the student representative’s name for only the constitutional reform commission.​

 

[Saif]

Future governments must commit sustaining reform process: Finance Adviser

Finance and Commerce Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed has said the interim government has started reforms that the future elected governments must continue. He said the interim government is making clear the road to reforms, which will be made from a narrow place to a highway. The speed of reforms will

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Future governments must commit sustaining reform process: Finance Adviser
Published :
Nov 05, 2024 23:07
Updated :
Nov 05, 2024 23:07

Finance and Commerce Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed has said the interim government has started reforms that the future elected governments must continue.

He said the interim government is making clear the road to reforms, which will be made from a narrow place to a highway. The speed of reforms will increase in the next government.

The adviser said this while speaking as the chief guest at ERF-Nagad best reporting award ceremony, held at hotel in the capital on Tuesday evening, according to UNB.

Dr Salehuddin said the reforms will be sustainable with commitment from the political governments. Otherwise, the benefits of reforms would not reach the common people.

He said the government is doing what works well for the country. Irregularities over years of misrule can't be removed overnight.

He appreciated Bangladesh Banks' Governor Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur for working hard to bring the financial sector on the right track.

With Economic Reporters Forum (ERF) president Refayet Ullah Mirdha in the chair, the function was also addressed, among others, by Bangladesh Bank Governor Dr Ahsan H. Masur, Nagad Board Chairman KAS Murshid, its administrator Muhammad Badiuzzaman Dider and ERF General Secretary Abul kashem.

The Economic Reporters' Forum (ERF) and Nagad, a leading digital financial service have jointly conferred awards on 19 economic reporters in 17 categories economic journalists.

The award winners are Doulot Akter Mala (The Financial Express), Sadrul Hasan (UNB), Fakhrul Islam Harun (Prothom Alo), Jebun Nesa Alo (The Business Standard), Rajib Ahmed (Prothom Alo), Iqbal Ahsan (Channel 24), Md Ismail Ali (Daily Sharebiz), Ahsan Habib Rasel (The Daily Star), Babu Kamruzzaman (News 24), Obaidullah Rony (Samakal), Tauhid Hossain Papon (Jamuna Television), Md Shofiqul Islam (Dhaka Post), Sajjadur Rahman (The Business Standard), Arifur Rahman (Prothom Alo), Salah Uddin Mahmud (The Business Standard), Ziadul Islam (Amader Shomoy), Mohammad Jahangir Shah Kajol (Prothom Alo), Razu Ahmed (Daily Kalbela), and Sushanta K Sinha (Ekattor Television).​

 

[Saif]

What are the challenges for administrative reform

In post-independence Bangladesh, several commissions were formed for administrative reform and restructuring. In 1971, after independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman established the 'Civil Administration Restoration Committee' for administrative restructuring. Subsequently, in 1972, the...

en.prothomalo.com

What are the challenges for administrative reform
Syeda Lasna Kabir &
Mohammad Esa Ibn Belal
Published: 05 Nov 2024, 15: 33

The history of administrative reform commissions in this region is long and diverse, beginning during the British colonial era, when several reform commissions were established with the aim of creating a strong administrative structure. Notable commissions are: the Aitchison Commission (1886), the Islington Commission (1912), the Lee Commission (1924), and the Simon Commission (1930).

These commissions aimed to create opportunities for the local population to be included in administration and to establish a bureaucracy capable of sustaining British rule. Although some reform initiatives were taken during the Pakistan era, they failed to have a significant impact due to the lack of democracy and military rule.

In post-independence Bangladesh, several commissions were formed for administrative reform and restructuring. In 1971, after independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman established the 'Civil Administration Restoration Committee' for administrative restructuring. Subsequently, in 1972, the 'Administrative Re-Organization Committee' and the 'National Pay Scale Commission" were formed. Through these commissions, ministries were reorganized, constitutional institutions were established, and a new salary structure was created.

