[🇧🇩] Political Activities of Jamaat-E-Islami

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Political Activities of Jamaat-E-Islami
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Saif

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Date of Event: Nov 11, 2024
Source : https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/politics/news/hindu-rally-jamaat-e-islami-held-khulna-3749801 Short Summary: Jamaat's action to survive in Bangladesh politics.
Hindu rally of Jamaat-e-Islami held in Khulna
Dumuria Upazila Hindu Committee of Jamaat with 11 members announced

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A Hindu rally of Jamaat-e-Islami was held this afternoon at Dumuria in Khulna.

Jamaat-e-Islami organised the rally and discussion session with members of the Hindu community at the Jubaid Ali Auditorium in the upazila.

Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami former MP Prof Mia Golam Parwar was present as the chief guest at the meeting.

In his speech, Golam Parwar spoke about Bangladesh's journey towards a fair and just society, emphasising that today's Bangladesh was born out of historic student movements and mass uprisings against discrimination and authoritarianism.

He outlined Jamaat-e-Islami's primary goal to support the youth in building a country based on justice, equality, and non-sectarian values, as well as restoring peace and order amid current challenges.

He further urged leaders of Jamaat and the Hindu community in Dumuria to work together in promoting stability and harmony in the region.

At the meeting, Golam Parwar announced Dumuria Upazila Hindu Committee with 11 members as Krishna Nandy as president, school principal Deb Prosad as general secretary and Gautam Mandal as treasurer.

Babu Proshant Mandal, was made vice president of the committee, Dr Haridas Mondal and Kanai Lal Karmakar the joint general secretaries, Buddhadev Mondal, Amulya Kumar Sarkar, Pulkesh Mondal, Biplab Sarkar, Pradeep Kumar Sarkar were declared as members.

He instructed the committee to form a 101-member committee within the next week.

The event was presided over by Dumuria upazila unit Ameer Maulana Mokhtar Hossain, with South Secretary Maulana Habibur Rahman and North Secretary BM Alamgir Hossain in attendance.

Khulna district Ameer Maulana Emran Hossain, district Assistant Secretary Munsi Moinul Islam spoke at the programme, among others.​
 

Full transcript of interview with Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman

The Daily Star (DS): You are the ameer (chief) of Jamaat-e-Islami amid a shifting political landscape. It is not yet stable. How do you perceive it? Are there reasons for apprehension?

Shafiqur Rahman (SR):
You see our society has never really been stable. It was not stable during the Pakistan period. Neither can we say that it was fully stable since it has been Bangladesh. In Pakistan, there were assassinations and changeovers but democracy never really returned to its constitutional form. And eventually of course, Bangladesh was born with hundreds of thousands of people sacrificing themselves. But this lack of stability was always there, even after Bangladesh's freedom.

Then Sheikh Mujib was killed along with his family. His relatives were also assassinated. Those were unstable times. There were several changes of power even before Ziaur Rahman came to power. He did not get much time after formally opening up politics. Those were tumultuous times too. After Ziaur Rahman came Sattar but he too had to go. That was also marked with instability.

Then came Ershad and built his own party. During his tenure there were full-fledged movements one after another. He had to leave power through another uprising actually. Those were also unstable times.

Then the BNP formed a government in 1991 with Khaleda Zia as the prime minister. In that election, no one party secured enough seats to form the government. That was another type of instability. Jamaat was then the balance of power. Awami League wanted our support and so did BNP. We used our judgement and lent our support to BNP without any conditions. We had clarified that they may form the government but [Jamaat] would rather not be part of it and remain in the opposition. The support was only to form government. Nothing more than that.

The election had been held under an interim government — it was not called 'caretaker' yet. This caretaker formula was declared by Abbas Ali Khan in 1984 on behalf of the Jamaat chief of that time, Professor Ghulam Azam. The formula was exactly as Ghulam Azam had proposed. The name was different but the composition was the same.

Everyone participated in that election, including Jatiya Party, which secured 36 seats, because the elections were held under an interim government despite such a huge debacle. I think that was a huge achievement for them. Jamaat participated on its individual capacity, on its own and managed to secure 18 seats.

Then Jamaat sent a six-member delegation led by Abbas Ali Khan to the prime minister who said this was the first time a credible election had taken place in independent Bangladesh where a huge number of people took part. They urged the ruling party to float a proposal to formalise this caretaker government system from the treasury bench. But it was not acceptable.

Then we were compelled to raise this demand from the streets. But later in 1996 the Awami League raised the same demand for a caretaker government. The difference was semantic. That demand gained currency and all parties took part in that movement except BNP.

But the campaign for this demand became so strong that BNP had to relent and accept it in the following parliament which was there for just a limited amount of time. The only law that parliament enacted was the caretaker government bill following which the parliament was dissolved and new elections were held in 1996, in which everyone took part.

Awami League won that election with a slim majority and formed government. They ruled till 2001. But during this time, there were a lot of incidents. There were bodies strewn about in the canals and rivers of Bangladesh. Those were unstable times as well.

Then there was a four-party alliance in 2000 with BNP, Jamaat, Jatiya Party and Islami Oikya Jote. But at one point, Ershad left with his faction of Jatiya party to be replaced by Naziur Rahman Manjur's faction of Jatiya Party. There was a written declaration from this alliance during the anti-government movement which said that the alliance would campaign together, participate in the elections together and if they won, then they would form the government together. That was how we took part in the government.

The Jamaat chief of that time, Motiur Rahman Nizami, was first given agriculture ministry followed by industries ministry. The general secretary of Jamaat, Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujaheed, always had the social welfare ministry. But there was instability during that time too. Awami League had stated from the first day that it would not let the government rest in peace for a single day.

The Awami League general secretary of that time, Abdul Jalil, had mentioned a "trump card" that Awami League would play on 30 April of 2004. They had planned to get all NGO workers of Bangladesh to lay siege to the secretariat and topple the government. That was foiled due to a number of measures by the government.

Then a number of religious outlets reared their head. That created another phase of instability when they set off bombs in almost all the courts of the country. The government of that time took tough measures against them. These elements were arrested. Some even died when they were being arrested. Some were tried and convicted.

The mainstream religious leaders were opposed to these elements and they could not create a space for themselves.

Following that, Sheikh Hasina Wazed began her movement with the 14-party alliance. The transitional period began on October 28. The government was expected to step down the following day and hand over power to the caretaker government. The Awami League caused a day of mayhem on that day killing six of our activists. This was broadcast all over the world. Children could not sleep at night having witnessed that cruel murder. Foreign leaders said they were fearful of what they had witnessed.

