[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Lessons from Bangladesh

Photo: Prabir Das/Star/File

AFTER the tragic loss of an estimated 300 students during a fatal crackdown on protests in Bangladesh, the world stands captivated by the power of young students who led the demonstrations against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the longest-serving prime minister of the country since its independence from Pakistan in 1971. She was forced to flee the country after over 15 years in power and a brutal campaign of weakening and persecuting any political opposition.

The issue arose with students' frustration at the inability to compete for lucrative government jobs, more than half of which were reserved under various quotas, the largest being the 30 per cent allocation for the children and grandchildren of those who fought for Bangladesh's independence.

This 30pc quota had been scrapped in 2018 after student protests, but the high court reinstated it in 2024 soon after Sheikh Hasina's fourth consecutive victory in a questionable election, widely cited as an unfair one.

When the students started demonstrating against the quota in order to gain their rightful share in taxpayer-funded government jobs on merit, the government and the students body linked with the ruling party responded violently, beating and killing students at Dhaka University. These protests spilled into the streets, transforming into an expression of frustration with the autocratic rule of the Awami League.

It should be encouraging that students in Bangladesh are taking a stand against nepotism.

It is being touted as the first revolution to be led by Gen-Z, the first digital native generation defined by its resolute no-nonsense attitude. Whereas understandably there is a lot of scepticism about whether this will lead to true democracy in Bangladesh — which will require a lot more than a series of demonstrations — it signals the approach of Gen-Z, which is shifting attitudes and practices in a post Covid-19 world as they enter the workforce. There are several lessons for the region and the world from the Bangladeshi Gen-Z's successful campaign against the Awami League government.

First, it shows the frustration that a lack of meritocracy in a state can lead to, especially when it has an economic impact. Universities in Bangladesh led the freedom movement in 1971 when the then East Pakistan was denied recognition of Bengali as an official language despite half the population speaking it. It should be encouraging that students are demanding merit and taking a stand against nepotism and favouritism-based quotas. States must ensure that public sector systems are fair.

Second, several commentators have pointed out that economic success in a country may not be enough to buy a population's acquiescence. Basic rights and equal distribution of resources are key for young people, the lack of which can lead to the toppling of a strong repressive government. Despite documented growth of above 8pc in Bangladesh, people were frustrated by the nepotism of and suppression by the regime, which resulted in unemployment among skilled youth. Assuming that economic prosperity in a pluralistic society will silence dissent is to fool oneself.

Third, censorship of the press and social media, and shutdown of internet and mobile phone networks are not effective in quelling protests and getting the word out in this day and age. Despite a countrywide internet shutdown in Bangladesh, the young protesters persisted and achieved what they had set out to do, all the while using various tools to get information out. It is prudent to listen to the voices of citizens, especially those who shape the nation and its future, rather than attempting to suppress them. Investment in digital repression is counterproductive and futile, especially when public funds that should be spent on progress and development are spent on stunting the potential of the digital economy. Nobody wants to do business with or hire talent from a country where internet shutdowns and the censorship of applications and websites are widespread and arbitrary. According to various estimates by watchdogs, internet shutdowns in Bangladesh cost the economy billions of dollars in the past month.

Fourth, the patriotism of the soldiers in Bangladesh must be appreciated. There is nothing more patriotic than refusing to fire at one's own citizens for demanding their rights, something everyone is entitled to do. Militaries must not turn against their own people as that is the job of occupiers, and not of one's own military that is sustained by the taxpayers. After all, the state belongs to its people and is built by them; orders to attack them must have no place in society.

Fifth, it is inevitable that people will rise against political persecution, illegitimate power grabbed through rigged elections, and a compromised judiciary. Political parties have more to gain by governing through legitimacy rather than relying on state machinery that engineers the usurping of legitimacy and undermining the will of the people.

Moving forward, the challenges for any decentralised youth-led change movement after initial success are two-fold. First, strategising to avoid being co-opted by local actors, such as the military or political parties, who can take advantage of the power vacuum for their own benefit. In such a situation, it is key for representatives of the students to insist on being a meaningful part of any process of change built on the blood and struggle of well-meaning youth.

Second, and the tougher one intrinsically linked to the self-serving cooperation of local power-brokers, is ensuring that the local struggle does not fall victim to the strategic games of international power-brokers who reject any local democratic processes, as was seen in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab Spring protests. This should hold true even if the short-term objectives of the movement align with the foreign powers' objectives in the region. The US helped install dictator Gen Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt after helping him topple a democratically elected government led by Mohamed Morsi after 'Dictator-General' Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down by young protesters.

The power of a frustrated and informed young polity cannot be underestimated, and their struggle and idealism must not go to waste.

[The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.]​

 

[Saif]

Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Throughout the days of fear, uncertainty and lack of security during the revolution, the students of Chattogram remained united and steadfast while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help out the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt...

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Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Photo: Rajib Raihan

Bangladesh just witnessed a one-of-a-kind student movement which later transformed into a revolution, leading to the historical downfall of the Prime Minister. The whole country stepped forward and Chattogram was no different, living up to its name of "Bir Chattala." Throughout the movement, the students of Chattogram remained united while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt throughout the city.

Mostafa Jishan, a student of University of Science and Technology Chittagong (USTC) says, "Honestly, I had nothing to do with the quota reform. My mother is a government employee and I, myself, can use the quota. However, when I witnessed the unjust shooting of Abu Sayed, I had to join the protest. How can the government allow law enforcement personnel to shoot innocent students like this?"

The students had to go through unprecedented horror. One such experience was shared by Tahamid Chowdhury Priyom, a student of Chittagong University of Engineering & Technology (CUET).

"The experience on July 19 at Bahaddarhat still haunts me. A student was shot right in his chest. There was no ambulance. He was taken to the hospital in a rickshaw by some of his friends. To this day, I still don't know if he is alive or not."

Reazul Islam Remon of Chittagong University (CU) says, "There was a lot of gunfire at Muradpur just before the curfew started and my family was scared. I had a long beard, but my mother forced me to trim it."

Another daunting experience was faced by Md Sadek Al Sunny of International Islamic University of Chittagong (IIUC) who says, "On August 4, we went to New Market where people were being attacked by law enforcement personnel. I was really close to the frontline when chaos ensued. More than 200 of us quickly took shelter inside Shah Amanat Market but thugs kept looking for us. We hid there until four in the afternoon when we were rescued. I witnessed two women getting shot and killed near Hazari Market that day. My biggest regret is having to leave their bodies behind."

The coordination amongst the protestors played a big role for the protest to succeed and it was the student coordinators who enabled it. One of them was Mohammed Tawsif, a student of East Delta University (EDU). When asked about how he became a coordinator, he said, "I joined as a protestor but was selected as the coordinator from East Delta University later on."

He recalls how he was constantly at risk throughout the protest, due to being a coordinator, "I had reasons to believe law enforcement personnel were looking for me and when they were conducting raids, they were targeting coordinators. Two coordinators from different universities that lived nearby got arrested. I was in fear that I could be next"

The risk was even greater when he was out on the streets. He says, "There were many instances where I was either chased or beaten by law enforcement personnel or goons. At Cheragi Pahar, I inhaled tear gas for the first time and I started vomiting and needed to rest. On August 4 alone, there were many moments where I thought I would die. One of those moments was at Jubilee Road in front of Golam Rasul Market. A person who was standing right beside me got shot. It could easily have been me."

However, after a tough journey, the objective was achieved, and it was special for Tawsif.

"When I got confirmation that the Prime Minister (PM) had resigned, I cried. Mentally, I had prepared to fight for the whole month of August. There were days I thought I wouldn't make it alive or get arrested. My sister would cry and not eat – waiting for me. After receiving the news, I felt relief that all the sleepless nights were worth it," he shares.

After the Prime Minister's resignation on August 5, there was joy but there were also instances of violence. One such experience was shared by Mona Ahmed, a student of Jahangirnagar University. She says, "My experience at the victory procession was terrifying. After hearing about the PM's resignation, I immediately joined the procession with my friends. We walked towards Dampara from GEC Circle, and law enforcement personnel threw tear shells and sound grenades at us near BAWA School and College.

We took shelter at Shilpokola. We decided to head back home but then my mother called to inform me that an angry mob had gathered outside my house, looking for a local leader that lived next door with his family. The individual has a wife and kids who are completely innocent, why must they suffer for someone else's crime? I decided to stay at a friend's house for the time being, but I was scared for my family's safety."

Another troubling experience was faced by Sudipto*. He says, "When the PM's resignation was announced, I was happy for my country, but I also knew us minorities would be at risk. The attacks began the next day. I had to advise my own mother not to wear shakha and shindur outside. Why must I feel so insecure in my own home? Every time we voice our concerns, people tell us to be patient. They fail to understand that all we need is for them to hear us and stand by us in these troubled times."

Amidst the tough times, Sudipto also went out to help the community, "I've been involved in cleaning and wall painting activities near the Central Railway Building. I consider this my duty as a citizen of the country. Playing a part in its reform and development is the least I can do."

*Name has been changed upon request.​

 

[Saif]

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs. The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement
bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14
Updated :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs.

The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing, and authorisation wing.

Abdul Hannan Masud, one of the coordinators of the platform, confirmed the committees’ formation in a statement on Monday.

These four units will mainly work towards restructuring the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform. In the meantime, the committees formed with the support of the coordinators will remain in place and all the committees will be reconstituted afresh at different levels, the statement read.

The authorisation wing of the platform will work to form a new committee to protect the order and prevent confusion over fake coordinators.

The members of the organising wing are –

Abu Baker Majumder 2. Abdul Hannan Masud 3. Rifat Rashid 4. Shahin Alam 5. Shyamali Sultana Jedni 6. Naeem Abedin 7. Sanjana Afifa Aditi, and 8. Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi.

Programme implementation wing members are - 1. Hasnat Abdullah 2. Sarjis Alam 3. Abdul Kader 4. Mahin Sarkar 5. Arif Sohel 6. Akram Hossain Raj 7. Hamza Mahbub 8. Noor Nabi 9. Shubho Ahmed 10. Shahinur Sumi 11. Mobassher Alam 12. Hasib al-Islam 13. Mohammed Russell 14. Umama Fatima 15. Anika Tahsina 16. Rawnak Jahan 17. Mehdi Islam, and 18. Takiuddin Ahmed.

Media and communication wing members are – 1. Rizwan Rifat 2. Abdullah Salehin Ayon 3. Tahmid al-Mudadir Chowdhury.

The authorisation wing will be headed by two – Sarjis Alam and Abu Baker Majumder.​

 

[Saif]

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05
Updated :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05

Thousands of jubilant people cheer and wave flags at Shahbagh intersection in Dhaka on Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country. Her departure defused tensions that had been rising during weeks of deadly demonstrations against the government Photo : FE photo by Shafiqul Alam

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the street agitations that could unleash such tremendous youth power that traditional political party failed to demonstrate. But to all appearances, the Indian political observers and the media that reflect their views are not willing to see anything but anarchy and persecution of the Hindus and destruction of their properties and places of worship in thar earthshaking event. To them, the student-led mass struggle against the authoritarian pre-August 5 government in Bangladesh as one spearheaded by Muslim extremists whose only mission was to kill Hindus. But being the next-door neighbour of Bangladesh, they should have been able to understand Bangladesh, its people and their struggles better than the rest of the world.

Consider the deluge of falsehoods disseminated through the Indian media about imaginary atrocities unleashed on the Hindu community of Bangladesh. And there is also gullible audience eager to believe those lies without further scrutiny because those resonate with their own fears and prejudices. RumourScanner Bangladesh, a fact-checking or information verifying organisation, has found from its study on these fake messages, images and video clips that some 50 accounts on the social networking site X, formerly Twitter, were behind spewing disinformation about imagined Hindu persecution in Bangladesh in the wake of August 5 revolution. All those X account holders were operating from India. According to the experts surveyed for the World Economic Forum's 2024 Global Risk Report, India was ranked highest for the risk of misinformation and disinformation.

Joyojeet Pal, who is Associate professor of Information, School of Information at the University of Michigan, USA, says, 'There are three challenges with online dangerous speech and propaganda: sophistication, believability and virality'.

'The levels of polarisation and media distrust in India are such that there are pockets of citizens who are quickly willing to believe things about groups they see as antagonistic to their interests, so believability is already high'. When believability of such online disinformation and false propaganda is high in a society, their potential for getting viral is also higher. Add to that the use of advanced technology including AI to make the fake reports look and sound real. And such distortion of facts has been going on unabated since August 5 to the detriment of people-to-people as well as normal diplomatic relations between the two close neighbours.

Clearly, the intention of those involved in false propaganda was to show the struggles and achievements of the people of Bangladesh in a bad light before the international community. But an investigative report by the BBC published recently has proved that most of such videos showing atrocities being committed against Hindus in post-Hasina Bangladesh shared online were false. "And while reports on the ground have found violence and looting impacted Hindu people and properties, far-right influencers in neighbouring India shared false videos and information that gave a misleading view of the events', the BBC report maintained.

In fact, post-August 5 developments in Bangladesh provided the far-right and Islamophobic quarters not only in India, but also in other parts of the world including Britain with an opportunity to churn out false and distorted stories of violence and murders committed by what they term the so-called Islamic Jihadists, though the movement launched by Bangladeshi students was completely secular in nature. Tommy Robinson, a far-right British influencer, who had been sharing unverified videos on post-August 5 events, claims there is 'a genocide of Hindus' in Bangladesh. However, BBC investigation found his claim and video clips shared online in support of his claim to be baseless.​

 

[Saif]

After the euphoria, the concerns

An incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful Bangladesh.

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After the euphoria, the concerns

VISUAL: STAR

The young people of the country deserve to be congratulated, their heroism celebrated, and their momentous accomplishments acknowledged. Their dedication, bravery and sacrifices to free the country from a deeply unpopular regime justly earned them the affection, admiration and gratitude of the people.

However, the pace and abruptness of these unprecedented developments must give us pause. After all, the actual movement and the fall of the regime occurred within only one month of turmoil and bloodshed. Moreover, the political and psychological legacy left by the previous regime heightens some concerns.

First and foremost, some resentments and frustrations of the people that had accumulated over several years, some sentiments of revenge and retribution among those who had suffered injustice, and some opportunists simply taking advantage of a fluid situation, have all led to various incidents of violence and vandalism. While some of this is expected, it must be resisted.

This lawlessness is particularly worrisome since some people have ransacked government (read people's) properties, destroyed revered historical markers relating to our Liberation War, and attacked minority communities simply because they are vulnerable. Given the fact that the police themselves remain discredited and demoralised, such crowd gangsterism becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy and invites disaster.

Even though people like Gustave Le Bon, Sigmund Freud, Nobel Laureate Elias Canetti and others have studied the psychology of mob behaviour, the phenomenon remains unclear. There are theories of deindividuation when people supposedly lose their sense of individual identity, personal responsibility or moral authority; of people demonstrating "bystander effects" that attract random participants by appealing to their sense of enhanced power; of people responding to simplistic, exaggerated and overly sentimental rhetoric, signs and codes; or of people becoming emboldened to do what they can get away with in the culture of impunity typically associated with the fall of an autocrat.