During Ziaur Rahman's rule, a 'Pay and Service Commission' was formed with the goal of restructuring administration and improving the salary framework. His successor, Hussain Muhammad Ershad, established ten reform commissions, including the 'Martial Law Committee', 'the Administrative Reform and Reorganization Committee (CARR)', and the National Pay Commission. Significant changes included upgrading police stations to upazilas and introducing a new salary structure.

After the restoration of democracy in 1991, the BNP government formed a reform committee for administrative restructuring. This committee, however, failed to submit any recommendations. Subsequently, in 1996 and 1997, the Awami League government formed the Administrative Reform Commission (ARC) and the Public Administration Reform Commission (PARC) with the aim of increasing transparency, accountability, and efficiency.

In 2005, the BNP government passed the "Tax Ombudsman Law," which helped ensure financial transparency. The military-backed caretaker government established the 'Regulatory Reform Commission' in 2007 and took reform measures to separate the executive branch from the judiciary.

In 2009, the Awami League government returned to power and attempted to introduce a performance-based evaluation system (PBES) for administrative reform aimed at increasing public participation and administrative efficiency. However, most of the recommendations from these commissions were not implemented by the government. The failure of administrative reform commissions can be attributed to several longstanding issues.

First, there is a lack of political commitment. Political parties often promise administrative reform during elections, but fail to take effective measures to implement those promises once in power. As a result, most reform initiatives remain only on paper, and the public does not reap the benefits.

Second, the legacy of colonial bureaucratic structures continues to persist in Bangladesh. The bureaucracies established during British rule are centralized and lack transparency. Government officials often view change as a threat to their power and influence. They perceive administrative reform as harmful to their status and privileges. As a result, they obstruct reform efforts and slow down their implementation.

Third, individuals with business interests often oppose administrative reforms when they enter politics. Their primary concern is to protect their personal or business advantages, which hinders the development of the administration and public welfare. Administrative reform is not implemented successfully.

Fourth, patron-client relationships have compromised the neutrality of the administration. Loyal officials of the ruling party receive promotions, while those with opposing views are labeled as ineffective or designated as "officers on special duty" (OSD). Such favoritism weakens the efficiency and effectiveness of the administration. The governments oppose administrative reform by showing favouritism to their favoured bureaucrats resulting in hampering the progress of reform activities.

A lack of institutional capacity is also a major barrier to administrative reform. Many departments and agencies lack adequate training, skills, or technical knowledge to carry out reform activities. Additionally, the weakness of the rule of law and the lack of administrative autonomy further obstruct proper implementation of reforms.

Moreover, the lack of citizen participation poses a significant challenge to administrative reform in Bangladesh. It is essential to consult relevant stakeholders and ensure their participation for successful implementation of reforms. However, government officials often show reluctance to accept public opinions or suggestions. Even when stakeholders are consulted, effective steps are rarely taken to implement their recommendations. This lack of consultation and citizen participation weakens institutional capacity and hampers the progress of administrative reforms.

The current interim government presents an exceptional example in the country’s history. This government has been established primarily for the purpose of state reform and is operating without direct support from political parties. This unique situation is creating new possibilities for the country's development and reform. Since this government has no visible political interests, the public hopes it will succeed in reforming the country. However, there is a concern about how long this government will remain in power. Therefore, some short-term recommendations for reforms that can be implemented quickly, along with a long-term vision for a comprehensive development plan, are essential.

A fundamental change in administrative culture is crucial to making public administration more citizen-oriented. The British established modern bureaucracy in this country to prolong their colonial rule. During that time, serving the people was not the primary focus; rather, a centralized and controlling administrative structure was created for the benefit of British rule. Consequently, that bureaucracy was never dedicated to serving the public.

From the Pakistani era until 1990, bureaucracy was often used as a tool of military rule. After the restoration of democracy in 1991, the influence of politicization in administration began to become evident. After 2008, bureaucracy lost its neutrality and began to prioritize the implementation of party agendas. The Awami League government appointed its supportive officials to various key positions in the administration, causing a gradual disconnection between the administration and the public.