A new caretaker government under [then] president Iajuddin was formed, which was unusual that a president himself had become the head of a caretaker government. Although that was within the constitutional stipulations, this had never happened before. However, that government failed due to the instability created by the Awami League. But that was not solely because of Awami League. The government of the day was also responsible. It was followed by another caretaker government. That government, although caretaker governments were supposed to stay for three months only, stretched its tenure to two years and at one point wanted to form its own party. General Moeen U Ahmed, the army chief back then, presented a keynote at the Sonargaon Hotel Ballroom. It was a vision for Bangladeshi democracy. He had wanted to use that opportunity to build support among the people and form his own government. But he failed. When he did not get a warm response, he realised that it would not work.

This military-backed caretaker government, as we called it, headed by Fakhruddin Ahmed conducted elections in 2008. But by then, they had made a number of errors and there were instances of corruption by them as well, although they had committed to a crusade against corruption.

They needed a "safe exit", a term which had gained currency at that time. They had then gone to two leaders. One had said that the parliament would decide while another had said their actions would not be under scrutiny and everything would be endorsed. That was the leader who was favoured and that leader went on to win the election and form government. She had not imagined that she would win with such a margin.

Bangladesh had always been unstable. Soon after that government took over there was the massacre of army officers in Pilkhana which had never happened in independent Bangladesh. Officers' families were killed, women were violated and their bodies were thrown into the drains. This government then went on to completely decimate the opposition. The government then focused its efforts in destroying Jamaat and tried its leaders for war crimes although they had been arrested under other cases. Many were killed, many were injured. Many were disappeared and we still don't know their whereabouts. In the whole time, Jamaat was only allowed to hold events on two occasions — June 30, 2023 and October 28, 2023. We were not allowed to stand on the streets. But even then we did it, knowing full well that there would be several cases against some of us no matter how peaceful we were. We stood on the streets with that foreknowledge. There were thousands of cases, hundreds of thousands were arrested. Many were interned during that time. There had never been such times.

Then there was the changeover on the [August] 5th. But the country has still not become stable. The instability can't go on like this. This has to stop at some point. Despite being repressed for so long we have assured our members and activists that this will not go on and the repression will stop at some point... when people as a whole are repressed, they will rise up and the government will not be able to subdue them. We have to be patient during these trying times when the nation is sort of going through birthing pains. We have told our members not to take the law into their own hands. We will not seek retribution for the injustices done to us. There have been several instances of anarchy immediately following the changeover. There have even been several instances of mob justice. But we have not been accused of any of them.

I have even sought out information confidentially about whether Jamaat members have been involved in any such cases. There have not been any.

We want to perform as a responsible organisation contributing to the stability of the country. That is why we are being patient. If anyone has a right to vengeance then it is us. Many others have suffered a lot more than us in terms of numbers but in terms of the gravity of damage we have been harmed the most. The entire rank and file of the party, including two ameers (chiefs) have been finished. I was no one significant in this party. But since the top leadership had been decimated, we were burdened with the leadership of the party. We have made these sacrifices only to bring back this stability. You could also call it civic duty if you want. We very much desire stability.

Not everyone in this [interim] government will have the same capacity. That is only normal. No two people are the same. That is only to be expected. But if they work sincerely and treat their appointment as a sacred responsibility the nation has entrusted them with, then they will be able to leave behind something good for us.

But if these people fall victim to greed and power, then they will have betrayed their trust but more than that, they will have destroyed our hopes and aspirations. They have a huge responsibility and this is like their acid test.

Some members of the government at times make political statements. The nation does not want to hear that from them. This government is a non-partisan government. It is best that we don't hear anything partisan from a non-partisan government. It would not bode well for them or us if they make such statements. We expect that they will perform their duties with caution and sincerity, bringing stability to the country.

Now you can never really wish away your apprehensions. There was a chance of a judicial coup soon after the changeover. Then there was an incident with the Ansar. The Ansar director general said they were not all from the paramilitary force, then who were all these people dressed up in their uniform. We are seeing strange incidents… these incidents of provocation at different levels.

Then again, and this was perhaps the first time in history that with the changeover many people began guarding the places of worship of the minorities. We were among them too. This has never happened before. But I am not willing to accept that either. I believe every citizen has the same right. If my mosque doesn't need guarding, why should someone's temple? Or pagoda? That means there is a security concern here. It is unfortunate that our society could not ensure that. We must address this concern.

Religion and party, to each his own. But the state belongs to everyone. Everyone has the same right to security. Everyone must converge on this basic point of agreement. Without exception. Otherwise, it will never be beneficial for any society or state.

DS: Jamaat is known for being farsighted and advancing with a plan. But the party had been against public opinion during both turning points of the subcontinent (1947 Partition and 1971 Liberation War). How do you explain that?

SR:
It is true that we were against the tide. But none of the Jamaat leaders were ever against Pakistan [in 1947]. We never said we wanted a unified India. The point was that the leaders of Pakistan did not reflect what was supposed to be the spirit of the movement for Pakistan. That the spirit of Islam was not being fully represented by the leadership and we urged for that. It was a principled position. Was that wrong? It was not against Pakistan really.

This is almost similar to the recent news that I had forgiven the Awami League… that I had announced a general amnesty. I had not even named Awami League. I don't have the right to say such a thing, neither did I. But the media publicised it as such, which was very unfortunate. And it was attributed to me. Was it not an injustice to me?

I had said that those who had wronged us, I forgive them and we won't exact revenge for that. But if the victims or the victims' families seek justice, we will assist them. Does that mean general amnesty or forgiveness for Awmai League? And I said there were many, other than Awami League, who had wronged us by turns. We don't want to name anyone. Maybe Awami League had done it the most. But surely there were others. We have stated a common principle for all of them. It is that the politics of revenge and retribution must be put to the grave. It does not matter if no one else says it. Someone has to bell the cat. So why not me?

It was with this intent that we had spoken those words. But simultaneously, I had also said that those who had committed crimes must be punished or this culture of impunity would only increase.

Now about the election of 1970 and then 1971. That you can say was against the popular tide and for a united Pakistan. That is true. But Mujib was also for one Pakistan. He continued the dialogue till the last day only to demand his rightful position as the prime minister of the whole of Pakistan. There was no difference between our vision and his.

Now you will ask me that 'when the Liberation War became unavoidable and when the entire nation turned towards it, why didn't you?'