These groups must be calmed and contained as soon as possible, or it will become progressively difficult to do so later. It is uplifting to witness courageous and committed young people volunteering to combat such sinister forces and protect public order and minority communities. The worst seems to be over. But the anxieties persist, made sharper in the age of social media, AI bots, and deep fakes. One hopes, like Lincoln, that "the better angels of our nature" will prevail. But let us not forget that he himself was killed.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs?

Second, the rapidity and drama with which the situation unfolded made it impossible for any "day after" scenarios to emerge. There was no time or opportunity to develop any ideals, programmes, goals, or a clear direction forward. So, the situation remains fraught and fragile. This becomes more problematic in the moral vacuum, personal distrust and social erosion that resulted from years of misrule and mischief, and the hyper-polarised political environment that had been created.

Moreover, the very idea of "politics" had been devalued and mangled by successive regimes. The classical notion of "politics" was built around concepts of public service, the common good, and the people's welfare. But in Bangladesh it had become a sport (the word "khela" had been routinely used) in which cynical, cunning and self-serving people desperately and shamelessly pursued the acquisition of personal profit and power.

Additionally, the guardrails that protect democracy, such as independent judiciaries, robust parliamentary oppositions, vigilant media houses, lively civil society platforms, or autonomous institutions of higher education had all been overwhelmed, finessed out of existence, or serially threatened and undermined.

Similarly, political parties that exist are not based on policies, ideologies, or democratic practices. They merely represent some patron-clientelist configurations where some sycophantic and opportunistic followers cluster around a "leader" who demands a cultish reverence (which is often shown in extravagant and comical ways).

The two organised parties which had held power in the past are burdened by their own history of bad governance, electoral abuses, violence against opponents (including assassination attempts and farcical cover-ups like Joj Miah), ethical lapses, constitutional tinkering, endemic corruption, and nepotistic family control. Other parties are shadowy and limited in their organisation and appeal. The consequent political vacuum in the country looks like an abyss staring back at us.

Even the "deep state" in Bangladesh has been debilitated by inefficiency, bribery and political patronage. Access to almost all government services (which are people's rights) as well as the regular functioning of the economy, became contingent upon payments to syndicates, power brokers and toll collectors, and navigating through serpentine and costly procedures and paperwork.

The economy, suffering from inequality, inflation, unemployment, low forex reserves, and a banking sector in shambles, was turned into a vast kleptocracy of the lumpen-bourgeoisie and their bureaucratic enablers. It embraced the principles of predatory capitalism and concentrated on maximising aggregate indicators of growth and undertaking some dazzling megaprojects, while disregarding quality-of-life indicators such as human rights, civil liberties, ecological conservation, economic justice, gender equity, and public safety. To reset directions and craft policies that would prioritise the interests of the people would be a complex undertaking.

Third, the previous regime is down, but not out. They may lie low for the time being, some may have fled, some arrested, some may announce retirement. But they are still there. The fact that so many of their followers are armed, are used to violence and, unlike most other parties, have a mass basis, makes their presence more ominous.

However, while we condemn their behaviour that brought us to this sad situation, that party's role in our national movement for independence and, particularly, the charismatic presence of Bangabandhu in that struggle, cannot be dismissed or minimised. One must demonstrate some maturity and objectivity in separating his inspiring leadership at that critical juncture in our national history from his obvious missteps and misjudgements later.

Along the same lines, weaponising "muktijuddher chetona," the hawking of "official" narratives by claiming exclusive partisan ownership over the war (even pitting freedom fighters against the people e.g., through "quotas") and interjecting the hateful word "Razakar" during the current unrest, were all crude and cruel interventions. However, the war itself, and the artefacts and relics of that glorious period of our national history, must not be tarnished but appreciated, preserved and studied (hopefully by scholars and researchers and not slogan-mongering party hacks).

Finally, the "India factor" lurks around the corner. There is no doubt that India deserves our respect and gratitude for its actions and sacrifices in our Liberation War. It had harboured millions of our refugees, hosted our government in exile, provided weapons and training to our freedom fighters, offered critical diplomatic support and, eventually, fought a war with Pakistan in which 3,843 of its soldiers were killed and 9,851 wounded.

The initial relationship was predictably rosy but soured later. Many bilateral issues (such as trade barriers, market access, illegal immigration, borders, water sharing, etc) could all be resolved if good faith negotiations between equals had been pursued. However, India's patronising attitudes and the insensitivity to the interests and demands of Bangladesh increasingly forced the latter to look weak and dependent. In popular perception, India turned from a "good neighbour" into a "neighbourhood bully."

The relationship became more complicated through the unleashing of communal forces in India through the ascent of proto-fascist forces pursuing a Hindutva agenda of supremacy and intolerance which led to systematic assaults on India's Muslim history and heritage, as well as the rights and practices of minorities. This would affect the people of Bangladesh as well.

Finally, India left the impression that it was more interested in cultivating a relationship with a particular "party" than with the sovereign country that international law and norms dictate. This politicised its role and compromised its neutrality. And since that "party" stands discredited in Bangladesh today, and its leader has found protection in India, the situation becomes murkier yet.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs? The nation wishes them success and waits in hope and prayers.

Dr Ahrar Ahmad is professor emeritus at Black Hills State University in the US, and director general of Gyantapas Abdur Razzaq Foundation in Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of...

www.newagebd.net

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia
Zulker Naeen 21 August, 2024, 00:00

A scene of student protests in Dhaka on July 18. | New Age/Sony Ramany

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of youth-driven movements in bringing about significant radical change in Bangladesh. Like their Arab counterparts a decade earlier, these uprisings were a consequence of widespread dissatisfaction with corrupt governance. The youth of Bangladesh were driven by frustration with autocratic governance, economic inequality, and a desire for greater political freedom.

This revolution in Bangladesh — from a demand seeking reforms in the quota system for public services to a call for Hasina’s resignation — marks a pivotal moment in the country’s political landscape, driven by a generation of young people disillusioned with the status quo. This movement emerged from deep-seated frustrations over economic inequality, job scarcity, and a political system that many viewed as corrupt and unresponsive to their needs.

Sheikh Hasina’s leadership since 2009 has brought significant economic advancement but has also been characterised by an authoritative governance style. The July Revolution, driven by the increasing dissatisfaction of the unstoppable youth, abruptly terminated her 15-year rule over Bangladesh. Textbooks are being rewritten to downplay the darker periods of the Hasina regime, and there is a concerted effort to build a new national identity that reflects the aspirations of a younger generation.

The ‘Bangla Spring’ symbolises a youth-driven movement aimed at challenging the existing political order, advocating for more democratic governance, and rejecting the autocratic practices of the ruling regime. It reflects a broader trend of youth engagement in political activism, with students at the forefront of pushing for systemic change.

This metaphor of rebirth and renewal traces its origins back to the Arab Spring in the early 2010s, where the collective voice of the youth reshaped the future of entire nations. As we witness the recent youth-led revolution in Bangladesh, the question arises: Is this another ‘spring’? And why does the metaphor continue to resonate so powerfully?

Back to history, the Arab Spring began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, set himself on fire in protest against police corruption and ill-treatment. The suicide in public ignited a wave of protests that spread throughout Tunisia to other Arab countries, including Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain.

Similarly, in South Asia, widespread ‘Gota Go Gama’ protests in Sri Lanka in 2022 exemplify the immense power of youth in driving political change, much like the recent uprisings in Bangladesh. As Sri Lanka’s economic crisis deepened in 2022, it was the nation’s youth — primarily university students — who became the backbone of a sustained, months-long movement that ultimately toppled the government.

Recently, on August 9, the ‘Reclaim the Night’ marches across West Bengal, sparked by the horrific rape and murder of a young doctor, have resonated deeply with the spirit of the student-led revolution in Bangladesh.

Now that the movement has spread to other Indian cities like Delhi, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Pune, it goes beyond just a demand for safety; it represents a broader political awakening, a sort of ‘spring.’ The echoes of Bangladesh’s revolution have crossed borders, fuelling a fire in West Bengal that challenges not only the status quo but the very fabric of a system that has long failed its people. Recently, the Pakistan Student Federation issued a stern condition to the government, demanding the release of former prime minister Imran Khan by August 30. This demand follows closely on the heels of the successful student-led revolution in Bangladesh, which has sparked similar sentiments among the youth in Pakistan. This student marches from Islamabad’s D Chowk to bring true freedom, signalling a potential escalation in the already tense political landscape of Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the echos of the Bangla Spring are influencing and inspiring youth movements in neighbouring countries and their political discourse. Perhaps a growing sense of solidarity and shared response among South Asian youths makes them increasingly willing to challenge established political orders in pursuit of justice and freedom.

It was clear when the Kolkata students marched and organised sit-in demonstrations with banners expressing solidarity with Bangladeshi students who were laying chests in front of the gun while protesting against the government in July. Undeniably, this solidarity shown by Kolkata’s youth was a powerful testament to the boundless spirit of youth who stand united against oppression and injustice. It has illustrated that the voice of students knows no borders when it comes to demanding rights and challenging any discriminatory systems.

After this dramatic fall of the Hasina regime, the ‘Bangla Spring’ represents more than just a moment in Bangladesh’s history; it has become a beacon of inspiration for young populations in neighbouring countries like India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The Bangla Spring may very well be the catalyst for a new wave of uprisings across South Asia, as the seeds of revolution are already being sown in fertile soils with discontent. Students and young activists in India have taken to the streets to protest policies they believe undermine democracy and secularism. A growing youth demographic in Pakistan is increasingly demanding systemic change, challenging the status quo with unprecedented vigour because of economic stagnation and political instability. Similarly, in Sri Lanka, young people have been at the forefront of protests against economic mismanagement and political corruption, echoing the spirit of the Bangla Spring in their demands for a new political order.

As young people across the region unite in their demands for a more just and equitable future, they are collectively reshaping the narrative of their nations, signalling that the spirit of the Bangla Spring is alive and spreading, poised to redefine the future of South Asia. Now, it is a clear picture of the streets where the humid air will reverberate with the powerful chants of ‘We want justice,’ a cry that transcends mere slogans to become the very anthem of the march. The streets will be alive once again with the march of students, their faces aglow with the light of mobile phones, candles, and flaming torches. Carrying the national flag with pride, they will stand united, hand in hand, and their voices will be amplified by the auspicious sound of conch shells, a call for justice that echoed through the daylight and night.

Under the cover of umbrellas or soaked by the rain, they will continue their march — a symbol of unwavering determination. Despite the gridlock late at night, the streets won’t contain the tide of marchers. Such a sea of humanity is not an ordinary protest — it is a collective awakening, a powerful testament to the enduring spirit of a people united in their pursuit of justice and change. Similarly, the Bangla Spring, the new dawn of revolution, marks a pivotal chapter in South Asian history, where the youth of Bangladesh became the torchbearers of a revolution — marching to the streets, armed with nothing but their convictions and a desire for change with the spirit of spring — a season of hope, resilience, and transformation. As we watch the events unfold in Bangladesh, it is clear that this movement has the potential to reshape not only its own country’s political landscape but also inspire similar movements across South Asia. Whether this is a new ‘spring’ or just a revolution, one thing is certain: the youth of Bangladesh have made history, and their actions will reverberate far beyond their nation’s borders.

Zulker Naeen is a research coordinator at the Centre for Critical and Qualitative Studies, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably...

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A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond
Raudah Mohd Yunus 23 August, 2024, 00:00

| New Age/Md Saurav

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably equivalent to the fluency of a 3-year old Bengali kid). This gradual familiarisation with Bangladeshi culture and people has led me to become somewhat well-versed in the country’s history and politics.

From the 1971 war to the recent mass student protests that have finally liberated Bangladesh from Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic grip, my concern for Bangladesh and its future is very much similar to that I had grown for Egypt, where I had spent six years of my early adulthood studying medicine at its Alexandria University. In Egypt, I had seen the good and the evil. For six consecutive years, I revelled in the relentless beauty of the Mediterranean Sea, and enjoyed street foods like kushari, ta’miyya, and the ful-falafel sandwich. I made numerous unforgettable friendships with the locals, from classmates in the campus to the bawwab at the apartment building where I lived. At the same time, I witnessed horrendous atrocities committed against Egyptians, especially students and young people. Despite the widespread political suppression and a palpable climate of fear, Egyptian youth take to the streets every now and then, and were often met with tear gas and bullets from the Egyptian special force known for their brutality.

Frankly speaking, I cannot remember how many times I saw clashes between students and these special forces in our campus and heard news about medical students being arrested, or someone’s father or brother imprisoned. Such was the heavy price Egyptians paid for speaking the truth and demanding something better for the nation. There were days when I had to squeeze myself in between protesters and the security personnel through the university main gate, to catch my classes without being late. In those times, I often felt remorseful that I could not stand with my classmates or help amplify their voices. I was mostly a bystander trying to make sense of the complexities of Egyptian politics with my young and naïve mind.

Given my earlier acquaintance with Egypt, encountering Bangladesh gave me a distinct sense of déjà vu. In Dhaka, the super-crowded streets and impossible-to-navigate traffic reminded me of Cairo al-zahma (‘Cairo the Crowded’). My favourite scenes of green paddy fields and children splashing in ponds along the rail line from Dhaka to Brahmanbaria often brought my memories back to the peaceful life in rural Egypt where farmer families work hard to make ends meet. Some of the rural Egyptian children made it to prestigious medical schools across the country only to be bewildered by the marginalisation of poor students and favouritism shown to their peers from the upper class. What is more, they received harsh treatment if they dared voice out opinions that challenged the authority.

Indeed, this was a common experience among millions of Bangladeshi youth, especially the poor who travel from remote villages to study at universities with the hope of securing better jobs and improving the lives of loved ones left behind. Universities that were supposed to be centres for learning and intellectual development turned out to be a nightmare for innocent students. Many of them soon learnt that these were the places of discrimination, suppression of democratic voices and movements, and outright brutality by political forces such as the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League.

All these bring memories from my days in Egypt. On one sunny day my friends and I were strolling in a park in Egypt’s Abu Qir when a car suddenly pulled up next to us. A young gentleman jumped out, asking where we were from. Perhaps it was obvious from our looks that we were not locals. When we told him about our country of origin, he started pleading for advice on how he could get out of Egypt and travel to a foreign land for better life opportunities. I was taken aback by his sudden, emotional plea. But what I gathered from him was trauma, pain and anger. That man represented the anguish of the millions of young Egyptians who felt betrayed by their country.

Bangladeshi youth were no different. The high out-migration of young people, along with a severe brain drain phenomenon that the country has been grappling with, was a testament to the collective frustration experienced by the young generation, especially those with education and skills. Needless to say, these precious gems would be more than happy to serve the country if given the right treatment and opportunity. Alas, Sheikh Hasina and her colleagues in the government were more interested in ill-gotten wealth and power than investing in their own fellow countrymen!

An ever-present vibe I observed and picked up through conversations with locals in Dhaka and rural areas in Bangladesh that I have visited was fear and intimidation. Among the university students, a recurrent topic was bullying and physical aggression by the BCL members while regular families spoke of kidnapping, forced disappearances and looting of properties by the Awami League’s officers and supporters. Most of these atrocities were committed with impunity. As a result, ordinary people are often too scared to voice their genuine views or make any political demands, because they know too well the consequences.