In this context, one of the current reform committee's goals is to make administration citizen-oriented. This is an extremely challenging task. In the past, the administration has repeatedly failed to meet public expectations because its main objective was to implement government orders, not to dedicate itself to serving the people.

Emphasis must be placed on training and ethics for officials to change administrative culture. They must be instilled with the understanding that the true owners of the country are the people and that the primary goal of administration is to serve them. If the principle of accountability to the public is firmly established among officials, the administration will genuinely become citizen-oriented and work for the welfare of the people.

If transparency and accountability are ensured in administration, it will not only improve efficiency but also facilitate the successful implementation of citizen-oriented governance. Currently, only senior officials evaluate the annual confidential reports (ACRs) of subordinate officials. However, there is no direct accountability of the administration to the general public. Consequently, the public often suffers from various inconveniences when accessing services.

To overcome this situation, it is crucial to ensure direct public participation and accountability in administrative activities. A complaint box could be placed in every government office, or an online complaint submission system could be established. This would allow citizens to bring their grievances and complaints directly to the attention of the administration, making officials more attentive and responsible in their duties.

Additionally, the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission can analyze these complaints to quickly identify corrupt and dishonest officials, which would play a significant role in preventing corruption within the administration.

The cadre-based conflict in Bangladesh's public administration is not new. Similar to other countries, the ongoing tension between general officials and specialized officials negatively impacts overall administrative improvement. Traditionally, general officials hold convenient positions and exercise executive power, while specialised officials’ power is largely limited to technical matters.

One of the main reasons for dissatisfaction among specialized officials is that important positions in the secretariat are occupied by general officials. Even in cases where specialized knowledge is essential, general officials often retain control. This situation obstructs the proper recognition of specialized officials' skills and contributions.

To resolve this conflict, it is necessary to establish an institutional framework where appointments and promotions of specialized cadre members are made solely from within their ranks. This will allow for proper recognition of specialized officials' contributions and create a balanced environment for administrative improvement.

To successfully achieve the goals of administrative reform, it is essential to develop plans considering the demands of the times, environmental challenges, and the capacity and objectives of the relevant administrative structure. However, the role of regional and international influencers or factors in the reform process cannot be overlooked. Strong states, global financial institutions, and international organizations often seek to influence the direction of these reforms due to their own agendas and interests.

Therefore, the activities of administrative reform must ensure integrated participation from all levels of society, rather than relying solely on bureaucrats. A monitoring committee comprising individuals from various classes and professions could be formed to oversee the progress of reforms and facilitate their successful implementation.

Reform is an ongoing process, especially administrative reform, which involves short, medium, and long-term activities. This interim government should start this journey with at least a few minimal reform initiatives. It is important to remember that past administrative activities often failed due to a lack of political support and bureaucratic obstacles.

Proposing reforms and implementing them are two different things. From the outset, our focus should be on trying to gain political support and then attempting to implement specific reform proposals based on that support. An overly ambitious reform proposal may create optimism, but without implementation, such proposals can lead to long-term disappointment.

Syeda Lasna Kabir is professor at the Department of Public Administration, Dhaka University

Mohammad Isa Ibn Belal is a researcher​

 

[Saif]

Thinking of foreign policy reform

Our foreign policy narratives must confidently articulate objectives and advocate for global humanitarian concerns, whether regional or extra-regional

en.prothomalo.com

Thinking of foreign policy reform
Shahab Enam Khan
Published: 06 Nov 2024, 08: 18

World Map

Bangladesh is at a pivotal moment in its history, transitioning from quasi-authoritarian rule to an anticipated functional democracy. The recent uprising and the supreme sacrifices made by thousands of individuals led to the removal of the Awami League's fifteen-year regime, paving the way for an interim government led by Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus to fulfill the promises of change. The world has noticed how fast the public has risen to topple a fifteen-year-old Awami League in power. Despite its challenges, this transition is fueled by the passion and active participation of the younger generation and the wider public.