The Liberation War was mostly conducted from India but not so much within Bangladesh. Many had either withdrawn to India or fled there to seek shelter. People went there for two main purposes. Either to save themselves or to wage war from there. About 10 million people went there. But there were about 1,50,000–2,00,000 freedom fighters. It was about two to three percent of all the refugees. Even Bhashani had gone to India but he could not stay there. Why was that? It was because his name began with "Maulana". He was forced to flee from India to Bangladesh. Now tell me was there an atmosphere for Jamaat-e-Islami or other Islamist parties to go to India? If not, then how would they take part in the war?

And now there will be the question, "Fine, you could not join the war. But you could have kept quiet and not provided support to the injustice."

Now, we had wanted Pakistan to remain undivided and that Awami League be given their rightful due that they had earned through the popular vote.

But that did not happen because of Bhutto's obstinacy. Sheikh Mujib had nothing to do with that, neither did anyone else. Only Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto is responsible for that not happening. His demand for two prime ministers in a single country was the reason. He simply would not let Sheikh Mujib have the reins of entire Pakistan. He had wanted to rule over West Pakistan while Sheikh Mujib would have to be satisfied with just East Pakistan. This was an unjust demand… an unconstitutional demand. But the military rulers of Pakistan endorsed that demand. Then began their repression. Jamaat-e-Islami had still wanted a single Pakistan. I am not going into the discussion whether that was vice or virtue.

What we had heard afterwards was that the leadership of that time had an apprehension that if we won our independence with the favour, cooperation and active engagement of India, then the people would not be able to reap the full benefits of that sovereignty. That there would be an undue influence over Bangladesh and because of that we would not be able to emerge and establish ourselves as a truly sovereign nation with full dignity. People have borne witness to what has happened in our 53 years of independence. The media has been the mirror of the society and I leave it up to you. If the Jamaat leadership's apprehension had been wrong then let them come and say it did not happen. But if because of their farsightedness, they had been right, then the people will surely take that into their consideration as well.

If I see that the popular stream is going in a direction that has more ills than good then I must take a stand even if I am alone. I must do what my conscience tells me. Jamaat did just that. Nothing more.

Now there is the question of crimes that our leadership was accused of. There are questions about Al Badr, Al Shams, Razakar. And the crimes they committed and how much they were related to these outfits. There was also the Peace Committee. All these outfits did exist.

There is no denying that, these outfits were all there. The Pakistan government controlled them. They established these outfits and they controlled these outfits. I was little then. I had seen in my village market they would beat drums and motivate people to join the Razakars. But how can Jamaat be held responsible for their crimes. If the Pakistan government had controlled these outfits, then why should Jamaat shoulder the misdeeds of their crimes.

In the 1970 election, Jamaat had secured about 4.5 percent of the votes and rest almost entirely voted for Awami League. How could that Jamaat become so powerful… even more than the Pakistani military?! The military that had weapons at their disposal? I really don't know. I did not see it in my area. I don't know about the rest of the country. I used to live in a small community and Jamaat was a rather small organisation there at that time.

But yes, I agree that if someone has committed a crime then they must be punished. Even if it were I who committed the crime. Now if a Jamaat leader or a Chhatra Shangha leader had committed crimes then they must be punished for their misdeeds.

But I ask you who had the power then? Was it Jamaat-e-Islami or the military or was it Sheikh Mujib's rule? It was Sheikh Mujib who was in power. After the war, they drew up a list of war criminals and charged 24,000 people. Many went to jail. But those who were charged 42 years after the war, why were they not charged back then? Why were there no cases or even a whiff of an allegation back then in any police station at that time?

Then we, the following generations, would understand that yes, since they had done something wrong, hence there were allegations against them. But why were there none? Why did these charges come about after 42 years? [Surendra Kumar] Sinha had written a little about that in his book. I don't want to go deep into that because I am not sure how much he wrote freely at that time. Put together, there is a big question about who the perpetrators were. That people died, there is no way to deny. No one can deny that people were violated, that houses were looted. But who were the actual perpetrators? It should have been unearthed through those 24,000 cases. Why were those not resolved? So, it was not possible to do that in less than three years. But why did that not continue? Sheikh Mujib then declared a general amnesty except for four crimes—murder, rape, loot and arson—and the rest were given amnesty. Those remained then. The legacy remained. But 42 years later everything was bundled on Jamaat's shoulders. How is that justice?

And the trial that was held was a complete kangaroo trial. The whole world expressed their concern about its fairness. First, they labelled these as war crimes, then they said these were crimes against humanity. They called it international crimes tribunal but said that they would try domestic crimes. Everything was muddled.

Guilty or not, they were simply bent on proving us guilty. That was their main focus. I want to say something clearly. Whether I have been a witness of those times or not, it does not matter. If any kind of mistake or crime from that time is proven beyond doubt, then I will personally beg forgiveness from the nation with full responsibility. I have absolutely no reservations about that. But I won't accept trumped up charges as the truth. It has to be clear what is the truth.

Everyone knows how we were treated all over Bangladesh when these trials were going on. People have witnessed how our defence witnesses were kidnapped from the court premises. We were completely insecure. We were not even considered citizens of this country. How would we get justice? It was simply a miscarriage of justice. That is what had been inflicted upon us.

DS: You say that if the crimes were proven beyond doubt, you would not have any reservation to beg for forgiveness.

SR:
Yes, I would have no hesitation.

DS: And just to clarify, it is also your contention that the militia forces like Al Badr, Al Shams and Razakar were controlled by the Pakistani government and subsequently the country was controlled by Sheikh Mujib. So then why should Jamaat be burdened with the responsibility of the crimes committed by these outfits.

SR:
Yes, everything was controlled by them.

TDS: But, one thing is quite clear from historical documents that Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Chhatra Shangha had led the formation of these militia outfits, along with other Islamist parties. Does that not put the burden of responsibility on Jamaat?

SR:
There is such a saying — history is for the victors — history backs those who emerge victorious. The history that you refer to today as authentic will have become "distorted" in no time. That is quite an established truth the world over. I am not going into that debate now. But let me refer to something that happened during this [Awami League] government's tenure.

They had published a list of Razakars, right? There were 134 from Jamaat-e-Islami and 10,000 from the Awami League, not the other way round. Then tell me which one is the party of Razakars? Which party?

Now, when [Awami League regime] did not like it, they turned around and annulled the list. Then one would have to presume that AKM Mozammel Huq (former minister for the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs) was a rukn or ameer of Jamaat, hence he was misguiding the government. Otherwise, if he was indeed favouring Jamaat, why is he still part of the Awami League? What was he doing in that ministry then?

Just like those news item saying that I had announced general amnesty and that I have forgiven Awami League, it is very easy to create history.