Back home in Kuala Lumpur, through Bangladeshi expatriate friends, I heard every now and then that someone they knew escaped to Malaysia because of the persecution and harassment they had faced for speaking out against Hasina’s misrule and corruption. As such, I have seen how these forced migrations had caused intense suffering and torn families apart. Some of these victims had to spend years in hiding, moving from one place to another. Some even died in exile, never to see their loved ones again. These stories came from my very own personal encounters; thus, I wonder how many Bangladeshis shared the same fate and fled to other parts of the globe to avoid torture and death.

In July 2024, Bangladesh’s streets erupted in violence. To be more accurate, the country was gripped by mass student protests sparked by a discriminatory job quota system. The protests had begun as a peaceful movement until they were met with violence and attacks by security forces and thugs linked to the ruling party. Protesters were deterred by bullets and tear gas, causing a total of nearly one thousand deaths. The number of those who would die later due to injuries is unknown. Among the resistance icons was Abu Sayed, a 25-year-old student from Rangpur who was shot point-blank by the police despite standing with his arms open to show that he did not intend any harm to people around him. To aggravate Sayed’s families’ grief, the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina subsequently staged a two-minute drama of ‘deceitful compassion’ where she invited Sayed’s family to her office, hugged his mother and shed tears, promising her proper investigation and justice. Of course, the two-minute meeting was full of photographers to make sure the drama was well-captured and memorialised, making the whole nation aware of Hasina’s ‘empathy and benevolence’.

Nonetheless, as violent crackdowns continued, Bangladesh’s students defied death and persisted. The increasing brutality against them only strengthened their resolve. On July 18, the government shut down the internet and all communication networks. The next day, the government deployed the military and imposed a national curfew. Bangladeshi friends who live around me in Wisconsin were anxious and panicking over their inability to communicate with loved ones back home. Some of them narrated heart-wrenching stories of how sick family members were unable to move or access health care because of the curfew. For the ill needing urgent medical attention, living through the sudden movement restriction was like waiting for a death sentence.

The protests grew wider and more intense, to the point that police and army officers could no longer bring themselves to use further violence to quell the gatherings despite the ‘shoot-on-sight’ order. On August 5, Hasina fled Bangladesh after a 15-year misrule that has deeply scarred the nation. A wave of shock, relief and joy swept over Bangladesh and beyond. It was a moment of triumph and liberation! Three days later, 2006 Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus arrived in Dhaka to lead Bangladesh’s interim government. There was a mixture of emotions — hope and joy, along with sorrow and grief for the martyrs who had given their lives but did not witness this spectacular victory.

Thirteen years ago, on February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak was ousted following 18 days of intense protests throughout Egypt. His 30-year autocratic rule ended with the uprising of Egyptians who could no longer tolerate a brutal, corrupt and undemocratic government that served not its people but vested interests of the elites and western powers. Similarly, Hasina’s 15-year dictatorship and oppression ended with the revolution of Bangladeshi youth who could no longer endure political injustices and socio-economic discrimination that favoured the few at the expense of the many. The political landscape in Egypt has taken different turns and directions since then. But we pray and hope that the liberation of Bangladesh from the grip of Hasina and Awami League will be a reason to celebrate for a very long time.

As I watch political scenes in Bangladesh unfold, I can only pray hard that this liberation brings lasting peace, justice and prosperity to the millions of Bangladeshi youth who had risked their lives to fight for a better future. May this liberation protect and uplift the oppressed, poor and destitute — from the rickshaw wallas who illuminate the vibrant streets of Dhaka to political refugees living in exile and away from their loved ones. This defining moment is a lesson and reminder to all the corrupt and tyrannical regimes out there. Particularly, Bangladesh’s revolution is a warning to the genocidal Israeli occupation that their day of reckoning is coming soon.

Raudah Mohd Yunus is a public health specialist. She is currently a postdoctoral researcher at the Medical College of Wisconsin, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Revolution before us

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-nig

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Revolution before us
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39
Updated :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-night vigils to drive back robbers as the police fled their stations immediately after the fall of the past government. It was a case of total collapse of law and order. But the nation was united behind students to face any challenge to their independence and national sovereignty. The armed forces also rose to the occasion and stood beside the people.

Students managed road traffic in absence of traffic police and the people were with them heart and soul. Now the nation is facing another daunting crisis, the most devastating flash floods in the last 31 years inundating 11 north-eastern and south-eastern districts. About 5 million people are affected. Will the hardly three weeks old interim government of Dr Yunus be able to tide over this new crisis? But Dr Yunus and his team of advisers are not alone in meeting this new challenge. The whole nation is behind him. Whether natural or manmade, Bangladeshi people have shown in every case of past calamities their resilience against all odds. As always, such resilience is demonstrated through national unity. Consider the long queues of people with food, water, clothes, cash money at the TSC (Teacher-Student Centre) of the Dhaka University where some three thousand students of the anti-discrimination student have been busy collecting and packaging donated relief goods for the flood-stricken people. Notably, their relief goods collection started since August 21 following the heavy rainfall the days before in the Indian state of Tripura causing floods there. To make matters worse, in the face of building water pressure, the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in Tripura was reportedly opened resulting in the sudden deluge in the downstream areas of Bangladesh. The student volunteers have also been coordinating the entire relief operation through their committees formed across the nation for the purpose. The energy of the nation's youth is now unleashed for the humanitarian cause of helping the flood-hit people. All such activities are taking place spontaneously without seeking any state support. So, the government can now plan, and it has already been doing so, how the yet bigger challenge of post-flood rehabilitation work could be met. On this score, the Chief Adviser, Dr Muhammad Yunus, on Saturday, August 24 met NGO leaders and stressed utilising their expertise as well as local knowledge (the experiences of the people in their centuries-long struggle against floods and other natural disasters) to carry out relief operation and post-flood rehabilitation in a coordinated fashion. At this point, he did not fail to bring to the notice of those present on the occasion the extraordinary scene at the TSC.

We also witnessed such concentration of youthful energy when they braved the bullets of the autocracy and brought about its downfall. But they would not have been able to achieve that had their brothers, sisters, parents, friends and neighbours not also joined them.

It is a kind of unity among the people that the nation saw during the Liberation War in 1971. So, it is not just accidental that people are calling August 5 as the day of second independence.

People, in the thick of street fights, skirmishes and brawls during what were later known as revolutions of the past, did not know they were becoming part of history. The famished Paris mob that stormed the Bastille fortress on July 14, 1789 did not know that their action would go down the history as one that would change the world. So were the working class women protesting against food shortages and high prices of bread in the streets of Petrograd (then-capital of Russia) on February 23, 1917 unware that they were part of revolution that not only changed the Russian, but the world history.

In fact, no revolution is ever planned. It happens. History later records it as a revolution. So, was what happened on August 5, 2024 a revolution? Being the part of the fast-changing events, it is not possible to grasp what the totality of it is looking like. Will it all reach a successful end?

Many revolutionary events in history did not end up in the expected way in the long run. The republican revolutions of 1848 in Europe, for instance, finally ended not with a bang but a whimper. So, did many others. This is how some historians would like to describe great social and political events of the past. Success or failure of a revolution is in the mind of the historian who narrates it. Revolutionary events, like storms, take place to bring about a radical change in the existing order of things.

The August 5 was such a revolutionary moment with the potential to change the oppressive structure of the state and governance. Hence was the outburst of protesting masses, whose energy was unleashed to destroy the existing order-the physical structures and the narratives of that oppressive order. So did a few instances of excesses were seen to have been committed to the chagrin of some cultured members of society. True, the people who bring about changes are in the thick of things. They have no scope to observe and analyse events from a distance and come up with a value judgement ---if those were good or bad!

But if excesses do not happen, that is anything but revolution. It is up to history to judge that.​

 

[Saif]

The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds.

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The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The youth-led movement's victory in wresting freedom from an autocratic, kleptocratic government has provided us with the rare opportunity to once more rebuild our nation from scratch, to let go of all previous baggage and perforce political and geopolitical settlements on top of which Bangladesh had to be built. We have managed to raze all of that to the ground and before us lies a clean slate.

However, this is an urgent call to collectively be cognisant of the fact that our country right now is at an extremely critical stage. We are at this point, in essence, straddling a high, thin ledge, on one side of which lies the potential for a strong, sustained democratic Bangladesh and on the other side the spectre of crippled, failed nation.

Statistics, unfortunately, offer no solace either. In modern history, student-led movements against autocratic regimes have been one of the most studied phenomena in the realms of politics and political science. Here, statistics show that most countries fail to achieve that holy grail of a corruption-free, economically stable democracy, the vision of which generally fuels the movement towards its culmination of ousting an unpopular regime.

The post-movement results however fall anywhere along the spectrum of a country either descending into a failed state, reverting to some other form of autocracy, falling into military control, or managing to attain some success but by no means anywhere near the anticipated goal. Therefore, the aftermath of a successful movement is a political "Bermuda Triangle" so to speak—the potential to transition to democracy following many a successful uprising has disappeared exactly at this stage.

Post-movement, Bangladesh is at that fragile stage right now. If we want to beat the odds, and beat the statistics, we absolutely must draw lessons and do things differently. This begins with the urgent realisation that the key drivers of a successful mass uprising and those of a democratic transition post long-term autocracy are vastly different.

The necessary drivers of a democratic transition, following a successful movement include: firstly, a temporary governance arrangement that is non-partisan, socially legitimate with clear time limits and with predominant responsibility to establish an enabling environment for the conduct of free, fair elections; second, a set of functioning state institutions that would enable the conduct of democratic elections; third, existence of pro-democracy political parties with clear democracy mandates; and finally a regional environment that is supportive at the very least.

It is then important to analyse whether these drivers are present and if so, how do they manifest in case of Bangladesh? In case of their absence, what can be done as corrective action?

Taking the first driver, we have largely met that condition by establishing, in the immediate aftermath of an autocratic regime, a non-partisan, interim government that is socially acceptable to all stakeholders. Also fully understood is that the interim government will be working towards ensuring a democratic general election. However, a clear time limit and the overall terms of responsibility are yet to be set officially, which are essential elements of any temporary governance arrangement.
Nevertheless, concessions may be made for not being able to immediately set a time limit or terms of reference, as the interim government took reins at a time of deep national crisis. Almost all state institutions have been rendered completely dysfunctional through the infestation of the upper ranks with inept, corrupt, and partisan personnel.

This brings us to the second stated driver of having some key functioning institutions in place for the conduct of elections. It can therefore be argued that the reforms being undertaken by the interim government, which include the law enforcement agencies, judiciary, election commission etc., are required, at the very least, for democratic elections to be held.

Having said that, it will, however, be an astute move by the interim government to try and keep within a time frame of 120 days, as was stated in the erstwhile caretaker government provision. An interim arrangement, in juxtaposition to an active constitution of a parliamentary democracy, continuing for a longer period lays it open to several risks. These include the risk of being challenged on the legitimacy of reforms that cannot be directly linked to the formation of an enabling environment for general elections, the risk of being viewed as a form of power nab backed by the military (akin to the 2006-08 situation), consequently the risk of losing goodwill and support of international, pro-democracy allies; and perhaps most importantly, the risk of allowing our great "neighbour" time to re-insinuate itself once again and debilitatingly so, into our socio-political sphere.

Moving to the third driver, this requires the existence of pro-democracy political parties that in mandate and action engage to protect and uphold the principles of democracy. In functioning democracies, political parties tend to fulfil a vital intermediate role between citizens and the state, in which they represent citizens' interests and translate these into policy agenda. Now, in Bangladesh, most existing political parties will state that they are pro-democracy by "general intent," but by no means do they represent citizens' interests nor are they responsive to the needs. Instead, parties are engaged in struggle for power and access to state resources. In addition, 15 years of hostile rule by a single party have, to a great extent, left an impoverished political culture.

To ensure a sustainable democratic transition, we therefore need political parties that are explicitly pro-democracy, reinvigorated to embrace and represent the needs of the citizens, and eschew focusing on personal interests and patronage systems. Although there is no dearth of political parties in Bangladesh, extensive party reforms are necessary to have them surface into the modern era and serve as vehicles of representation. As such, one of the key tasks that the interim government should engage on, and this can relate directly to its primary mandate of electoral preparations, is to dialogue with political parties on required reforms, to be able to carry forward the kind of democracy we Bangladeshis are dreaming of.

The fourth and final driver, and perhaps the most significant one, is sadly one that is missing in case of Bangladesh: a regional environment that is supportive for a democratic transition. Through a combination of geography and an unrelenting, detrimental presence in our internal affairs, "regional" for us has unfortunately devolved into meaning only India. With Sheikh Hasina gone, perhaps for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, most serendipitously, India has been left with little or no "game" in this country, so to speak. However, we are indeed feeling the effects of this: the inexorable effort to try and establish the "invisible foreign hand" conspiracy theory, for instance, to not only undermine the agency of Bangladeshis to oust an autocracy but to also try and create a narrative for India to come (back) in to counter the "foreign hand."

Then there is misinformation vastly exaggerating the attack on minorities. Despite more and more reports to the contrary, India continues to overplay this in local and international media. These are all but a few post-Hasina shenanigans of our great neighbour. The situation has been aptly described by a well-known international publication which headlined, "India 'over-invested in Hasina and under-invested in Bangladesh' – and is now panicking"

If democratic elections are held timely, for the first time India might find itself in a position where it neither influences the ruling party nor the opposition. This is a highly undesirable state of things for India and something it would try its level best to remedy. Therefore, the longer we go without a democratically elected government, the more vulnerable we remain to overt and covert ploys being set in motion to regain a structure of influence in Bangladesh.

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds. However, this will require us, both collectively and individually, to be aware of our current vulnerabilities and our fragility such that we can address these and make that transition to a democratic society, that so many before us have failed to achieve.

Mir Nadia Nivin is an international governance and institutional reform specialist having served previously with the UN in many countries around the world helping strengthen governance and implementing reforms.​

 

[Saif]

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive But to be young was very heaven Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement
Neil Ray
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive

But to be young was very heaven

Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic wrongs for the nation's journey to its cherished goal. But why is it heaven to be young? It is because they have dared to be the torch-bearers of not only an adventure on the road to a dream destiny but also challenged the rest of society to become their co-travellers.

First, they did it successfully by bringing down the government that represented the obsolete authoritarian system. Then, again they led from the front to take society at large along with themselves in mitigating the sufferings of the flood victims in the south-eastern areas of the country. The contrast between responses from either the deposed government or the people in general in the wake of cyclones Amphan or Remal and floods in Sylhet and those now witnessed is unmistakeable. Sure enough, the country's students or youths are the beacon of hope for the nation.

However, is the nation or even a section of students ready to go all the way with the mainstream students who have been striving to cement the student-people bond in favour of a social transformation for the better? Certainly, there are forces within the ranks of both students and people who joined the mass movement ---and those apart from anti-social elements ---inimical to the causes the leaderships of students are fighting for. The 200 or so higher secondary examinees who stormed the secretariat to wrest the cancellation order from the newly installed government expose a glaring deviation. Then the numerous incidents of resignation by teachers under duress in several cases accompanied with humiliation and physical assaults are contrary to the spirit of the anti-discrimination movement.

The other negative development is the non-compliance at the grassroots level of instructions issued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) hierarchy. There are reports that immediately after the entrenched extortionist gangs of the deposed government left the scene, their places have been taken over by the counterparts from the BNP. Initially, students monitored some lucrative spots for extortion such as Karwan Bazar and the new batch of extortionists could be kept at bay. With the student vigilance gone on account of concentration to both study and collection of relief materials for the flood victims, the social parasites have staged a comeback.