The July 2024 movement reflects the collective desire of the people to position Bangladesh as a confident nation, both domestically and on the global stage. Dr. Yunus, a highly esteemed figure worldwide, embodies the spirit of Bangladesh. His assumption of leadership has reignited global interest and enthusiasm in Bangladesh. The substantial support from the multilateral agencies and international community, particularly from the Western bloc, China, and significant economic powers in the East, such as Malaysia, Japan, and Korea, is a testament to the global confidence in Bangladesh's reform initiative and recognition to the changes that the public wants to see.

As Bangladesh continues to attract global attention, the responsibilities confronting the government and political parties as they engage in the democratic process are increasingly complex and challenging. The primary goal of the interim government is to ensure a smooth election process, a commitment that should instill confidence in the democratic transition. Dr. Yunus's administration must implement electoral reforms and secure global support for the transition to democracy. Foreign policy will require a comprehensive revision to sustain the reform efforts beyond the interim government's term and protect Bangladesh's national interests.

It's important to understand that foreign policy is no longer just a matter of high-level politics; with advancing technologies, it has become a subject of public scrutiny. In the post-July 2024 movement, public perception has become a critical influencer in foreign policy decisions toward the US, China, and India. The events of the July 2024 movement have emphasized a radical shift in our foreign policy. It necessitates a proactive foreign policy, constructive narratives that reflect our national interests, and a national consensus, regardless of political affiliations.

So, what should we reform in foreign policy then?

The key reform should be rooted in narratives. Bangladesh upholds multilateralism and is dedicated to international trade. That’s not enough. Article 25 of its constitution mandates support for oppressed populations, regardless of their political, racial, religious, or ethnic affiliations. Our foreign policy narratives must confidently articulate objectives and advocate for global humanitarian concerns, whether regional or extra-regional. This necessitates clearly articulating national sovereignty to establish boundaries for external actors influencing domestic politics and national security priorities. But here is a caveat – the narratives will only be compelling if a good government is at home.

The reform should include a well-defined and cohesive foreign policy. The government should have four key international goals aligned with a practical foreign policy approach. Firstly, the two major power blocs—the US and China—will inevitably seek to maintain a geopolitical balance of power. Therefore, Bangladesh's strategy should prioritize maximizing national interests while maintaining a delicate balancing act based on mercantile liberalism. Undoubtedly, the Bay of Bengal, as the middle sea in the Indo-Pacific region, exposes Bangladesh to ongoing geostrategic complexities.

Second, bilateral engagements would require Machiavellian realism to be on the center stage. Multilateralism, the cornerstone of Bangladesh’s foreign policy, requires a shift from idealism to pragmatism based on global humanitarianism and domestic human security interests. Built on the spirit of the 1971 liberation war and the constitutional obligation, standing for fair and equitable international affairs and resolving disputes through international mechanisms is imperative. This should be the case in bilateral relations with the countries Bangladesh shares borders with.

Third, our Indo-Pacific Outlook needs to be broadened, and the issues with Myanmar must be addressed pragmatically. While Japan, Korea, and the Southeastern countries will be critical to Bangladesh’s economy and connectivity, it is crucial to design clear foreign and coordinated strategic policies to stabilize Myanmar in collaboration with the international community, Rakhine stakeholders, Rohingyas, and the political actors in Myanmar. Bangladesh and Myanmar have a successful history of repatriating the Rohingyas in 1978-79 and 1991-92. Therefore, Bangladesh must demonstrate a Myanmar policy based on national strategic considerations rather than being influenced by the interests of third countries.

Bangladesh needs to design a comprehensive South Asia policy with a primary focus on India. Bangladesh's approach towards India should be based on transparent trade and investment principles and international law and norms rather than overemphasizing political and security concerns. Bangladesh is crucial in ensuring the external security of India's northeastern region, the Bay of Bengal, minority issues, and even its domestic politics. Therefore, the focus should be on the potential impact of Indian instability on Bangladesh. I have no hesitation in saying that our political community has much to learn from India's strong partisan consensus and unified media stance on foreign policy to protect their national interest.