But yes, let me also be clear. Back then there was Jamaat, Chhatra Sangha, Muslim League, NSF, PDP, Nezam-e-Islam party, Awami League, many other parties. I have seen with my own eyes that Awami League members had joined the Razakars. I don't know about other areas of Bangladesh but this was something I saw in my community. Why they went in, whether it was to stand up for a single united Pakistan or to save their families, they would be able to answer. There were instances of one brother fighting in the war while another had joined the Razakars. Even the Awami League government had said that not all Razakars were evil. There were some good ones too. Sheikh Hasina had said it herself.

So which ones were they then? Perhaps the ones in my party (with a chuckle)… but I will not get into that. The point is there were people from all parties. The people of East Pakistan, who thought it appropriate, responded to the government's call. But this cannot be mixed up with a party's responsibility. It is rather an individual's responsibility. But yes, if the East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami had decided to form such militias through a resolution, and if the Awami League has such a document then the whole nation will accept that. I will too.

But it simply cannot be because you say so.

DS: So, you accept that although individuals could have been members of the militia outfits, since it was not Jamaat-e-Islami's organisational decision, those individual actions do not translate into a responsibility of the party for opposing the liberation.

SR:
And not just Jamaat. All parties were among the Razakar. As I said earlier, in my neighbourhood I saw Awami League members join the Razakar which the government's list had proven. The list of Razakars that [former] liberation war affairs minister AKM Mozammel Huq had published, had names of Awami Leaguers the most. Other parties did not even come close to it.

DS: In the same vein then, there are allegations of mass killing against the Awami League as an organisation. But did they have such a resolution?

SR:
The leadership of the party had made that announcement.

DS: But you do not consider that as an individual responsibility in this case?

SR:
No, no. It was the prime minister who was saying it. It was not just anybody on the street. She was speaking from a position of authority. And she has a command responsibility.

DS: And since the party chief is making this statement, it translates into her party being responsible for the crimes?

SR:
Right. She is head of the party as well as the state.

DS: In the same vein then, let us consider the role of chief of East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami, Ghulam Azam in 1971. There was a fund-raising drive using his name. He had delivered speeches and lectures on a number of occasions, including Razakar gatherings, urging people to stand for a united Pakistan and urged their active involvement in the matter. Does that not constitute a collective organisational responsibility?

SR:
I have already said that they were supporting Pakistan. I never said that they were supporting the Liberation War. Since they preferred to have a united Pakistan, they said whatever they thought was necessary for the discipline and peace of the country. They have not denied that they were not behind a united Pakistan.

DS: And it is your contention then that such a stance cannot be linked with the atrocities?

SR:
If anyone has committed atrocities, even if it is Ghulam Azam himself, they should be punished. I have no problem with that.

But my question here is that if they were indeed the perpetrators, then why was there nothing against them back then? The incidents were fresh in people's minds, the evidence would have been there and the witnesses were alive too.

How did these cases emerge much later? Where did the witnesses come from?

You must know there was this place called the "safe house" during the [war crimes] trials where they would bring witnesses and coach them. The ones who did not listen were beaten up. The ones who did their bidding were remunerated. These have been reported in mainstream periodicals, in fact. The government did not even protest against that, which is basically an implicit admission.

DS: It is your contention that history is written by victors. But what about the documentation by West Pakistani authorities. Those documents also indicate that Jamaat-e-Islami along with other like-minded Islamist parties led the formation of these militias and that their leadership was also involved. Does that not translate into Jamaat's responsibility at all?

SR:
If individuals are involved in atrocities, then it shall by all means render them guilty, as persons. There is no reason why it should not.

But you see what is quite mysterious is that the parties that were in favour of a single Pakistan, almost all of them still exist in Bangladesh in one form or another. But why aren't there questions or allegations against them? Why only Jamaat?

First, you come up with the charges 42 years after it actually happened. But not against any of the other Islamist parties. There were numerous Islamist parties and nationalist parties that had their members join these different government forces. But there are no allegations against any of them. Not a word, not a hoot. I have not seen it in your renowned newspaper either, and I am a reader. But I don't see anything like that.

Is it because Jamaat has been able to reach people's hearts? Now that Jamaat has made a place, it has to be caught out and subdued.

DS: Women's liberty and participation are always important questions when it comes to Jamaat. You have mentioned in previous interviews that Jamaat-e-Islami has about 42 percent women members.

My question to you is, how many women rukns do you have? And how many women are there in Jamaat's mazlish-e-shura (policy making body) or the central working committee?

SR:
You should have a fair bit of idea about rukns. We have about 1,00,000 rukns in our party right now. You may presume that of them women constitute about 40–42 percent. We have a few organisational bodies of which, the largest is the majlish-e-shura, a policy making body. There we have about 35 percent women, which is increasing. There is a similar proportion of women in the working committee.

TDS: We have had woman prime ministers running Bangladesh since 1991. When can we expect to see a woman ameer of Jamaat?

SR:
The prominent women leaders we see, Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina or even Rawshan Ershad, have all inherited the legacies left behind by their husbands or fathers. None of them climbed up the ranks from the grassroots as an individual political worker. They had to take on the reins of the party under special circumstances, not through the normal process.

Now will you see women at the same level in our party? See, we run a party based on principles. These principles teach us to respect humans. Allah has created men and women and knows best what qualities were given to men and what to women. It is with that foreknowledge of the abilities that Allah has set out distinct roles for men and women. For instance, try as much as they want, 10 men would never be able bear a child. That capacity has been given to women. Men will not be able to suckle their children.

That a mother will bear children, feed them and care for them, and then at work, they will have to perform the same as their male counterparts, is that justice? That is why there are way too many problems in our society. Allah does not desire to see humans in chaos but rather that they live in discipline and harmony. There is a prescription for that from Allah. And that is the Quran. And the best example to emulate is Allah's prophet Mohammad. I will request you to go through the Quran and the answers to a lot of questions will become crystal clear. It will not become Islam just by my saying so or because I reject something.

The basic principles of Islam are only in view of the welfare of humanity and it is with that view that Jamaat-e-Islami decides on its policies and adopts its programmes. We have no right to lessen or limit from whatever has been allotted by Islam. We want to regard humanity with this perspective of respect. We do not want any injustice to our mothers. And it will also become clear from history the kind of respect and social recognition of mothers there was in this world before Islam. We all know that they were hardly deemed has humans. Islam elevated them to be given a position of respect as a mother, sister or daughter. That is the beauty of Islam. It is a divine gift for us. Why must we avoid this gift?

I will request you from the bottom of my heart to read the Quran, and not just recitation, read it with the meaning. Also, the Bible and the Tripitaka.