However, one particular incident involving such a takeover of Shimulia ferry ghat (jetty), fish jetty and trawler jetty inspires hope. More than a hundred BNP lower ranked leaders and followers, reports a contemporary, brought out a protest rally demanding expulsion of the president and general secretary of the BNP unit of Kumarbhog, Louhajang for their capture of the jetties and starting extortion from there and shops all around. Remarkably, the general secretary of the Krishak League of Louhajang Upazila took lease of the jetties from the Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority (BIWTA) on payment of Tk 16,000,000 for the current fiscal year.

In this case, the protest has come from within the party rank and file. This bodes well for all including the interim government because such social resistances make its job easier. There is no alternative to banishing extortionists from society. Not only do they hold hostage business and transports but also contribute to stoking inflation. Now is the time to bring an end to this anti-social culture once for all. The social parasites ---no matter which party they belong to ---must not be given any space if the purpose is to create a society free of discrimination.​

 

[Saif]

We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus sends out a message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising in Bangladesh.

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We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain
The chief adviser’s message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising

Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history’s most glorious revolutions. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

On September 5, we celebrated a month of achieving Bangladesh's second independence. Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history's most glorious revolutions.

They have ended the 15-year-long dictatorial rule of the fascist Sheikh Hasina, under whose leadership a brutal massacre was conducted. Sheikh Hasina has fled, leaving behind a corrupt state and a fragile economy. It is our responsibility to establish our Bangladesh in her full glory.

I am remembering those brave young people, workers, day labourers, and professionals who embraced death as they stood up against a heinous, murderous, fascist power. I am remembering the journalists killed during the movement. I convey deep respect to everyone who was martyred in this revolution.

I also want to salute the thousands of people who were wounded, who were hit by deadly force to be left crippled for life, and those who lost their eyes.

Last month, when I was given the responsibility of leading the interim government, I was inspired by the selfless sacrifices of Abu Sayed, Mugdho, and every known and unknown martyr, to take the responsibility despite all my limitations.

I am committed to fulfilling the dream of building a new Bangladesh that our young revolutionaries have ignited in the hearts of the people of the country. Inspired by the sacrifices of the martyrs, we want to change the course of history. We want to commence a new era.

You took an oath to realise your dreams. Your dreams, painted across the walls of urban and rural localities, still stand in front of us adorned in colours.

During the revolution, you discarded your studies to spend your stressful, sleepless nights with friends and then in the daytime, you said your final goodbyes to each other and took to the streets to resist a cruel regime. At the end of the revolution, you guarded the religious minorities of the country and their places of worship, and took the responsibility of directing traffic across the country. I know your studies have been harmed. So now, it's time to get back to your studies. Schools, colleges, and universities have been reopened. I urge you to go back to class and to your campuses. Because we need a well-educated and skilled generation to take home the fruit of the revolution.

It has only been a month since the interim government took responsibility. Despite that, we have undertaken important reform work to achieve the true goals of the revolution. Our first task is to ensure justice and accountability for the killings of July and August. To conduct a free and neutral investigation into the massacre under the leadership of the United Nations, we have invited the United Nations Human Rights Office. They have come to the country and started their work.

Other than this, I have also spoken to leading international law experts with a view to creating a tribunal of international standards to try those individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the months of July and August. We want to extradite the murderers and bring back the money that corrupt individuals, politicians, and bureaucrats have embezzled during the time of the autocrat. We have started discussions with specialist institutions to this end.

One of our prime responsibilities is to ensure the free treatment of the thousands who were severely injured during the revolution. Countless young students have lost their eyesight because Hasina's criminals shot rubber bullets aiming for their eyes. We will try with everything we have to bring back the light in their eyes. We are continuously working to create a full list of those martyred and wounded. The main list is ready. Now, we are collecting information on those whose bodies have been taken far away to make the list complete. Work is at the final stage to create a foundation to cover the expensive treatment of the hundreds of wounded who need long-term treatment, as well as to look after the families of the martyred. We will never forget those whose martyrdom gave us the birth of a new Bangladesh.

Recently, we signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As a result, we are internationally committed to ending the "disappearance culture" established by the dictator. Separately, we are forming a commission to investigate each and every incident of enforced disappearance in the 15 years of the fascist rule. Our hearts go out to the families who have spent years after years in painful wait for their missing fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers.

The Aynaghars ("Houses of Mirrors," where victims of enforced disappearance were kept) have been closed down. We will soon be able to know about the suffering and pain of our brothers and sisters who were victims of enforced disappearance.

I presented a report of the important reforms our government has undertaken in my address to the nation at the end of last month. We are continuously meeting political parties, editors, political leaders, members of civil society, and diplomats. They are supporting our reform initiatives. We have been overwhelmed by the massive support we have received from our foreign friends. Our brave and patriotic expatriates have also been engaged in the efforts to reform the nation. I want to thank them all sincerely.

On this memorable and sad occasion, I want to express endless gratitude to the families of every martyr and every person who was wounded. I will invite the family members of every martyr to the capital, and I will meet them within a few days. I want to assure them that we will never betray the dreams of the martyrs.

We are moving forward. Now, our big challenge is repairing the damage created by misrule and dictatorship. For this, we need unity and coordination.

We all take the oath to not allow, as a nation, the blood of the martyrs and the sacrifice of our wounded brothers and sisters to fail at any cost. We will never allow the opportunity they have created for us to slip out of our hands. On this memorable occasion, we vow again to create the Bangladesh of their dreams.

May the Almighty help us all.

Prof Muhammad Yunus is the chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don’t stop till the job is done

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students’ and the people’s dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

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Don’t stop till the job is done
Yunus tells organisers of student movement about building a new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus talking to organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement at the Chief Adviser’s Office in the capital’s Tejgaon yesterday. Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students' and the people's dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

"For the dream, they sacrificed their lives. We must make that dream a reality. We have no other way," he said.

Not only are the people of the country eager to build a new nation, but Bangladeshis all over the world are also saying they want to be a part of realising that dream, he said at a views-exchange meeting with the students at the Chief Adviser's Office yesterday.

Yunus said when he sees graffiti on the walls, it surprises him. "How did the students come up with so many words? There were no poets, no writers, and no scholars behind them," he said.

Warning the students about possible attempts to sideline them from their nation-building work, he said, "Don't give up until the job that you have taken up is done."

Students have awakened a wave; they have also awakened the youth of the whole world. "The youth of other countries also say they want to learn about us because they need this in their country too," Yunus said.

He urged the students to write to him at least once a month so that the government does not go off course.

Bangladeshis did not get such an opportunity to rebuild the country since its birth. All should remain alert so that no one can take this away, he said, adding that if the opportunity was taken away, there would be no future for Bangladesh.

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles during the uprising were present at the event.

Briefing reporters at the Foreign Service Academy later on, Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up in the discussion.

"Sir [Prof Yunus] repeatedly said that we need good relations with our neighbours, but it needs to be based on equity, honour, and justice."

MOB JUSTICE, VIOLENCE

During the views exchange, a student leader pointed out that stopping the incidents of mob justice is one of the main tasks of the interim government.

If mob justice spreads to different parts of the society, then a vested group can infiltrate and definitely try to destroy the students' unity, the leader said.

Mahfuj in the briefing said, "The government has a clear position regarding mob justice. It can in no way be allowed."

He said the law would take its own course when it comes to vigilante justice like attacks on mazars, temples or any person.

"People will not 'try' anyone who was part of the fascist government or the sycophants that surrounded it. Rather, they will remain alert so that there is no compromise [with the perpetrators] and no one betrays the martyrs and those who got injured," Mahfuj said.

He said that the government has already taken some stern actions and will take even stronger measures.

RELIGION IN POLITICS, CASES

Another student leader said religion has consistently been used as a political tool and this has to be stopped.

Mahfuj after the event said a student of BRAC University raised the issue of religions being used in politics.

He said there were no discussions regarding the matter as it involved the constitution and other institutions.

When a reporter asked about the large number of people being accused in cases, Mahfuj said that a due and standard process should be followed when a case is filed.

CAMPUS POLITICS

A woman student leader said a teacher or a student may have their own political ideology, but on campus they should only be a teacher or a student.

"We don't want to see any politically labelled teacher or student on campus," she said.

Mahfuj said many agreed in the meeting that the kind of student politics Chhatra League and Awami League practised should not return to campuses.

There is an ongoing debate and discussion at educational institutions about what kind of politics the students and teachers can be involved in on campus. The government will decide only after seeing a consensus reached through that debate, he said.

OTHER SUGGESTIONS

The student leaders recommended that the interim government take steps to control the price of essentials and ensure voting rights of the people by reforming the Election Commission.

They said the government should focus on increasing agricultural production by providing subsidies to farmers, lowering the costs of pesticides, diesel, and farm equipment.

They also expressed concerns over brain drain; border killings; and law and order.

A student leader appealed to Yunus to take steps so that those who go abroad for postgraduate and PhD degrees return home afterwards.

Another student called upon the interim government to allocate a greater portion of the GDP to the education sector.​

 

[Saif]

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh

Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

www.thedailystar.net

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh
Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged students to keep up their efforts to build Bangladesh as a "dignified and unique" country.

"Don't give up until the task that you have taken up is completed," he told students at an opinion exchange meeting at the Chief Adviser's Office, alerting them that there might be efforts to isolate them from their nation-building work.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh did not get such an opportunity since its birth, and there will be no further if this opportunity is missed.

"We will build a dignified and unique country together. People from the whole world would come and learn from you," he said, urging the students to keep up the momentum.

"Don't come out of your efforts," said Prof Yunus, adding that this is a collective dream that needs to be materialised.

The Nobel Laureate said the young people who brought an opportunity to build a new Bangladesh are on the right track.

"You are right and transparent in your thoughts. Write to us at least once in a month. Remind us repeatedly if anything remains undone. Keep reminding us so that we do not deviate from materializing your dream," he said.

Prof Yunus said the students have done an extraordinary job and they have no intention to deviate from doing whatever is necessary for building a new Bangladesh.

He said the students did not only create a wave of change in the minds of people in Bangladesh but also people around the world.

Prof Yunus said this is the beginning of a new world led by the youth. "You are history."

Much of Dhaka has turned into the graffiti capital of the world. Young students and children aged as young as 12-13 have painted the walls of this 400-year-old city with images of a new democratic environment-friendly Bangladesh.

"This surprised me. Each word written on walls is important," said Prof Yunus, adding that, "We are here to build a new Bangladesh. We need to do it together."

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles on the ground were present at the opinion exchange meeting held at the Chief Adviser's Office.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said there was an emotional atmosphere and they could not hold tears at one stage when Prof Yunus was sharing his experience based on what he saw in his eyes.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Fragile unity and challenges ahead

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led...

www.newagebd.net

Fragile unity and challenges ahead
HM Nazmul Alam 19 September, 2024, 00:00

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

H M Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans

NRBs gathered in New Jersey showed eagerness to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward.

www.thedailystar.net

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans
Snapshots from my latest conversations with Gregorians in North America

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It was heartwarming to see so many old faces from my school days as I attended the second reunion of Gregorians of North America (GNA), held on September 14 in New Jersey, US. Nearly 200 former students of St Gregory's High School, Dhaka had gathered—many with their spouses—from all over the US and Canada. The occasion was one of reconnecting, reminiscing, and exchanging stories, anecdotes and school-era jokes.

The most popular session was the one that focused on how Bangladesh became a Test-playing cricket nation and how we can build upon our recent extraordinary Test performance against Pakistan. There were many exciting comments regarding the ongoing tour of India. The session consisted of our early cricket heroes such as Syed Ashraful Huq, Yousuf Babu, and Khandker Nazrul Quader Lintu. Their personal stories of early failures, hard work and subsequent success entertained us all. Their experience-rich comments about the future kept everyone in rapt attention, and we wondered why these three stars are not a part of our present-day cricket board leadership, especially when so much is changing at the top echelon of professional bodies.

Shahudul Haque—Gullu to us all—kept the audience enthralled with the story of his incredible journey of walking more than 15,300 miles in 1,425 days (three years and 11 months). Starting on October 17, 2020, he has walked every day. Everyone gasped when he recounted that on rainy days, when he cannot go out, he climbs up and down the stairs of his 13-storey apartment building for as many times as it takes to complete his daily routine of minimum five miles. The circumference of Earth is nearly 25,000 miles, of which he has already passed the halfway mark. For someone who is in his mid-70s, such a feat of endurance made him an instant hero of the event.

Where I had the privilege to speak was a session titled "Recent events in Bangladesh and how NRBs can contribute in the changed circumstances." Everyone spoke in a manner that proved that they had been following the recent uprising most meticulously. There was a lot of pride in what has been achieved, accompanied with some feeling of uncertainty, especially regarding the various forces that appear to have been unleashed. While there were some uncertainties regarding reforms, a consensus seemed to prevail about significantly trimming the prime minister's power and fixing their tenure in office to a maximum of two terms.

Generally, they all welcomed the toppling of the previous government, having suffered the humiliation for many years of belonging to a country whose reputation of corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, cronyism and unaccountable power surpassed most others of similar category. Like us at home, the non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) also wondered how the Sheikh Hasina government could become so unbelievably oppressive. Whatever details I could provide led to more in-depth questions about the gradual deterioration of the quality of governance in Bangladesh. They wondered, like many of us, how a powerful regime like Sheikh Hasina's could fall so fast, so completely, and so ignominiously. People's power made it all possible.

They marvelled at the bravery of our young. Though we have a long tradition of student movements, the distinguishing feature of the July uprising was the participation of younger generation—boys and girls from schools. The Road Safety Movement in 2018 seemed to have broken the psychological barrier of school students to get down to the streets to fight for what they considered to be right and just. Families descended on the streets of Dhaka with courage and bravery that armies get trained for years to master. What amazed the NRBs over and over again were the stories of these students, spontaneously joined by the general public—including women, the elderly and young mothers—who continued to demonstrate for days in spite of police killing. To defy the trigger-happy police, Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) members for days, without the slightest sign of fear or despondency, will surely be recorded as one of the most courageous mass demonstrations in the world. The GNA audience were mesmerised by how young women participated with equal intensity and courage as their male counterparts in the daily battles with police and other forces. This marked a new phase in their sense of equality, confidence and self-assertion.

The NRBs' faith in Prof Muhammad Yunus seemed boundless. They all believe that he is the right person for the job, but are worried as to whether he would be given the time he needs for the reforms people expect him to deliver. The length of his tenure remained a lively topic throughout the event.

Fear was expressed about too many issues being placed on the agenda and that the enormity of the task would jeopardise the interim administration's success. The formation of six commissions with highly competent leaders somewhat assuaged the fear among the audience that substantive work could now be expected in some crucial areas.

What impressed me immensely was the eagerness of the NRBs gathered in New Jersey to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward, which has so suddenly emerged. The whole session was full of questions as to how these highly qualified Bangladeshi-Americans could help in the progress of their country of origin. There were professionals from academia, business, engineering, IT, medicine, pharmacy, and even cybersecurity. Those present mostly consisted of mid- to high-level professionals who, though they were US citizens, were eager and willing to partake in the new journey. They cited the example of their Indian counterparts who have made significant contributions to India's march forward. They greatly regretted the failures of past governments to tap into these highly trained intellectual resources, who have now gained strength and momentum and are ready to assist their country of origin. What they eagerly wanted was a dependable conduit—either governmental or through the private sector—to channel their professional and academic expertise to their counterparts in Bangladesh. Given Prof Yunus's experience and personal expertise on knowledge transfer, these NRBs feel confident that their long-cherished wish is on the verge of being fulfilled.