Where do we go from here?

Bangladesh needs to adapt its foreign policy approach considering the public sentiment demonstrated during and post-July 2024 movement. To embody the spirit of a confident nation, the country requires diplomats, negotiators, defense strategists, and politicians who are merit-based, innovative, and courageous. It is undeniable that rapid advancements in AI and technology are reshaping societies, and diplomacy is no exception. The Rohingyas or Ukraine and Palestine are classic reminders that the intertwining of social, religious, cultural, or language is not a guarantee of protection from the neighboring states.

Factors such as interest groups, demographic divisions, resource nationalism, trade protectionism, energy supply lines, technology disparities, political populism, labor migration, misinformation, disinformation, climate, water, and health crises will continue to present significant challenges. It's important to note that as we see religious far-right narratives rising across the world, foreign policy should weigh costs and benefits rather than be driven by theology.

As a result, the current tasks differ significantly from those of the past. My conversation with senior diplomats reminds me that our foreign policy objective should be to strive for strategic autonomy in our decisions. Coordinating foreign policy still presents a significant challenge that has troubled the foreign ministry for decades. Additionally, foreign policy accountability needs to be more noticed, as evidenced by the rare discussions of the constitutional articles 145 and 145A within the policy domain.

It is crucial to recognize that a strong national consensus will be essential for advancing significant foreign policy in the coming years. It's important to remember that our primary foreign policy challenge arises from political divisions at home. Henry Kissinger once ironically remarked, "No foreign policy—no matter how ingenious—has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none." This serves as a poignant reminder.

* Professor Shahab Enam Khan, Department of International Relations, Jahangirnagar University​

 

[Saif]

UNCTAD keen to support Bangladesh's reform drive

Chief Adviser’s Special Envoy Lutfey Siddiqi held a series of important bilateral meetings in Geneva, Switzerland, this week, focusing on enhancing international cooperation and support for Bangladesh’s development. Siddiqi met with UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD) Secretary-General R

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

UNCTAD keen to support Bangladesh's reform drive
Special Envoy Lutfey Siddiqi holds high-level bilateral meetings with int'l organisations in Geneva
FE ONLINE REPORT
Published :
Nov 07, 2024 20:56
Updated :
Nov 07, 2024 21:27

Chief Adviser’s Special Envoy Lutfey Siddiqi held a series of important bilateral meetings in Geneva, Switzerland, this week, focusing on enhancing international cooperation and support for Bangladesh’s development.

Siddiqi met with UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD) Secretary-General Rebeca Grynspan at her office on 4th November. They discussed UNCTAD’s contribution to thought leadership and agenda-setting at the intersection of trade and development, a spokesperson for the CA office said on Thursday.

Secretary-General Grynspan expressed her office's readiness to enhance cooperation and provide technical assistance to Bangladesh on its reforms journey, including the implementation of the DMFAS platform and upgrading of the ASYCUDA system used by Bangladesh customs.

The Special Envoy also met Zhang Xiangchen, Deputy Director-General of the World Trade Organization, on 5th November. They discussed possible avenues to enhance South-South dialogue and the WTO’s potential support in facilitating Bangladesh’s LDC graduation.

Siddiqi had a meeting with Daren Tang, Director-General of the World Intellectual Property Organization, on 6th November at the Director-General’s office. They discussed the constructive role of a developed IP ecosystem in attracting foreign investment and fostering diversified exports from Bangladesh. WIPO stands ready to support Bangladesh and provide effective technical cooperation for IP development.

Special Envoy Siddiqi was in Geneva as part of the delegation to the International Labour Organization (ILO), led by Law Adviser Asif Nazrul and Labour Adviser Asif Mahmud.

Earlier, the group met with the Director-General of the ILO, Gilbert F Houngbo, who expressed support and optimism for Bangladesh’s reform agenda.​

 

[Saif]

New reform commissions yet to take shape

The four new reform commissions have yet to appoint members even three weeks after their announcement by the interim government.

www.newagebd.net

New reform commissions yet to take shape
Sadiqur Rahman 09 November, 2024, 00:20

The four new reform commissions have yet to appoint members even three weeks after their announcement by the interim government.