All the real religions strive for the same sort of welfare, which is why we are respectful to all religions. That is also why we do not distinguish between minority or majority. Whoever is the citizen of this country is a respectable citizen with the same dignity and equal rights. Whatever their party or religion, it is their choice. But one cannot impose something on others. Islam does not allow it. You have no right to any excesses regarding your way of life, is what Allah tells us.

We want to keep [women] in this place of respect. [Women] have fought wars beside the prophet. They have worked as teachers. They are our pride. We need not seek more examples. Mothers hold a place of respect in our hearts.

TDS: The question was when could we see the first woman ameer of Jamaat.

SR:
I will answer that once you have read the Quran.

DS: Then you choose to refrain from answering that question now?

SR:
I will hold my answer for now, yes. We will have another dialogue together when we can discuss this.

DS: Music, dance and poetry comprise a large part of our culture. But devout Muslims often oppose these things. My question to you is, what role will Jamaat-e-Islami play in conserving these innate cultural elements of music and dance that have issued from this soil?

SR:
We all know that Islam is a complete code of life. Will it not have a solution to this as well? Surely it does. When the prophet Muhammad (pbuh) migrated from Mecca to Medina, which we also call the hijrat, little girls of Medina received him with song and dance. The prophet did not mind that at all. Girls, albeit little girls, would sing during wedding celebrations. The prophet did not discourage them. Once Abu Bakr (pbuh) prevented such a celebration of song and dance and was rebuked by the prophet.

If it is to bring about healthy and tasteful culture then I welcome you. But if that culture leads to rifts between a mother and her daughter, if that culture gives cause to disrespect elders, or makes you so desperate that you forget yourself, then it is not desirable for any society.

Islam has always taken initiatives to blossom a healthy culture and it will do so in future too. We are all for the kind of culture that fosters happiness and harmony.

DS: We celebrate the Pohela Boishakh (first day of Bengali calendar) with mongol shobhajatra, there is the probhat feri on Ekushey February (21 February, the language day). But many devout Muslims are strongly opposed to these. What will Jamaat have to say to them? And also, will Jamaat ever join us in these celebrations?

SR:
That is a genuine question. You see there are two festivals in Islam — the two Eids. These two festivals have opened the doors for people to celebrate, express joy, exchange greetings and love. There is significant research going on about other celebrations — how do we go about the other festivals in light of the two I mentioned. We hope that something good will come from it and hopefully we, along with the rest, will have no problem in accepting them.

There is perhaps one thing to consider. Humans are "ashraful mukhluqaat" — the best of all creations. It is for this one factor that they humans have a conscience or one might say wisdom, that Allah did not give to any other animal. Humans, the best of all creations, should not don the masks of lions and tigers. One strives to go higher… why should one debase themselves? In this regard, the reservations expressed by Islamic scholars should be taken into consideration, in our opinion.

We have seen that there have been a number of incidents and accidents during this jatra. Especially as regards women's safety… there have been instances of violating their dignity. There are all kinds of days that we observe. These are domestic days, there are so many others that we observe throughout the year. Those days are observed with much more discipline. That needs to happen here too. I don't know if anyone will be able to maintain that discipline here.

But we do not believe that one shobhajatra will bring about good. For that we have to change our characters. If the character and action are well-intentioned, then good will from it. But if one's character and actions are ill-intentioned, then no shobhajatra will be able to bring good hearts and minds.

The nomenclature can be subject to different opinions but the basic theme is celebration of a festival. In this case Pohela Boishakh, which is the Bengali new year. Many nations celebrate their new year. You can do it here too, but within discipline. But that does not happen, which is the point of concern. And, also that some of these elements are not concomitant to human dignity. Now some people might say these are reactionary statements. But if we look at the hard facts, then there is no way of straying from these points.

DS: So, you believe that the reservations regarding mongol shobhajatra are not baseless and should be taken into consideration.

SR:
Absolutely. Whatever that is not soothing, what is not beautiful should be corrected.

TDS: But the Pohela Boishakh is not just the first day of the Bengali new year, it is also a symbol of our protest against an autocratic regime. And we remember that day celebrating our culture, which in itself was the protest.

SR:
I do admit it, but then are you saying that all these years that the celebration was there it was because there was always an autocrat? Certainly not. If there is no tyranny, then there is no need for the protest either. It would mean there was tyranny during the last 15 and half years and even from before that.

DS: It has turned into a tradition that we remember every year if only to reassert our love for the culture. In the same vein, there is probhat feri of Ekushey February that we remember. It is not that we need to fight for the Bengali language still now.

SR:
Of course, our Ghulam Azam was a language warrior. He was among the first to read out a statement in defence of Bengali language. He was the first man.

DS: Jamaat-e-Islami wishes to establish a state governed by Islamic laws. The specific question is in regard to the legal system — the status of non-Muslims. Will the testimony or allegation of, for instance, a Hindu or a Buddhist, hold up against a Muslim's?

SR:
Absolutely. If he is telling the truth and the Muslim is lying, yes. If they are not liars then it will be acceptable by all means. But if the Muslim is a liar then their allegation or testimony will not be acceptable either.

DS: And what about men and women, do they have the same weight as witnesses?

SR:
It will not be the same for the reason that, as I have already said, Allah has decided upon distinct roles for men and women. There is a provision for two women because let us say on the very day of the testimony the woman is giving birth and won't be able to come to the court. Then the other woman will be her proxy. Allah has also explained it, why there are two women. If one forgets something, meaning if she is unable, then other one will help. The men have no such problems.

DS: So, if a woman's testimony is not equal to that of a man, then how many will suffice in the stead of a man. Is it two or three women?

SR:
It has been stipulated that there will be two women. Not three. The requirement is for two men. If two men cannot be found to testify then one man and two women will suffice. And then Allah has also explained that it is because one woman can assist the other.

DS: What about the women of other religions? Would their testimony be acceptable? Or would they have the same distinction?

SR:
The religion has no difference in this case. The point of distinction is the gender.

Let me point out something here. Let us say someone has harmed a Buddhist family where there are no Muslims. Now, how would that person demand justice? How will they demand justice if their testimony is not acceptable. Religion cannot be unjust with anyone. There is no question of that happening. It is a divine gift. Why would Allah be unjust to his creations? Allah would never do that. There is no better judge than Allah.

DS: And as for the division of inheritance, you endorse what has been ordained by Islam where women do not get equal shares as men. Am I right in saying that?