My brief exposure and fragmented exchanges convinced me that it's high time we established professional linkages with these highly qualified and equally highly motivated NRBs, and use their knowledge to assist in our journey in the potential-rich 21st century. We need to urgently set up some sort of mechanism to make use of this huge reservoir of talent that can help transform Bangladesh.

If knowledge is the most important resource of future advancement, then the global citizens of Bangladesh origin are eagerly waiting to serve Bangladesh in providing that crucial resource. It has been foolish on our part not to seek their collaboration earlier. It will be self-defeating, in fact suicidal, to continue in that direction.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

I don’t think Hasina fell because of my writing. Then why do I continue writing?

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Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

In the second half of that month, the government sought to eliminate the student protesters by means of point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

Some academics, journalists, and writers – including myself – started discussing the formation of the Forum for Bangladesh Studies in 2021. It was officially launched on October 10, 2022. Under the aegis of the forum, I have had the opportunity to work closely with some of the best minds of our country, including Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar.

My involvement with the forum helped me become more conscious of what was going on in Bangladesh during the 15-year autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina. It also brought on a greater sense of urgency for me to write and publish opinion pieces devoted to issues of the day and taking the Hasina regime to task. However, I was perturbed by the fear of possible government reprisals.

After reading some of my essays critical of the Hasina government, one well-meaning academic friend once cautioned me saying, "Be careful." I understood his message but couldn't stop writing. His kind concern for my safety increased my respect for him.

I shared my disquiet with Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar. He told me that if we stopped writing, that would embolden the repressive regime, and if many of us wrote, it would be difficult to hound us. He added that he kept raising voice against the regime's abuse of power to have a clear conscience. I agreed with him and increased the volume of my writing on what was happening in Bangladeshi politics.

However, despite conquering my fear of government oppression, I faced an unforeseen backlash from some of my friends. My stance against Hasina's autocracy alarmed them. Like me, they hated the regime to the bone, but they didn't consider it safe to maintain communication with someone who wrote columns in newspapers criticising the government. They went to the extent of not answering my phone calls; I respected their standpoint and stopped calling them.

I failed to see much logic in being overly fearful. I thought it was important to show solidarity with brave and courageous writers and journalists who were writing from within Bangladesh against the oppression of the Hasina regime. Moreover, the newspaper editors who published my writings were all based in Bangladesh. So, living thousands of miles away from the country, why should I be scared?

Then came the anti-discrimination student movement in July 2024. In the second half of that month, the government retaliated against student protesters with point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. Generally, an invading force uses such methods to subdue an occupied nation. But our own security forces used them, killing and maiming thousands of our students in broad daylight. Images of the cruelty of the government were unbearable—they had a chilling effect on me.

At the same time, I was outraged to see that some of our intellectual elites were providing the government with intellectual cover-ups while our unarmed students were being killed en masse. I understood their security concerns, but I thought that, at the very least, they could remain reticent. Instead, they chose to abet autocracy. Perhaps, they thought that the regime would survive that wave of protests, and with time, things would once again fall in place.

Fear gripped all of us—in Bangladesh and in its diasporas. We could not anticipate such a murderous venture by the Hasina government to quell the student movement, nor did we comprehend the logic behind using our security forces to kill our young people in the streets.

I suffered from a severe Hamletian dilemma. Shall I or shall I not write about the government repression on the student protesters? I wanted to write, but would my writing jeopardise the security of my family members in Bangladesh?

The internal battle within me was raging. It was between my urge to rise to the occasion and write, and the need to consider the safety of my family members back home. As I was torn between these two dominant emotions, on July 30, I received a request from a journalist friend in Dhaka, saying, "If possible, please write a piece on the student movement… we all are distraught. But we are speaking."

This message reinforced the severity of the situation and the urgency to speak up. It boosted my morale and I shed my fear and hesitancy. I immediately produced two essays: "What leads students to defy death on streets" (New Age, July 31, 2024) and "Violence against students: A tribute to our little John Hampdens" (The Daily Star, August 4, 2024).

I had written "Hasina's memory-killing tactics and our responsibility" before Hasina fell and fled on August 5. But it was published afterwards, on August 7.

In post-Hasina Bangladesh, my friends who sought to distance themselves from me now answer my phone calls. Intellectual elites who were hesitant until the morning of August 5 to call a spade a spade now describe Hasina's rule as an autocracy. Many of them who adjusted with the Hasina regime then are now readjusting with the interim government and with the new reality. They lived a comfortable life then and may continue to do so now. But I have great respect for those writers and journalists who wrote and spoke against Hasina's autocracy at a time when others didn't consider it prudent to do so. I feel morally privileged that I belong to this group.

Did my writings over the years shake Hasina's autocracy? Did they help mitigate the sufferings of people in Bangladesh and elsewhere? Or, did they embolden the anti-discrimination student movement? The answers to all these questions are probably in the negative. Not many writers are able to make a material difference in society through their writings. In "In Memory of WB Yeats," the Anglo-American poet WH Auden writes in reference to his fellow litterateur WB Yeats's literary career:

Mad Ireland hurt you into poetry.

Now Ireland has her madness and her weather still,

For poetry makes nothing happen.

Yeats's literary career was largely inspired by the troubles in his country, Ireland, and he wrote to fix them. But, according to Auden, Yeats's work didn't do much to establish peace and stability in Ireland. Likewise, Hasina's autocracy got me out of my academic cocoon and motivated me to write essays on down-to-earth issues that affected Bangladesh during her rule.

But I don't think Hasina fell because of my writing. Why do I continue writing then? To use Dr Badiul Alam Majundar's words, I write out of a need to have a clear conscience. Regardless of its effects on others, my writerly commitment to noble causes serves as a source of moral comfort for me. This is very important to me. I would like to end this essay with a relevant quote from the 11th century polymath Ibn Hazm, "It seems unworthy of a man to consecrate himself to something which is not higher than he is…. One who consecrates himself to lesser things is like one who trades a precious gem for a pebble."

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor of English at International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

www.thedailystar.net

Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh’s future. FILE PHOTO: PALASH KHAN
The 2024 student-public uprising in Bangladesh has reignited a critical conversation about the future of nationalism in the country. At the heart of this dialogue is the tension between Bangalee nationalism, born from the liberation movement of 1971, and Bangladeshi nationalism, which has been touted as an alternative. Mahfuj Alam, an important figure in the uprising, recently gave a speech that has gone viral, advocating for a shift towards a more inclusive and tolerant form of nationalism. His reflections raise important questions about the relationship between the state, society, and the individual.

Mahfuj's core argument revolves around the necessity of reforming the individual's moral character in order to reform society, which, in turn, would lead to the reform of the state. This bottom-up approach emphasises the role of personal ethics and social change as the foundations for state-building. His call for a shift away from Bangalee nationalism towards a more inclusive framework challenges the foundational ideas that have shaped Bangladesh's identity since its independence. However, this argument overlooks the complex interplay between the state and the individual and risks simplifying the path towards a more inclusive and tolerant nation.

At the crux of Mahfuj's speech is the idea that the state cannot achieve moral integrity unless its citizens first cultivate their own. This line of thinking, while partially valid, turns the relationship between the individual and the state into a one-way street. It places the burden of societal reform on the individual, ignoring the role the state itself plays in shaping the moral and ethical fabric of society. Institutions, laws, and policies are powerful tools that can influence and guide individual morality. In fact, they are often essential in protecting individuals from moral decline.
A more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the state and the individual would recognise it as a two-way process. The state has a responsibility to foster an environment where individuals can develop moral character, but individuals alone cannot bear the full burden of societal reform.

Mahfuj's vision of state-building through a bottom-up approach, where individuals and society must first be reformed before the state can be rebuilt, reflects a classical liberal view of the state. Yet, this approach can be slow and unwieldy, especially in moments of crisis like the present one. In contrast, top-down approaches, where the state takes the lead in reforming institutions and shaping societal norms, are often more effective in times of urgency. While bottom-up reform is necessary for long-term change, moments of national crisis demand swift, decisive action that only top-down approaches can deliver.

A key point in Mahfuj's argument is his call for a paradigm shift in nationalism, moving away from the secularism of 1971-based Bangalee nationalism towards a new, more inclusive form of nationalism. He critiques Bangalee nationalism as exclusionary, arguing that the rise of authoritarianism in Bangladesh has its roots in the secular framework established after 1971.

According to Mahfuj, the secularism that underpinned Bangalee nationalism failed to be inclusive, leading to the alienation of various social and religious groups, and, ultimately, contributing to the rise of authoritarianism. His vision is one of a secularism that embraces all ideologies and paths in the land, one that is more inclusive and reflective of the diversity within Bangladesh.

This critique of Bangalee nationalism is not without merit. The secularism that was central to the formation of Bangladesh in 1971 has indeed struggled to accommodate the full spectrum of identities within the country. However, Mahfuj's proposed solution—a complete break from Bangalee nationalism—raises its own set of questions. Is it truly necessary to abandon Bangalee nationalism altogether? Or can secularism be reinterpreted in a way that addresses its historical shortcomings while preserving the legacy of the liberation struggle?

The issue at hand may not be Bangalee nationalism itself but rather how its principles have been applied. If secularism were reimagined to include the diverse perspectives that Mahfuj envisions, it could serve as the basis for a reformed Bangalee nationalism that is capable of guiding Bangladesh through its current challenges. This would eliminate the need for a wholesale shift to a new nationalist paradigm, such as Bangladeshi nationalism, and would allow for a continuity of national identity rooted in the history of the 1971 struggle.

Mahfuj's call for a new nationalism, framed as a shift from Bangalee to Bangladeshi nationalism, also invites scrutiny. Can Bangladeshi nationalism, with its focus on a broader national identity, truly offer more inclusivity than a reformed Bangalee nationalism? And if it does, is that inclusivity inherent to Bangladeshi nationalism, or is it simply a matter of how secularism is applied within it? If the latter is true, then Bangladeshi nationalism may face the same application-based challenges as Bangalee nationalism has over the past five decades.

These debates are crucial as Bangladesh emerges from the 2024 uprising. The question of nationalism, and whether a paradigm shift is necessary, cannot remain unanswered for long. If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

The paradigm shift in nationalism that Mahfuj advocates may indeed be necessary, but only if it can offer a more inclusive, tolerant, and pragmatic path forward. Whether this shift comes through a reformed version of Bangalee nationalism or a move towards Bangladeshi nationalism remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that any solution must address the deep-rooted issues of redemption, reconciliation, and inclusion that have haunted Bangladesh since 1971.

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh's future. The state must address questions of identity and belonging to rebuild effectively. Beyond the immediate crisis, the focus should be on creating an inclusive and cohesive national identity. As Mahfuj rightly notes, the failures of redemption after 1971 must not be repeated. Moving forward, the state must reimagine its role in fostering an inclusive society that reflects the aspirations of all citizens.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka and holds a PhD in philosophy from the University of Oklahoma, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?

The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

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Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?
The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-
designed plan. Photo: PID

The July uprising claimed the lives of hundreds of people, but resulted in a seismic shift in the history of Bangladesh. The movement was a perfect storm brewed by a number of contributing factors that all seemed to align as if by divine intervention, resulting in the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's tyrannical regime. Thousands of activists took to the streets—students, workers, professionals, and intellectuals alike. Each contributed in their own way. Why, then, is there this search for a "mastermind" behind the entire movement?

This search for a mastermind cannot be solely blamed on the media or overenthusiastic social media users. Even the interim government's Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus introduced Mahfuj Alam as the brains behind the movement at an international event—although Mahfuj himself refused to be called the mastermind, a fact even the chief adviser alluded to. This reminds me of a quote from Friedrich Hayek, who said that the curious task of economics (or social science) is to show people how little they know about what they think they can design. Hayek was wrong about many things, but one of his ideas has withstood the test of time: the concept of spontaneous order. Following the trend of classical liberal thinkers before him, Hayek believed that order could arise from spontaneity.

Many social norms are established not by the enforcement of explicit rules but spontaneously for the sake of efficiency. I believe social movements follow a similar logic.

A social movement is shaped by many factors, with a plethora of internal and external actors playing their part. The July uprising was no exception. It is true that there was an organisation providing a backbone to the movement, with stellar leadership initiatives and a distribution of responsibilities that contributed to its success. When one group of leaders was picked up by security forces, another stepped up to guide the movement. The well-defined demands that evolved over time were also crucial in bringing the movement to its one-point conclusion.

The formulators of these demands and those who pushed for the final anti-regime stance deserve commendation. But calling them the "brains behind the movement" seems like an exaggeration. In fact, most leaders were and still are unknown to the public, aside from the two advisers to the interim government and a few recognisable faces repeatedly shown in the media. Many other leaders worked behind the scenes and deserve credit. But the point of my article is to argue that attributing credit to specific individuals is misguided.

In social science research, we often say that there are "spandrels"—developments that occur as a byproduct of various factors, including time and context, almost by (sometimes fortunate) accident. These factors cannot be ignored. As many film directors and novelists would say, there are more characters in a story than just protagonists and antagonists. Sometimes, the setting or time itself becomes a character. In a similar manner, I believe the primary actor in the July uprising was not an individual but the city, the moment, and the momentum of that moment. As events unfolded, the movement evolved, and the perfect conditions were created for it to propel forward.

If any one individual had not been present at that moment, the movement would not have faltered—others would likely have stepped in to make decisions. We cannot know if those decisions would have been as prudent, but the momentum of the moment demanded nothing less than what transpired. Even if key individuals had been replaced, the outcome would likely have been similar, as the movement had already taken on a life of its own.

Many people are congratulating and valorising the efforts of the coordinators, who have become national heroes. But other actors also played crucial roles, such as activists of opposing political parties, journalists who risked their lives, and expatriates who helped raise international awareness of the situation in Bangladesh. Their contributions cannot be overlooked. More importantly, the spontaneous order that defined the movement should receive primary credit for its success.

Thousands of people participated in the movement, risking their lives, writing on social media, and demanding the removal of an autocratic regime even before the one-point demand came about. Such widespread enthusiasm cannot be engineered—it can only be sparked by the momentum of the moment, which was the primary factor in the movement's success.

I am not undermining the efforts that the student leaders put in. They deserve credit for stewarding the movement. But can they really be called the masterminds, as if they planned every step and pre-designed the entire movement in their minds? Nobody could predict what would happen the next day as the movement progressed. The decision of the student leaders to launch the one-point programme upon their release from the custody of security forces was certainly pivotal, leading thousands to march to Ganabhaban on August 5. But the moral legitimacy of the Hasina regime—if there was any—had entirely vanished the moment the first bullet was fired at students. The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-designed plan.