The announcement of the government’s decision to set up the four new commissions for health, labour rights, mass media and women’s affairs came on October 17.

The interim government’s spokesperson Syeda Rizwana Hasan, addressing a press conference on the day, had said that the council of advisers had decided to set up the new commissions.

Rizwana, also the adviser to the environment, forest, climate change and the water resources ministries, had also said that the names of the full commissions would be announced in seven to 10 days.

The government earlier established six reform commissions with chairs and seven to nine members each, 22 days after the chief adviser Muhammad Yunus announced their formation on September 11.

Rizwana on October 17 named National Professor AK Azad Khan, journalist and columnist Kamal Ahmed, Bangladesh Institute of Labour Studies executive director Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed and Nari Paksha executive council member Shireen Parveen Haque as the heads of the reforms commissions on health, mass media, labour and women’s affairs, respectively.

All the four heads told New Age on Wednesday that representatives of the interim government had only received their verbal consent.

National Professor Azad said that he initially expressed reluctance due to his busy schedule.

‘When I was told that Professor Yunus wanted me on board, I gave my verbal consent. However, I have not yet received any formal invitation,’ he said.

BILS executive director Sultan said that he was unaware of any further developments.

‘I don’t even know who the members of the labour commission will be,’ he added.

Rights activist Shireen and journalist Kamal echoed Azad and Sultan’s sentiments.

Following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on August 5 amid a student-mass uprising, Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government was formed on August 8.

In a televised address to the nation on September 11, marking one month since taking office, Yunus announced the heads of six reform commissions on the constitution, judiciary, electoral process, police, public administration, and the Anti-Corruption Commission.

The interim government established the reform commissions to drive state reformation in the wake of the recent political transition.

On October 3 and 7, the Cabinet Division issued separate gazette notifications announcing the members of these commissions.

According to the gazettes, the reform commissions must submit their proposal reports to the chief adviser by January 1-4, 2025.

The new reform commissions will be required to complete their tasks within 90 days of the publication of the gazette notifications.

Md Mahmudul Hossain Khan, secretary for coordination and reforms at the Cabinet Division—the sole authority to issue gazettes regarding the reform commissions—told New Age on Thursday that his office was still unaware of any progress concerning the new reform commissions.

Rizwana could not be reached by telephone for comments. She also did not respond to a text message on the issue in two days ending Friday evening.​

 

[Saif]

Fair polls can’t be held before certain reforms

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, yesterday called the Election Commission the most corrupt institution of the Awami League regime.

www.thedailystar.net

Fair polls can’t be held before certain reforms
Says Sarjis at Sylhet DC office

Photo: Collected

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, yesterday called the Election Commission the most corrupt institution of the Awami League regime.

He said a fair election is not possible without reforming the commission first.

"The revolution was not just for elections. People suffered for 16 years because of the corrupt system, and the Election Commission was the most corrupt institution [of that system]. We cannot hope for a fair election without reforming it," he said.

Sarjis, also the general secretary of the July Memorial Foundation, made the remarks while talking to journalists after disbursing financial aid to families of the martyrs of the mass uprising at the deputy commissioner's office in Sylhet.

He said a list of around 1,600 martyrs was made, and financial support was extended to their families.

"We're not saying that reform everything and continue reformation for 5 to 6 years. We must go for elections only after reforming institutions related to elections. But, the reformation of the system demands a logical time. Otherwise, we will remain in the same place.

"For 53 years, the constitution could not ensure a people's government or protect our rights. Constitutional reformation is also very important."

Sarjis said the law enforcement agencies must also be brought to order; otherwise, vote rigging might occur.

"Besides, the judicial system also needs to be reformed to ensure fair polls. Many collaborators of the fascists are still at the High Court, who secured their place by lobbying with the government. They must be removed."​