SR:
Yes. And Islam explains why. The man has been fully responsible for the family. Let's say both the husband and wife have businesses, then the husband does not have any right to the wife's property for his family, not a penny. The full responsibility lies with the husband. Secondly, a man is not entitled to anything from in-laws. But once a woman has been married, she is still entitled to a share of her father's property and assets, while she is entitled to a share of her husband's property. Religious scholars have proved it that a woman does not in any way get less than a man but in fact a little more than a man. Here too, we see proper justice. There is no disparity.

Have you noticed something else? There are some religions where the women are not entitled to any inheritance. Despite being born of the same mother, they have no rights, how is that acceptable? They have a right to justice too. They should also inherit from their parents. This is something to think about, is all I am saying.

Islam is so balanced that there is no lacuna anywhere. No loopholes.

DS: There was a Women's Development Policy of 2011, with provision of equal inheritance for men and women, that had been floated and subsequently withdrawn in the face of protests. Do you oppose that policy then?

SR:
We are not opposing anyone. We are merely advocating a certain position in the light of Islam. I don't need to oppose anyone. I am only advocating my principles. And I am convinced that my principles are the best. I am saying it protects everyone's rights.

DS: You presented a number of reform proposals just yesterday. One of them called for sculptures based on the nature of this country and not on living beings like animals. In this regard, my question is, in that case is it your position that sculptures like the Aparajeyo Bangla or Raju Bhashkorjo be demolished? Will you then oppose building any more such sculptures? Would you please elaborate?

SR:
Actually, our position is indifferent. But yes, there is this oft-repeated hadith, which says that no one but Allah has the power to give life. Neither to an ant, nor even to a single cell organism. On the day of judgement, Allah will bring those sculptures and the sculptors and ask them to give their creations the kiss of life. The sculptors will surely say that it is not within their capacity. Allah will then ask why they had built it then and tell them that they should not have done it.

During this recent changeover, you will see that our boys and girls have drawn graffiti in many places. They have brought out the beauty of nature in these graffiti. And everyone has liked them. You could even take their slogans as part of our culture. On my way from Mirpur, I saw this one slogan in one or two places — "boiling blood, cool head" — and I thought that was such a big nugget of philosophy in a few words. It is saying that my blood boils against the injustice but I will not lose my temper and let the other side gain an advantage. I become surprised sometimes wondering who taught the kids these things? You can foster culture in different ways you see.

You may feel pleased, or displeased, if you look at a person. But a flower garden will never displease you. It will fill you with peace. The plants and trees of nature will never cause you distress. They will always soothe you.

But there are animals in this world that will frighten you the moment you look at them. Only the almighty Allah knows why they have been created so. I am not qualified to discuss that. Nor do I want to. But Allah guides us with the full belief for our welfare.

But demolition, or pulling it down or disrespecting something is another chapter. We are in principle against disrespecting anything. No matter what you resolve, do it on the basis of consensus, through dialogue. Whatever needs to be done should be done in an orderly fashion.

When these things happen though (demolition or destruction), it is mainly driven by sentimental or some sort of an emotional outburst. More often than not, emotion does not drive people in the right direction. A lot of times, people are misguided because of their emotions. Now whoever has done it, did not ask you or me. That person did not think about the impact of the actions. As if just because I don't like it, it is enough to justify it. It is because our society is intolerant. We must increase our tolerance. There is this mentality of not wanting to give space to each other.

DS: Jamaat-e-Islami wants to establish an Islamist state that is governed by the laws ordained by the almighty. That would contradict the constitution in many ways. How would you deal with that?

SR:
The constitution is being changed all the time and not necessarily to accommodate Allah's order. The constitution has many amendments. There have been 16 already. Allah knows best how many more there will be. Why was that? To serve the people.

Now if a party with firm principles comes to power, it will be through elections of course. We won't force our way to power. But if the people choose a certain principle, then certain reformation of the constitution may be needed in light of those principles.

DS: Do you have any tension going on with the BNP? They have stated that there is no alliance between the parties any more.

SR:
True. We are saying that too. There is no alliance. And there is no tension either. However, we see a lot of tension between us in the media. Driven by their warmth and sympathy for us, the media brings out very interesting stories about us on the talk shows just so that we remain active in a sort of tug of war. We (meaning BNP and Jamaat) are not at war, the media is though. But we see it played out in the media.

DS: Many are advocating for banning Awami League from the election. Where do you stand on this issue?

SR:
I have said the other day, haven't I? Awami League has failed to prove that it believes in election. They have held three elections. In 2014, they took 154 seats unopposed. As if there was a drought of aspiring candidates in Bangladesh. In 2018, they could not even wait till the day of the election, it was all over the night before. And in 2024 they created such a plot that would be no election at all. Now when did Awami League ever want an election? Never! Let Awami League prove through its activities that they want an election and believe in people's mandate.

DS: There is a general trend among Islamist groups and parties of using Arabic, Persian or Urdu words instead of Bengali. For instance, you have mentioned "mazlum" or "khalaas", there are bodies like majlish-e-shura and so forth. But there are Bengali synonyms for these words too. Why do you not use the Bengali words?

SR:
Sure, there are synonyms. Bengali has become enriched with so many other languages. This language is a rather generous one. We have words from Sanskrit, Arabic, Urdu or even English.

Take Awami League for instance. Awam is Urdu and League is English. There is no Bengali at all. Our name is fully Arabic. Take BNP… it's all English. We do not see it in that way. Neither does the nation. The people will accept whatever word they understand easily. You might say this is the beauty and generosity of the Bengali language.​
 

Jamaat chief calls for unity, justice and equality
UNB
Published :
Nov 29, 2024 23:52
Updated :
Nov 29, 2024 23:52

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Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman on Friday called for national unity and the creation of a fair and equal Bangladesh.

"Our children and people from all walks of life gave their lives for a non-discriminatory society," he said at an event in Jashore.

"We want a Bangladesh where everyone, regardless of caste, religion, or party, enjoys equal rights."

He emphasized protecting national unity and staying alert against forces trying to divide the country.

He said, "We have to maintain this national unity... No one can destroy this unity. For this, our students and the people of all Bangladesh must be vigilant."

Shafiqur Rahman accused the former government of perpetuating injustice, forced disappearances and smuggling resources abroad.

"Those who spread the branches of fascism on us, those who carried out violence for 15 and a half years, those who committed murder, looted the country's resources and smuggled them abroad, we will not forgive them," he said.

He vowed to seek justice for these actions.

Referring to his party's struggles, he said many Jamaat leaders, including Delwar Hossain Sayedee, Golam Azam, Ali Ahsan Mujahid and Abdul Quader Mollah, were killed unfairly. Despite oppression, the party remains committed to its goals, he added.