In fact, I can attest to private conversations with movement leaders who confessed they never imagined the movement would become so massive and succeed in toppling the government during its early days. Hence, attributing the role of masterminds to the leaders is a bit of a stretch. It is natural for us to seek order and reason in historical events that defy explanation, but to claim that there was a mastermind behind the July uprising is to oversimplify a complex and multifaceted movement.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: The garage of compassion

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the “complete shutdown” called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

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July uprising: The garage of compassion
2 doctors set up makeshift clinic, saved over 100 lives in 2 days

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the "complete shutdown" called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

As violent clashes broke out between the demonstrators and police, who were backed by the then ruling party activists, the roads and alleyways had turned into a warzone, resulting in deaths and myriad injuries.

However, many of those wounded were too afraid to seek medical help.

Cops were stationed in front of a number of hospitals, causing a fear of arrest in anyone who sought treatment. Many were overwhelmed with patients while others refused to provide treatment. Some charged exorbitant fees.

Amid the bloody violence, two young doctors – Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen – stood out through their sheer sense of duty.

Not only did they open their doors to the wounded, they converted their building's garage on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

Other residents provided ample support with supplies -- bandages, antiseptics, orsaline, mineral water, and even dry biscuits.

In two days, Worthy and Mitheen treated over 100 injured people -- turning the garage into a sanctuary for those who had nowhere else to turn.

DUTY TO THE PEOPLE

Around 2:00pm on July 18, as clashes went on, tear gas clouded the streets and nearby alleys, while rubber bullets were strewn almost everywhere.

"For the first time in my life, I heard the sound of bullets. Something I had only seen or heard on television was now frighteningly close," remembered Worthy, who is an OT assistant at Ibn Sina Hospital and also works as a health show presenter on a private television channel.

From her balcony, she saw injured students huddled below -- bloodstains on their clothes, terror in their eyes.

"I knew I couldn't just stand by."

She rushed downstairs, where fellow residents -- including Dr Mitheen, a former medical officer at Labaid Specialised Hospital -- had also gathered.

"Humanity is what I acted upon. I couldn't hold myself back," said Mitheen.

Residents of the building quickly brought whatever first-aid supplies they could find.

One of the doctors' neighbours, Khurshid Jahan, said, "Seeing them wounded only reminded us that we have children too and we must act.

"As ordinary people, we had very little to offer, but I tried to provide as much comfort to the students as was possible while Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen treated their wounds. My husband and daughter provided them with water, first-aid supplies and clothes."

At first, the wounded were being treated in the building's reception area. As more people arrived, two beds were set up in the garage and treatment continued there.

The doctors tried to provide utmost care – they removed pellets, dressed deep wounds and offered counselling.

Worthy said, "Some of the injuries were horrific – backs, heads and chests riddled with shotgun pellets lodged deep into their muscles. At least 10 victims came with pellets in their eyes."

The more severe cases were referred to trusted clinics that were willing to help, despite the fear of a ban hanging over their heads.

One particular patient left a lasting mark on Worthy – a 10-year-old who had come with pellets all over his body.

"I treated him and told him to go home. Within a few hours, he returned with another pellet in his forehead. I treated him again and he left.

"Later that day, some students showed me a video of the same boy, lying lifeless on the street … I didn't know his name, but I couldn't stop thinking about him … I still suffer from sleepless nights at the thought."

The next day – July 19 – the curfew was imposed and helicopters hovered overhead.

But the doctors continued treating the wounded – students, guardians, pedestrians, whoever came for help.

Even when supplies ran low, the building's residents reached out to pharmacy owners and managed more.

As word spread, more and more people came to this unlikeliest of clinics for help, when all other doors were slammed shut on their faces.

THREATS AND SURVEILLANCE

Around 8:30pm on July 19, police fired tear gas shells towards their building, situated on Satmasjid Road, forcing them to close the gates and bring students inside for safety.

Some men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, asking who the residents were and why they were treating protesters. They threatened them with dire consequences if anyone stepped outside.

"Initially, I didn't focus on the threats. But when they asked about us, I was a little nervous. We, however, carried on with our work … Our primary duty was to humanity. Whatever I did, I did for my country," Mitheen said.

Soon enough, residents began noticing drones flying above the building.

"Some colleagues from the media informed me that only three houses in the Dhanmondi area were under surveillance. Ours was one of them," Worthy said, adding that their phones were also being tracked by then.

Despite the anxiety and fear of arrest or interrogation, nothing could come in between these doctors and their sense of duty.

"I found peace knowing that I treated those students out of my duty to my profession. Helping others should be driven by humanity, not politics – blood carries no political identity.

"Despite everything, the gratitude from the students made it all worthwhile."

After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government, the students who had found refuge in the garage returned on August 6. They thanked the two doctors for standing by them when no one else did.

For the new Bangladesh, Mitheen hoped that no one else would fall victim to oppression.

"We achieved victory for the brothers and sisters who gave their lives. The shedding of their blood must not go in vain."​

 

[Saif]

The psychological costs of an uprising

The systemic issues make even the admission of one’s struggles a minefield

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The psychological costs of an uprising

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. VISUAL: SHAIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

In July, a friend told me about a student protester whose anxieties had become so severe, they wanted to be captured by the police just for the ordeal to be over with. The anguish expressed in such a desire is just a snapshot of the horrors experienced by individuals who saw a state turn against them in one of the most harrowing times in the country's recent history.

Nawshin, a student of Dhaka University, remains traumatised, "I saw the police firing with my own eyes, and I saw the kids fighting back with bricks and sticks." She found herself having a panic attack multiple times, an occurrence that is not typical for her.

The fact that she lives alone, away from her family in Dinajpur, made her situation worse. "I felt like I was living in a prison," she said. Without much cash, bKash inactive, and limited messages owing to a small phone balance, her woes were exacerbated by the tightened claws of a state machinery grasping for power by any and all means. We know, but we forget to mention, the case of many such students who were away from family at that time. Have they been able to find, in a new city they might have begun to call home, even a sliver of the peace they previously found there? Is it possible now to return to dormitories that saw raids, arrests, and the violations of privacies—including by the unlawful checking of phones? Can peaceful sleep come, even months after, when the walls of one's room stopped being a protected place?

The disruption of one's intimate space violated in this manner has been one of the most defining moments of the entire period of uncertainty we lurched into; the violence outside was another. However, the period after August 5, has its own issues. Raian Abedin, a student of North South University who partook in the protests, said, "I just cannot come to terms with a reality that shifted this violently and quickly. I know so many who suffered deep, deep wounds from the protests. While I myself was fortunate enough to not face the worst, the smell of tear gas, and the fear of death still comes back to me like a memory. What we are doing now is forcing normalcy, because we have to keep living no matter what."

Presenting a "normal" face to society is a struggle many face even in peaceful times. In the aftermath of an emergency, this issue becomes intensely complicated. It is after all, an event of massive proportions that shot its roots through every household. Zareena (name changed for privacy), a mother of two sons, who participated in the uprising, shared, "Because of the surroundings I am in and the upper-class society we mingle in, the people I usually mix with were not too invested in the situation. I felt I could not fully express my feelings."

While parents such as Zareena have been supportive, many friends and family may unwittingly be insensitive to those suffering from the memories of July. Dr Mehtab Khanam, an honorary professor in the Department of Psychology at Dhaka University, and a practicing psychologist, discussed how harmful making comparisons can be, and stated, "A lot of hurtful and judgmental comments are often passed wherein a person who is struggling might be asked why they are unable to manage when someone else in the same situation has."

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. It is an issue afflicting not just the young, but parents like Zareena who feels she was unable to do much in her neighbourhood. Seeing the children on the streets as akin to her own children, she stated, "I have survivor's guilt that I was alive when they were out on the streets risking their lives."

For many, the return to one's previous life has been made difficult by reminders of the violence that occurred in the places they regularly pass through. For Nawshin, the Dhaka University campus bore remnants of the violence, not just in her memory, but also in the graffiti memorialising the martyred. She said, "Each time I go to campus, I am reminded of the blood. Each time I enter, I feel like I am once again traumatising myself."

However, violence has not become just a memory after August 5. It has remained an active threat for many. Nawshin stated that she never needed to think about what she wears, but now, it is a fear she carries.

Raian stated, "The protests were not the end of the story. If anything, they gave rise to numerous new things to worry about." Recently, there have been accounts of mob lynchings and increased attacks on women, but also in the retaliatory acts of violence against family members of the Awami League and the increased threats posed against systemically vulnerable communities. Even protesters themselves are finding themselves in uncertain situations. Musharrat Hossain, senior lecturer at North South University, stated, "In the aftermath, we are seeing that many students at the frontlines of the uprising are now being sidelined. At all campuses, vested groups seem to be awaiting their chance to take their stakes from the movement. In many cases, those who had put their lives on the line are not getting their due recognition."

At present, even identifying the underlying issues poses challenges. For one, not enough time has passed for us to know if people have post-traumatic stress disorder. Moreover, the symptoms of distress and various stress disorders are numerous, ranging from disrupted sleep and changes in appetite to a loss of ability to function or control one's moods. Making the situation worse is the lack of understanding that the majority of the population has towards mental health issues. Dr Mehtab Khanam stated, "There remains a lot of stigma about mental health. A majority of the nation's citizens are unaware of matters regarding mental health." Locating the problem to one of the fundamental aspects of modern society, she states, "It is unfortunate that we have been unable to develop an education system that is able to make all aspects of a child flourish." She mentioned the lack of attention to vital life skills, whether communication, anger management or problem-solving, that remain untaught in our educational institutions.

In a similar vein, Musharrat Hossain said, "The reality is we have to help the students heal. Teachers have been altering their syllabi to accommodate student's needs after such a violent period. In truth, however, we have failed to truly help them heal. Trauma-informed teaching is something we are unable to do in our universities at this point."

The systemic issues, along with the more vicious cultural stereotypes surrounding mental health, make even the admission of one's struggles a minefield. Pair this with the mushrooming of individuals claiming to have solutions for those already in a vulnerable condition, and you have a recipe for the exploitation of people with mental health struggles. I asked Dr Mehtab Khanam how an individual can know for certain that the professional they are seeking help from is a legitimate entity, and she replied, "There is currently no way to know." The answer is distressing, but Khanam explains, "At present, while there is a licensing body for psychiatrists, no such body exists for psychologists. Further exacerbating the situation is the existence of very short courses that require only a small amount of training. For a psychotherapist and a psychologist, it is not only hours of training that are required, but application of knowledge and also personal sessions for the therapists themselves."

For people battling mental illnesses for a long time, the problems are far too intimately known. Many see the answer in individual efforts, but the fact might be that just as the uprising took thousands, this challenge too will take thousands to solve. In the case of Bangladesh, it would be millions. Musharrat Hossain lays the responsibility on institutions. She said, "There is no such thing as people's reform. It must happen at a policy level, and the current period is crucial for us to act in order to prevent the vulnerable from being further abused and marginalised."

What we do know however, is that in some ways, a cultural shift has occurred post-July, if not at a mass scale, then at least among many individuals who had previously not been as concerned about the state of affairs in the country. When asked if the uprising made her more protective of her children, Zareena said, "No, the courage has increased. If the need arises, I would expect my children to stand for what is right. Unless I am satisfied that the sacrifice of all those we lost was successful, I will remain concerned about the current situation of Bangladesh."

Aliza Rahman is a member of the editorial team at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Of our hopes and fears

AS THE euphoria surrounding Sheikh Hasina’s ouster to India slowly died down, we have slowly begun to excavate the wreckages of her authoritarian rule in our surroundings as well as our collective memories. If we look critically, the immediate past — the period immediately preceding her...

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Of our hopes and fears
Nayel Rahman 10 October, 2024, 00:48

New Age

AS THE euphoria surrounding Sheikh Hasina’s ouster to India slowly died down, we have slowly begun to excavate the wreckages of her authoritarian rule in our surroundings as well as our collective memories. If we look critically, the immediate past — the period immediately preceding her departure — appeared to be unique in the country’s history. From mid-July to mid-August, the country experienced something that cannot be explained by a simple term like political violence.

In those tempestuous times, we saw protesters being shot down by snipers sitting on top of tall buildings and sharpshooters from helicopters. We saw mass graves. We saw piles of corpses being set on fire. We saw people being hounded down in construction sites and underpasses and shot from point blank range. We saw people being shot and bodies being dragged out of their homes. We saw helmeted militiamen of the Chhatra League and Juba League, the student and youth wings of the Awami League, shooting indiscriminately at protesters and attacking them with machetes. We saw internet and media blackouts. In many ways, it was a state’s full-on assault against its own people.

The disturbing images that appeared in our social media feeds and, in rare cases, mainstream media were out of the ordinary even by Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian standards. From the mutilated, disfigured bodies of fallen military officers in Pilkhana, crushed human remains under Rana Plaza, bloated and macerated bodies on the Shitalakhya to seemingly lifeless bodies lying down in pools of blood at Shapla Chattar, we already had our own initiation and education in processing the macabre imagery. Still, nothing prepared us for what we saw and experienced in the long July.

The bloody violence took us back to our own past and forced us to confront disturbing scenes that we never expected to see again. Although the violence of 2024 was reminiscent of our sufferings in 1947 and 1971 to some degree, unlike the events of the past, it was a unique experience too. The violence was exclusively perpetrated by our own people. Unlike 1947 and 1971, we can’t blame people of different religions or ethnicities and go on vilifying our religious and ethnic minorities for crimes that most of them didn’t even participate in. As the descendants of the Hindus and the Biharis will attest, they have become our prisoners of history ever since then and probably will have to carry the burden of guilt as long as they live.

At this point in our history, we cannot single out a particular community and blame them for what happened to us. We also cannot wish away the killers and the thugs, who are essentially part of our own community, neighbourhoods, workplaces, and public spaces. Now we have to establish peace and reconcile with them while prosecuting those who have been directly involved in killing and seriously injuring people.

For us, it is no longer an investigation of police brutality and application of excessive force but a twofold task of far more important nature. We have to investigate, prosecute, and punish the massive human rights abuses inflicted by Sheikh Hasina’s law enforcement agencies and her armed militiamen, and, equally importantly, we have to build a community and forge a nation from the remnants of her rule.

Besides, during the regime’s reign of terror, it devised its own system to suppress dissent and eliminate political opponents. The strategy involved judicial and extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, which had its own specialised infrastructure in the much documented Aynaghor. Merely punishing those who are responsible isn’t enough. We need to put appropriate checks and balances in place so that these crimes do not happen once again.

Our experience from the long July also differs significantly from the years past, as our victory was solely earned by our own people. The creation of Pakistan necessitated an alliance with other Muslims in the subcontinent, while in 1971, we sought help from neighbouring India. In 2024, no one from outside was looking out for interests as students, workers, and common people fought Sheikh Hasina’s men on the streets.

With no one to blame for our predicaments but our own and no one to share the credits of our success with, it’s time for a new nation to emerge from the ashes of its own ancien régime. Its citizens should take duties and responsibilities of nation-building upon themselves while ensuring rights and liberties.

In the dying days of fascism and the turbulent period that followed, we have lost hundreds of lives. Many of the wounded have lost their limbs and will never go back to their old lives. The mental scars will take years or decades to heal. Sheikh Hasina, her family members, and her cronies have hollowed out the economy and put the country in billions of dollars in debt. They have outsourced our foreign policy and sacrificed our national interest for their own political and financial gains. Their mismanagement of state affairs and efforts to capture it badly damaged and compromised our internal and external security. The bloated, corrupted, largely ineffective state machinery resembles more like a white elephant than public institutions whose efficiency and expertise can be used to drive reforms. Bangladesh of today is more fragile and susceptible to external shocks than ever before.

Away from politics, our sociocultural lives have been affected by the tension surrounding our identity. The corrosive culture wars that came along only intensified over the years and made us our own worst enemies. We are extremely fearful of the people who appear to have different ideologies and whom we think threaten our way of life. The demons that still haunt us are almost forcing people to take retributive actions and promote vigilantism.

However, among all the chaos and disorder, there is room for optimism. As the law enforcement officials deserted their stations and the army personnel struggled to deal with the ensuing bedlam around the country, Bangladeshis were asked to fend for themselves. We came through the ordeal with our heads held high.

Some of us in combat fatigue foiled suspected military coup attempts in the barracks. Students and the general public warded off a judicial coup attempt at the High Court. People banded and bonded together to form neighbourhood watches to protect minority communities and their places of worship and protect themselves from thugs and looters. Younger generations volunteered to control traffic.

There are hundreds of scenes from the period following Hasina’s flight that showed Bangladeshi people have rediscovered something that was lost as we collectively dealt with modernity, urbanisation, fractious politics, and the identity crisis. Nowadays, we talk more about building the state, the economy and society. In those darkest moments, it was community that pulled us through.

The personal connection that we lost over many decades was already starting to rebuild when Sheikh Hasina’s government tried to go from door-to-door to quell the uprising. In a few cases, people of apartment buildings or neighbourhoods came to the rescue of the protesters who were hiding or about to be detained. The period following Sheikh Hasina’s departure merely solidified people’s resolve, and they organised themselves to protect not only themselves but the people who live around them and help military personnel.

Most of us wondered what kept people going through that critical time when even a countercoup might have thrown us into a prolonged period of instability. It’s hard to pinpoint a specific reason, but regaining ownership of the country might have been one. Suddenly, people began to realise that the country doesn’t belong to a dictator, her family, the oligarchs, and their coalition partners. The moments of togetherness that we saw were not cursory shows of solidarity.

Just because our former rulers didn’t do their job and merely used their power and privilege to extract maximum benefit from people they were sworn to protect, we can’t afford to leave the county to them or future successors with similar motives. For the powerful, it was an opportunity to climb up the ladder and leave everything behind when the time comes. For the ordinary people, it’s still their home, and no matter where they end up in life, they will always belong here.

Along with their sense of ownership and belongingness, people are going through a period of heightened political awareness. From roadside tea stalls, university campuses, cafes to living rooms of people’s homes, politics have become a constant theme of conversations.

The country’s artists and musicians have already drawn inspiration from the long July. Rap and Hip Hop have become the younger generations’ genre of choice for protest. Street art and graffiti have become the main mode of artistic expression. Almost every noticeable landmark now has artwork, graffiti, or calligraphy commemorating the movement. Among old classics, DL Roy’s ‘Dhono Dhanyo Pushpe Bhora’ had such a resurgence that it has become the people’s anthem.

The country’s intellectuals have broken the shackles put on them by the Digital Security Act. The intellectual stupor has gone away. So far, intellectuals and academics like Farhad Mazhar, Ali Riaz, and Rifat Hasan have become vocal about rewriting the constitution. Zia Haider Rahman, the renowned novelist, has come up with ideas to increase public engagement in the constitutional process. From social media to op-ed pages, people are coming up with ideas to change the old ways of governance.

In almost every way, the post-fascist era has become a potentially epoch-making time for Bangladesh. It is rare to see a moment in history where almost all the political, social, cultural, and intellectual forces are converging on something new. The people have come through a struggle where they have broken out of the captivity by themselves. Their experience of the Hasina regime told them they needed to take a clear break from the past and build the country anew. Let us not waste this precious moment with our pessimism, timidity, lack of political imagination, and apprehension about changes.​

 

[Saif]

Transition from autocracy

BANGLADESH experienced its first transition from autocratic rule after the fall of the regime of president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. The second instance of transition from autocratic rule commenced with the fall of president Ershad in 1991. The third transition from autocracy to...

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Transition from autocracy
Faizul Latif Chowdhury 10 October, 2024, 00:40

New Age

BANGLADESH experienced its first transition from autocratic rule after the fall of the regime of president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. The second instance of transition from autocratic rule commenced with the fall of president Ershad in 1991. The third transition from autocracy to democracy has started with the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on August 5 this year.

The nature and duration of the three autocratic regimes mentioned above differ widely. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ruled the country for around three and a half years till he was killed and his government toppled in 1975. Thereafter, the transition to democracy under an elected government took a long time. With a short interlude of only three months under president Khondoker Mushtaq Ahmed — following the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman — the country entered the transitional phase under the charismatic leadership of General Ziaur Rahman, who steered the process under a softcore Martial Law regime. Although he had to tackle a series of military coups in the cantonments, he enjoyed mass popularity and faced little or no resistance from people in general. Ziaur Rahman amended the constitution of the country to restore the multi-party democratic system that was eliminated by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in January 1975.

However, Ziaur Rahman decided to enter politics and, accordingly, floated a new political party under his leadership. The second general elections of the country were held in 1978, in which his party, namely, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, emerged as a strong political party with a wide popular base. Although relegated to the opposition bench, the leaders of the Bangladesh Awami League were happy to regain a role in national politics.

President Ershad’s autocratic rule came to an end when he resigned in 1991, in the teeth of a powerful political movement, after ruling the country for nearly a decade. General Ershad was the chief of the army and, in 1983, brought down an elected government mandated to be in power for five years till 1983. Because of this military coup, the country could not experience a transition from democracy to democracy and relapsed to autocratic rule once again.

Transition from president Ershad’s autocratic rule to democracy was a case of pacted or negotiated transition. The handover of power was smooth, and the transitional phase was managed by an extra-constitutional interim governmental system, which was referred to as ‘caretaker government’. While essentially an application of the doctrine of necessity, the model was later accepted by all political stakeholders, and, accordingly, the parliament led by Begum Khaleda Zia modified the constitution of the country in 1996 to permanently provide for caretaker government prior to general elections for electing a new government.

The world has experienced a high rate of transition to democracy in different countries since the end of the Second World War. Unfortunately, reversal to autocracy was not infrequent. It is to be recognised that Bangladesh overcame the difficulty of building self-enforcing democracy by innovating a political arrangement as noted above. It is a matter of record that the system of ninety-day ‘caretaker government’ facilitated and managed an acceptable transition from democracy to democracy. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party came to power under the leadership of Begum Khaleda Zia in 1991, the Bangladesh Awami League came to power under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina in 1996 and Bangladesh Nationalist Party again came to power in 2001 under the leadership of Khaleda Zia through elections held under caretaker governments.

Success of a caretaker government and transition from democracy to democracy depends on the personalities involved. Also, as experienced in many countries around the world, the role of the military and the role of the foreign powers in the context of international and regional geopolitics need to be factored in for understanding the dynamics that determine the development and sustainability of democratic institutions.

An entirely free election alone is not the only sign of a successful transition to democracy. However, free elections constitute the necessary condition for securing the next democratic regime. The outcome of the 1991, 1996 and 2001 elections, held under the auspices of caretaker governments, proved to be acceptable for national and international communities.

On the contrary, it is frequently argued the caretaker government headed by chief adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed, which assumed office in January of 2007, did not act fairly as a consequence of which the outcome of the general elections, scheduled to be held in April 2006 and actually held towards the end of 2008, became questionable. As it has been alleged, the military, under the command of General Mainuddin Ahmed, executed the hidden agenda of reinstating the Bangladesh Awami League to power under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina while ousting the Bangladesh Nationalist Party under the leadership of Khaleda Zia from the political scenario. It is presumed that one day the tenure of the Fakhruddina-Mainuddin government will be studied as a prelude to dictatorship.

It would not be an injustice if the regime of Sheikh Hasina, enduring over fifteen years, is termed fascistized dictatorship. No wonder that many take pleasure by ranking Sheikh Hasina alongside Gerardo Machado, Chiang Kai-shek, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Joseph Stalin, Paul Kagame, Kim Il-sung, Hugo Chavez and Jorge Rafael Videla. All of them created police states and ruled their respective countries pursuant to their will and goals.

The term ‘police state’ has evolved over a long period of time since 18th-century Prussia. Today, police states are typically characterised by a highly centralised form of authoritarian government, pervasive state surveillance, coercion and extortion, and covert impunity for repression, torture and corruption. The police force is militarised and employed for social control, repression of the opposition and suppression of dissent. The judiciary is subjugated and is left with no choice but to listen to the dictates conveyed via the attorney general. There is hardly any respect for civil liberties and human rights. The Human Rights Commission and the like are rendered redundant. The media degenerates to serve the purpose of the ruler. A regime of intimidation prevails in all spheres of social and political life, leading to self-censorship. The citizenry as well as the officials of the state apparatus is required to align their attitude and behaviour with the ideology of the ruling dictator. Any deviation is brutally muted. The principle adopted was: If you don’t like a dog, give it a bad name and hang.

Sheikh Hasina, once considered to be an icon of democracy, successfully transformed Bangladesh into a police state since the formation of her government in January of 2009. It will demand systematic research to identify the milestones of the transformation process, their chronological order and interconnectedness. When she fled the country on August 5, after ruling the country with an iron hand for nearly 16 years, Bangladesh has essentially been rendered into a country not much different from Francoist Spain.

Large scale killing of army officials in the BDR headquarters in Dhaka, obtaining a decree from the Supreme Court declaring caretaker government system ultra vires to the values entrenched in the constitution of the country, hurried abolition of the caretaker government system from the constitution, ruthless suppression of opposition politics in every possible way, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killing, crackdown on Islamic forces in the name of fighting terrorism, strict punitive measures for dissent and criticism, implementation of megaprojects without following due process for generating large amount of wealth via kick-backs, legal impunity for side-tracking the procurement process, plundering of banks and smuggling of black money out of the country, promotion of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as an idol, etc, are apparently elements of one thread.

The ouster of Sheikh Hasina from power in the morning of August 5 came through an undaunting revolt of the people, spearheaded by the young students of the country. The mighty regime of the Awami League crumbled in a trice. Internationally reputed figure Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus formed an interim government without the slightest resistance. The military did not stand on the way, although, admittedly, it was they who had arranged a safe flight for Sheikh Hasina to flee to India. However, the scenario of 2024 widely differs from that of 1975, the year in which Sheikh Hasina’s father’s Sheikh Mujibur Rahman regime was toppled, on many counts.

One can observe that the sudden end of the Mujib regime in August 1975 left a weak legacy to tackle during the transitional phase. Foremost of all, the military came forward to initiate and facilitate the regime change. Bangladesh had a negligible role in the international and regional geopolitical scenario, and there was almost no raising of the eyebrow among the foreign powers, including India. There was no private media to agitate, directly or indirectly, against the change. There was no social media through which to allow ventilation of anger by the Mujib supporters. Admittedly, the economy was in poor condition, but its basic fabric had not been distorted or shattered. As to the popular support, the activists of the Awami League were mostly unarmed and had little financial capacity to stage a counterrevolution. Most importantly, the military had no interest in politics or rent-seeking.

On the contrary, the legacy of Sheikh Hasina is pretty strong and capable of staging a counterrevolution. Hasina supporters believe that if their mistress could return to Bangladesh, she could grab power once again. Hasina’s legacy comprises a divided society rife with the culture of hatred and cancellation; a supportive community across all levels and sectors — rich with arms, money and muscle power; a police force full of officials personally loyal to Hasina’s ideology; an army commanded by generals with personal allegiance to the fallen prime minister; a civil administration dominated by Hasina supporters who upheld and facilitated the myth of development; and a judiciary submissive to the dictates of Hasina. In addition, there are hundreds of businessmen who upheld the principles of the fascist regime; a broad-based media that facilitated the erosion of democratic values and establishment of fascism; and a wide body of intellectuals and cultural activists who believe in Mujib’s one-party democracy and promoted him as the ‘greatest Bengali in a thousand years.’

New Age/ Mehedi Haque

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

It would not be an easy task to pinpoint a certain event or time that caused Bangladesh’s democracy to slide into dictatorship since 2009, but the leadership under Sheikh Hasina is a good starting point. She had certain radical goals and plans up her sleeve that included sticking to power by hook or by crook, plundering national wealth in the name of development, and the establishment of an environment of intimidation and subjugation of the judiciary as well as the military. She saw it through that all democratic constitutions crumbled under her will and shrewd strategies. She successfully created a large pool of Awamiphiles across all sectors of the nation.

It has been observed that the nature of a political regime depends on the personal characteristics of its leader. It has been said that Joseph Stalin used to poke his nose into everything and instil fear in his subordinates. Sheikh Hasina was a good copy of Stalin made in a domestic mould. She created an environment of intimidation and established a mafia regime by all means. She was ingenious in spotting that mega-projects based on suppliers’ credit and foreign loans could be sources of a big amount of kickback. Later on, she chose banks as a better source of funds to plunder and syphon out of the country. The economic capital of the nation that built up over a long period was plundered away to a great extent.

She had an obsession with the death of his father and other members of the family who were killed in the early hours of August 15, 1975. With little care for the armed struggle in 1971, she believed that it was her father who gifted the nation with an independent state. She never forgave the followers of his father, who went silent and didn’t take to the streets to protest the killing. She considered the killing of her father a betrayal of the Bengali nation and consistently harboured prickliness about it. This made her vengeful. It cannot be forgotten that she evicted her predecessor, former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia, from her home in 2010. The latter was officially allotted the residence on humanitarian grounds following due process after former president Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in a military coup in 1981.

Sheikh Hasina had little love for the country. She just needed power to keep ruling the country and extract its economic wealth. She demonstrated a lack of respect for others. She picked up people with criminal orientation and promoted them with a view to establishing despotism. She was unabashed in her falsification of facts and use of manipulated statistics to cheat the people. She was a psychopath who believed that the country and its wealth belonged to her. Also, she believed that winning a free and fair election was not essential for a legitimate right to power; rather, an election should be staged as required by the constitution, and people should be made to accept it through propaganda. She did not hide her mind and said, ‘I want power; I need absolute power.’

The history of Bangladesh would certainly have been different if the Bangladesh Awami League, after winning the elections held in December 2008, chose any other leader else than Sheikh Hasina as the prime minister of the country.

SOCIAL scientists around the world have tried to pinpoint the characteristics and dimensions of change in and from authoritarian rule since the breakdown of long-enduring authoritarian regimes in Spain and Portugal in the 1970s. Venezuela has proved a difficult case for achieving a democratic system. The world witnessed with dismay how the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ that spurted out in 2011 eventually actualised only in Tunisia, while other countries ended up with military coup d’etat (Egypt) or bloody civil wars (Libya, Syria, and Yemen).

Conceptualising the transition experience is a difficult task. A lot of factors affect the process of transition from autocracy to democracy. There are a lot of challenges to overcome, foremost of which is to tackle the legacies of the autocratic regime. Although the prospect for enduring democracy is not a far cry, it is indeed difficult to achieve.

An entirely free election after a prolonged period of dictatorial rule is the acid test of the transition to democracy. However, the management during the interim period is critically important.

The interim government led by Mohhamad Yunus, formed in the style of caretaker government, has many challenges to face to pave a way towards self-reenforcing democracy. The agenda before his government is long. One of the firsts is to tackle the legacies of the Sheikh Hasina regime in a strategic way so that any attempt at a counterrevolution can be thwarted at once. A socio-political environment needs to be created that will rule out catapulting Sheikh Hasina back into her chair.