Praising Jashore's history of resistance, he recalled the contributions of Major MA Jalil and his comrades during the Liberation War.​
 

Full transcript of interview with Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman

The Daily Star (DS): You are the ameer (chief) of Jamaat-e-Islami amid a shifting political landscape. It is not yet stable. How do you perceive it? Are there reasons for apprehension?

Shafiqur Rahman (SR):
You see our society has never really been stable. It was not stable during the Pakistan period. Neither can we say that it was fully stable since it has been Bangladesh. In Pakistan, there were assassinations and changeovers but democracy never really returned to its constitutional form. And eventually of course, Bangladesh was born with hundreds of thousands of people sacrificing themselves. But this lack of stability was always there, even after Bangladesh's freedom.

Then Sheikh Mujib was killed along with his family. His relatives were also assassinated. Those were unstable times. There were several changes of power even before Ziaur Rahman came to power. He did not get much time after formally opening up politics. Those were tumultuous times too. After Ziaur Rahman came Sattar but he too had to go. That was also marked with instability.

Then came Ershad and built his own party. During his tenure there were full-fledged movements one after another. He had to leave power through another uprising actually. Those were also unstable times.

Then the BNP formed a government in 1991 with Khaleda Zia as the prime minister. In that election, no one party secured enough seats to form the government. That was another type of instability. Jamaat was then the balance of power. Awami League wanted our support and so did BNP. We used our judgement and lent our support to BNP without any conditions. We had clarified that they may form the government but [Jamaat] would rather not be part of it and remain in the opposition. The support was only to form government. Nothing more than that.

The election had been held under an interim government — it was not called 'caretaker' yet. This caretaker formula was declared by Abbas Ali Khan in 1984 on behalf of the Jamaat chief of that time, Professor Ghulam Azam. The formula was exactly as Ghulam Azam had proposed. The name was different but the composition was the same.

Everyone participated in that election, including Jatiya Party, which secured 36 seats, because the elections were held under an interim government despite such a huge debacle. I think that was a huge achievement for them. Jamaat participated on its individual capacity, on its own and managed to secure 18 seats.

Then Jamaat sent a six-member delegation led by Abbas Ali Khan to the prime minister who said this was the first time a credible election had taken place in independent Bangladesh where a huge number of people took part. They urged the ruling party to float a proposal to formalise this caretaker government system from the treasury bench. But it was not acceptable.

Then we were compelled to raise this demand from the streets. But later in 1996 the Awami League raised the same demand for a caretaker government. The difference was semantic. That demand gained currency and all parties took part in that movement except BNP.

But the campaign for this demand became so strong that BNP had to relent and accept it in the following parliament which was there for just a limited amount of time. The only law that parliament enacted was the caretaker government bill following which the parliament was dissolved and new elections were held in 1996, in which everyone took part.

Awami League won that election with a slim majority and formed government. They ruled till 2001. But during this time, there were a lot of incidents. There were bodies strewn about in the canals and rivers of Bangladesh. Those were unstable times as well.

Then there was a four-party alliance in 2000 with BNP, Jamaat, Jatiya Party and Islami Oikya Jote. But at one point, Ershad left with his faction of Jatiya party to be replaced by Naziur Rahman Manjur's faction of Jatiya Party. There was a written declaration from this alliance during the anti-government movement which said that the alliance would campaign together, participate in the elections together and if they won, then they would form the government together. That was how we took part in the government.

The Jamaat chief of that time, Motiur Rahman Nizami, was first given agriculture ministry followed by industries ministry. The general secretary of Jamaat, Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujaheed, always had the social welfare ministry. But there was instability during that time too. Awami League had stated from the first day that it would not let the government rest in peace for a single day.

The Awami League general secretary of that time, Abdul Jalil, had mentioned a "trump card" that Awami League would play on 30 April of 2004. They had planned to get all NGO workers of Bangladesh to lay siege to the secretariat and topple the government. That was foiled due to a number of measures by the government.

Then a number of religious outlets reared their head. That created another phase of instability when they set off bombs in almost all the courts of the country. The government of that time took tough measures against them. These elements were arrested. Some even died when they were being arrested. Some were tried and convicted.

The mainstream religious leaders were opposed to these elements and they could not create a space for themselves.

Following that, Sheikh Hasina Wazed began her movement with the 14-party alliance. The transitional period began on October 28. The government was expected to step down the following day and hand over power to the caretaker government. The Awami League caused a day of mayhem on that day killing six of our activists. This was broadcast all over the world. Children could not sleep at night having witnessed that cruel murder. Foreign leaders said they were fearful of what they had witnessed.

A new caretaker government under [then] president Iajuddin was formed, which was unusual that a president himself had become the head of a caretaker government. Although that was within the constitutional stipulations, this had never happened before. However, that government failed due to the instability created by the Awami League. But that was not solely because of Awami League. The government of the day was also responsible. It was followed by another caretaker government. That government, although caretaker governments were supposed to stay for three months only, stretched its tenure to two years and at one point wanted to form its own party. General Moeen U Ahmed, the army chief back then, presented a keynote at the Sonargaon Hotel Ballroom. It was a vision for Bangladeshi democracy. He had wanted to use that opportunity to build support among the people and form his own government. But he failed. When he did not get a warm response, he realised that it would not work.

This military-backed caretaker government, as we called it, headed by Fakhruddin Ahmed conducted elections in 2008. But by then, they had made a number of errors and there were instances of corruption by them as well, although they had committed to a crusade against corruption.

They needed a "safe exit", a term which had gained currency at that time. They had then gone to two leaders. One had said that the parliament would decide while another had said their actions would not be under scrutiny and everything would be endorsed. That was the leader who was favoured and that leader went on to win the election and form government. She had not imagined that she would win with such a margin.

Bangladesh had always been unstable. Soon after that government took over there was the massacre of army officers in Pilkhana which had never happened in independent Bangladesh. Officers' families were killed, women were violated and their bodies were thrown into the drains. This government then went on to completely decimate the opposition. The government then focused its efforts in destroying Jamaat and tried its leaders for war crimes although they had been arrested under other cases. Many were killed, many were injured. Many were disappeared and we still don't know their whereabouts. In the whole time, Jamaat was only allowed to hold events on two occasions — June 30, 2023 and October 28, 2023. We were not allowed to stand on the streets. But even then we did it, knowing full well that there would be several cases against some of us no matter how peaceful we were. We stood on the streets with that foreknowledge. There were thousands of cases, hundreds of thousands were arrested. Many were interned during that time. There had never been such times.