Every dimension of the state has suffered profound erosion during sixteen years of despotic rule. They need to be repaired before an election is held. Over sixteen years, the regime of Sheikh Hasina has actively facilitated diverse public authorities to coordinate on extra-constitutional activities, eventually transforming the politico-institutional setting into one of autocratic rule and kleptocracy. Democratic values destroyed by the Sheikh Hasina regime need to be restored and recreated. Separation of powers is to be restored and nurtured. Impunity for corruption and misdeeds needs to be addressed for establishing the rule of law. There is no doubt that reform of the constitution, or writing a new constitution ab initio, is needed to prevent the rise of autocracy in the future. Radical thoughts are needed for it.

The influence of the international environment and foreign actors on regime change critically matters given the geopolitical scenario that has evolved in the first quarter of the 21st century. Political scientists around the world largely believe that United States policy towards regime change can play a significant role.

Political leadership between authoritarianism and democracy matters in a significant way. Bangladesh is lucky to have Professor Yunus as the helmsman. He not only enjoys the trust of the nation; he also enjoys the support of world leaders and international institutions. It is reasonable to hope that he will be able to achieve Bangladesh a favourable status in regional geopolitics. Also, support of the United States may play a crucial role, as illustrated in the recent history of different countries.

It is encouraging to note that US deputy secretary of state Richard Verma, who previously served as the US ambassador to India, recently said that decisions on elections and interim government are for the Bangladeshi people to make. With emphasis, he remarked, ‘I think the most important thing is to try to support democratic, peaceful, lawful transition in Bangladesh rather than its future direction. Our role is to support them in their democratic journey.’

Faizul Latif Chowdhury, former civil servant, is professor (adjunct), Independent University Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

‘We need to clearly articulate what we mean by a discrimination-free Bangladesh’ | The Daily Star

Anu Muhammad discusses the people’s aspirations for equality, the ambiguity around ‘discrimination,’ and the challenges faced by the left in Bangladesh. From class and gender inequality to ethnic and religious discrimination, this conversation highlights the crucial issues we must address to...

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We need to clearly articulate what we mean by a discrimination-free Bangladesh

Anu Muhammad public intellectual and former professor of Economics at Jahangirnagar University, talks about the people’s aspirations for a just and equal society, the current ambiguity around the term ‘discrimination’, and the failure of the left in Bangladesh, in an interview with The Daily Star.

The rallying cry of the student movement that turned into a mass uprising was an end to discrimination. To what extent is that overarching vision being realised?

A deeply corrupt and oppressive regime, in power for a decade and a half, has been overthrown by the July uprising in Bangladesh. It’s important that we remember that a broad cross-section of Bangladeshi citizens of diverse religious, ethnic, gender and class backgrounds participated in the movement. At least a thousand killed in the lead up to and during the uprising, over a hundred of the deceased have been identified as labourers. Moreover, among the deceased students whose identities have been ascertained, a majority hail from working-class, peasant or lower-middle-class families. Of those injured, approximately 400 have suffered eye injuries, and many have lost limbs. The vast majority of these individuals are from impoverished backgrounds and lack the financial means to afford medical treatment. This dimension of the mass uprising has not received adequate attention thus far. The participation of the working class, the impoverished, and the marginalised sections of society in this movement, as well as their grievances and expectations, have not been adequately addressed in the discourse or discussions of policymakers, the educated leadership, or the interim government, almost two months after the uprising.

One common consensus that emerged from this popular uprising and the subsequent change in government is the desire for a Bangladesh free from discrimination. Despite ideological, political, generational, and social differences among the various organisations and individuals who participated in the uprising, there is a unanimous call for a society free from inequality and discrimination. Even the graffiti drawn on the walls conveyed such mature messages. The demand to end discrimination—so clearly expressed by the people on the streets—is yet to be articulated with equal clarity by those now in positions of power. The walls proclaim that all Bangladeshis, regardless of their religion—be it Muslim, Hindu, Christian, or Buddhist—should have equal rights. They assert that religion should not be used for political gain and raise questions about the rights of indigenous peoples. They demand gender equality, and an equitable Bangladesh. But what do the student leaders and those in the government mean by the use of the term ‘discrimination’? It is crucial to clearly articulate these demands and engage in a deep analysis of what we truly mean by a “discrimination-free Bangladesh”.

What forms of discrimination or inequalities are most prevalent in Bangladeshi society right now that should be addressed? If we are to go by the outcries on social media, it would appear that the most oppressed people in Bangladesh are male Muslims…

Yes, indeed, it would appear that way. But if we are deal with the issue in all seriousness, we have to understand that Bangladesh is grappling with various forms of discrimination, with class discrimination being a prominent one. Even neoliberal economists acknowledge the significant increase in inequality in Bangladesh. Over the past two decades, the real income or GDP share of the bottom 90 percent has declined. Income is now concentrated in the hands of the top 10 percent, with the top 1 percent capturing the lion’s share. The root cause of this inequality lies in the political economy.

We must discuss issues such as workers’ wages, the increasing commercialisation of education and healthcare, and the consequent alienation of a large segment of the population. Families are going bankrupt seeking medical treatment or educating their children. These processes—deprivation coexisting with growth—are causing a large number of people to become increasingly alienated. Those who are alienated, living in poverty and deprivation, were a significant part of the recent uprising. What will happen to them, and what programmes will be implemented to lift them out of their current desperation, is a crucial question.

The second form of discrimination is gender discrimination, not just between men and women but also involving other genders. This discrimination occurs both within and outside the home. We need to acknowledge the existence of various genders and respect them. Discrimination in areas such as property rights, employment, and mobility must be addressed. For instance, a woman’s dress or freedom of movement often faces various social restrictions and obstacles. Recently, we saw how a man was harassing a number of women for their clothing, or because they were sitting alone on the beach.

Next, we have the issue of ethnicity. Until now, the existence of ethnicities other than Bengali in Bangladesh has not been officially recognised in our constitution, society, or even among the political leaders. We see the recognition of indigenous peoples in graffiti on walls, but not in policymaking. Due to this discrimination, while Bangladesh as a whole may have escaped authoritarian rule, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) remain militarised. The people of the CHT are still not free. Just as extrajudicial killings have been a significant issue in other parts of Bangladesh, they have also occurred in the CHT, but this issue is not being discussed openly.

Religious discrimination is another major issue. Not only are people of different religions facing discrimination, but even within the same religion, there are minority groups which are being targeted. It’s not just the dominance of one religion, but a specific sect within a religion that is being imposed. The events of the past month and a half, such as attacks on shrines, mosques belonging to different sects, and temples, are evidence of this. Minorities both within and outside of Islam are living in constant insecurity. The government has not taken sufficient measures to address this issue and reassure these communities that they are also protected. I recently spoke with some Hindu teachers who expressed their deep concerns about the safety of their relatives and friends. They reported incidents of their houses being demolished, looting, and job losses. It’s impossible to imagine a non-discriminatory Bangladesh where certain groups continue to live in a constant state of anxiety and fear. Not only that. recent mob killing, indiscriminate filing of cases and arrests are also matters of concern. The government needs to take a strong stance on this issue.

Does our current constitution adequately address the issue of discrimination?

We have engaged in continuous struggles—both before and after the Liberation War—because our aspirations of a just, discrimination-free society could not be fully reailsed. We’ve fought for our language, for the right to education, and against military rule, ethnic oppression, and inequality. This struggle has had an impact on a part of our constitution that prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, or gender. Additionally, the constitution states that the state is responsible for providing education and healthcare to all citizens. There’s also a provision that constitutional principles supersede other laws. However, subsequent amendments to the constitution have introduced numerous discriminatory, oppressive, and communal provisions, contradicting these fundamental principles.

The 1972 constitution was a paradox. On one hand, it spoke of equality and justice. On the other, it marginalised minority communities and centralised power, paving the way for greater authoritarianism. The dream of an equitable Bangladesh was born before 1971. The Liberation War of 1971 was also fought with this very dream, and a part of our constitution reflects this aspiration. Therefore, we must maintain this continuity. We must recognise that this struggle is not new, but rather a continuation of past efforts. This continuity must be reflected in the constitution, and we must clearly articulate in our constitution what we mean by an equitable Bangladesh.

Our walls proclaim that all Bangladeshis, regardless of their religion—be it Muslim, Hindu, Christian, or Buddhist—should have equal rights. PHOTO: Star

The left played an instrumental role in the 1969 mass uprising. What has happened to left-wing politics in Bangladesh since?

The 1969 uprising was the peak of left-wing politics in Bangladesh. Without the millions of workers from Tongi, Adamjee, and other areas coming to Dhaka, the mass uprising would not have reached its climax. This mobilisation of workers was primarily led by the left. The same was true in Chittagong. The dominant force in student organisations at that time was the left.

After 1969, during the Liberation War of 1971, a clear division emerged in our national politics. One faction, particularly those involved in Islamic politics, sided with Pakistan and committed war crimes. On the other hand, the Awami League and other forces, particularly those aligned with nationalism, and the left fought for liberation. This nationalism was largely Bengali nationalism, which was not all-inclusive. Those in the left camp fought for liberation and talked about socialism. However, after independence, a section of the left merged with Bengali nationalism and essentially equated left politics with Awami League politics. This was a mistake. Left politics and nationalist politics are not the same. There were also other left-wing groups who did not side with the Awami League, but they faced severe repression from 1972 onwards. Their discourse also had flaws.

After the 1975 coup and the subsequent martial law, those who came to power included individuals who were pro-Islamic and anti-liberation war. This led to a narrative of liberation versus anti-liberation, which continued throughout the 1980s and after. Consequently, the significant issue of class struggle was overshadowed. This was a major failure on the part of the left. They could have regrouped in the 1980s but failed to do so. In the 1980s, the anti-Ershad movement led to political mobilisation, and an alliance formed under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. A section of the left aligned with Hasina, while another aligned with Khaleda. This was a suicidal act. The left failed to maintain a distinct identity and instead chose to follow either Hasina or Khaleda. Only a small, insignificant left-wing faction remained independent.

Another threat came from various neoliberal economic policies, such as structural adjustment programmes and World Bank policies. These policies led to the dismantling of major industrial bases in Bangladesh. I believe that the World Bank’s suggestion to privatise or shut down Adamjee and other jute mills lacked any sound economic logic. In my opinion, they had a political agenda too. They wanted to dismantle the organised working class. They aimed to eliminate industries where the working class could unite. Previously, places like Adamjee had living arrangements for workers. The left’s main base was in those jute, textile, and sugar mills. Those industries were dismantled, starting in the 1980s and concluding around 2002. This was another significant blow for the left.

The left leaders failed to adapt to the new shape of the working class, which was now dominated by the garment industry and informal sector. Secondly, their failure to differentiate themselves from the politics of nationalism or religion weakened the left base in Bangladesh. Furthermore, many left leaders joined the Awami League, while another set joined the BNP or the Jatiya Party, which was disastrous. If we look at the leadership of the BNP, Jatiya Party, and Awami League, we’ll find many former leftists. In fact, former leftists have been ruling the country for a long time. However, they have not advanced the cause of left-wing ideology. The growth of the left parties has stagnated.

Do you still see any hope for the left in Bangladesh?

When we hear the phrase “discrimination-free Bangladesh” or see it written on the walls, it’s essentially a left agenda. If we can articulate what it means to talk about equity and oppose inequality, then we must inevitably move towards left-wing politics. Without the left, the fight against inequality cannot progress. Right-wing politics, or any other form of politics, inherently promotes inequality. Whether it’s religion-based politics, nation-based politics, or nationalist politics, they all promote inequality. The dominant neoliberal economic model is also inherently inequitable. I believe that the aspirations of society are fundamentally left-leaning. And the discourse of the majority who are involved in movements is also left-leaning. However, this is not articulated or recognised in the politics of the leadership. Right-wing politics, on the other hand, cannot represent people’s aspirations. By partially addressing issues of inequality, they essentially deceive the people.

How would you evaluate the interim government’s role in addressing some of the concerns you have highlighted?

A significant portion of the killed and injured during this uprising came from working-class families, and we haven’t yet seen any substantial government attention regarding the full protection they need. When we look at the government’s response to labour movements, it becomes clear that their perspective on workers hasn’t changed from the previous government. They consistently adopt the same stance: whenever there’s a labour movement, the government sides with the employers, echoing the employers’ language and arguments. And they often resort to blaming imaginary external conspiracies.

Whenever there’s a possibility of change created by peoples’ movements or mass uprisings, various social groups try to get their dues. However, the demands of the deprived people must be addressed. While there may be external influences fuelling the workers’ movement, it’s undeniable that they harbour deep resentment. We must understand the reasons behind this resentment. It stems from issues like unpaid wages, various forms of abuse, mass layoffs, and the non-payment of wages to those who participated in the labour movement. These are just some of the many grievances that contribute to their anger.

There are various gender discrimination and gender issues in society, and the government is showing no signs of addressing them. There are also serious problems with public education and healthcare. There is a lack of attention to mega projects that are a burden on our economy and pose significant risks to our environment. While this government cannot solve everything, its perspective should be clear. For instance, projects like Rampal and Rooppur pose significant risks to Bangladesh if we don’t find a way out. I’m not saying this government can cancel them immediately, but they should at least prepare the ground to do so. From the government’s statements, it seems they plan to continue with all existing agreements. But if that’s the case, what will change? The previous government signed many harmful agreements that went against national, public, and environmental interests. If these agreements continue, then the politics will also remain the same. These are major concerns for us. We haven’t seen a significant enough difference in the government’s approach to these issues.​

 

[Saif]

A tale of courage and compassion

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

www.thedailystar.net

A tale of courage and compassion
We salute the two doctors for their efforts during the uprising

VISUAL: STAR

During the July-August uprising, the compassion, integrity, and dedication of two doctors—Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen—stood out in their commitment to humanity and their profession. On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 became one of the flashpoints when violent clashes erupted between pro-reform demonstrators and police, who were backed by activists from the then-ruling party. Many injured demonstrators were too afraid to seek medical help as the government cracked down on protesters, even stationing police in front of hospitals to intimidate anyone seeking treatment. Some hospitals were overwhelmed with patients, while others refused to provide care.

Amid this difficult situation, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic. With the support of other residents who contributed supplies, the two doctors treated over 100 injured individuals. Despite their own trauma and shock from the events unfolding around them, they set up two beds in the garage and provided critical care, including removing pellets, dressing deep wounds, and offering counselling to the injured, thus transforming their garage into a sanctuary for those with nowhere else to turn.

The doctors recently recounted some of the horrific injuries they treated, explaining that, as a result of their efforts, on July 19, police targeted their building with tear gas shells. Additionally, men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, inquiring about the residents and why they were treating protesters. They even issued threats of severe consequences if anyone stepped outside. Despite these and other forms of harassment and surveillance, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen stood their ground for the sake of humanity, embodying the highest ideals of the medical profession and demonstrating profound compassion for their fellow countrymen.

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen have demonstrated just how noble the medical profession can be—something that many other doctors and carers did during the uprising. We salute them for their selfless efforts. We also urge the interim government to properly recognise the services of all such people who contributed through their acts of kindness and commitment to the nation during the mass uprising, so their example may inspire future generations.​