Then there was the changeover on the [August] 5th. But the country has still not become stable. The instability can't go on like this. This has to stop at some point. Despite being repressed for so long we have assured our members and activists that this will not go on and the repression will stop at some point... when people as a whole are repressed, they will rise up and the government will not be able to subdue them. We have to be patient during these trying times when the nation is sort of going through birthing pains. We have told our members not to take the law into their own hands. We will not seek retribution for the injustices done to us. There have been several instances of anarchy immediately following the changeover. There have even been several instances of mob justice. But we have not been accused of any of them.

I have even sought out information confidentially about whether Jamaat members have been involved in any such cases. There have not been any.

We want to perform as a responsible organisation contributing to the stability of the country. That is why we are being patient. If anyone has a right to vengeance then it is us. Many others have suffered a lot more than us in terms of numbers but in terms of the gravity of damage we have been harmed the most. The entire rank and file of the party, including two ameers (chiefs) have been finished. I was no one significant in this party. But since the top leadership had been decimated, we were burdened with the leadership of the party. We have made these sacrifices only to bring back this stability. You could also call it civic duty if you want. We very much desire stability.

Not everyone in this [interim] government will have the same capacity. That is only normal. No two people are the same. That is only to be expected. But if they work sincerely and treat their appointment as a sacred responsibility the nation has entrusted them with, then they will be able to leave behind something good for us.

But if these people fall victim to greed and power, then they will have betrayed their trust but more than that, they will have destroyed our hopes and aspirations. They have a huge responsibility and this is like their acid test.

Some members of the government at times make political statements. The nation does not want to hear that from them. This government is a non-partisan government. It is best that we don't hear anything partisan from a non-partisan government. It would not bode well for them or us if they make such statements. We expect that they will perform their duties with caution and sincerity, bringing stability to the country.

Now you can never really wish away your apprehensions. There was a chance of a judicial coup soon after the changeover. Then there was an incident with the Ansar. The Ansar director general said they were not all from the paramilitary force, then who were all these people dressed up in their uniform. We are seeing strange incidents… these incidents of provocation at different levels.

Then again, and this was perhaps the first time in history that with the changeover many people began guarding the places of worship of the minorities. We were among them too. This has never happened before. But I am not willing to accept that either. I believe every citizen has the same right. If my mosque doesn't need guarding, why should someone's temple? Or pagoda? That means there is a security concern here. It is unfortunate that our society could not ensure that. We must address this concern.

Religion and party, to each his own. But the state belongs to everyone. Everyone has the same right to security. Everyone must converge on this basic point of agreement. Without exception. Otherwise, it will never be beneficial for any society or state.

DS: Jamaat is known for being farsighted and advancing with a plan. But the party had been against public opinion during both turning points of the subcontinent (1947 Partition and 1971 Liberation War). How do you explain that?

SR:
It is true that we were against the tide. But none of the Jamaat leaders were ever against Pakistan [in 1947]. We never said we wanted a unified India. The point was that the leaders of Pakistan did not reflect what was supposed to be the spirit of the movement for Pakistan. That the spirit of Islam was not being fully represented by the leadership and we urged for that. It was a principled position. Was that wrong? It was not against Pakistan really.

This is almost similar to the recent news that I had forgiven the Awami League… that I had announced a general amnesty. I had not even named Awami League. I don't have the right to say such a thing, neither did I. But the media publicised it as such, which was very unfortunate. And it was attributed to me. Was it not an injustice to me?

I had said that those who had wronged us, I forgive them and we won't exact revenge for that. But if the victims or the victims' families seek justice, we will assist them. Does that mean general amnesty or forgiveness for Awmai League? And I said there were many, other than Awami League, who had wronged us by turns. We don't want to name anyone. Maybe Awami League had done it the most. But surely there were others. We have stated a common principle for all of them. It is that the politics of revenge and retribution must be put to the grave. It does not matter if no one else says it. Someone has to bell the cat. So why not me?

It was with this intent that we had spoken those words. But simultaneously, I had also said that those who had committed crimes must be punished or this culture of impunity would only increase.

Now about the election of 1970 and then 1971. That you can say was against the popular tide and for a united Pakistan. That is true. But Mujib was also for one Pakistan. He continued the dialogue till the last day only to demand his rightful position as the prime minister of the whole of Pakistan. There was no difference between our vision and his.

Now you will ask me that 'when the Liberation War became unavoidable and when the entire nation turned towards it, why didn't you?'

The Liberation War was mostly conducted from India but not so much within Bangladesh. Many had either withdrawn to India or fled there to seek shelter. People went there for two main purposes. Either to save themselves or to wage war from there. About 10 million people went there. But there were about 1,50,000–2,00,000 freedom fighters. It was about two to three percent of all the refugees. Even Bhashani had gone to India but he could not stay there. Why was that? It was because his name began with "Maulana". He was forced to flee from India to Bangladesh. Now tell me was there an atmosphere for Jamaat-e-Islami or other Islamist parties to go to India? If not, then how would they take part in the war?

And now there will be the question, "Fine, you could not join the war. But you could have kept quiet and not provided support to the injustice."

Now, we had wanted Pakistan to remain undivided and that Awami League be given their rightful due that they had earned through the popular vote.

But that did not happen because of Bhutto's obstinacy. Sheikh Mujib had nothing to do with that, neither did anyone else. Only Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto is responsible for that not happening. His demand for two prime ministers in a single country was the reason. He simply would not let Sheikh Mujib have the reins of entire Pakistan. He had wanted to rule over West Pakistan while Sheikh Mujib would have to be satisfied with just East Pakistan. This was an unjust demand… an unconstitutional demand. But the military rulers of Pakistan endorsed that demand. Then began their repression. Jamaat-e-Islami had still wanted a single Pakistan. I am not going into the discussion whether that was vice or virtue.

What we had heard afterwards was that the leadership of that time had an apprehension that if we won our independence with the favour, cooperation and active engagement of India, then the people would not be able to reap the full benefits of that sovereignty. That there would be an undue influence over Bangladesh and because of that we would not be able to emerge and establish ourselves as a truly sovereign nation with full dignity. People have borne witness to what has happened in our 53 years of independence. The media has been the mirror of the society and I leave it up to you. If the Jamaat leadership's apprehension had been wrong then let them come and say it did not happen. But if because of their farsightedness, they had been right, then the people will surely take that into their consideration as well.

If I see that the popular stream is going in a direction that has more ills than good then I must take a stand even if I am alone. I must do what my conscience tells me. Jamaat did just that. Nothing more.

Now there is the question of crimes that our leadership was accused of. There are questions about Al Badr, Al Shams, Razakar. And the crimes they committed and how much they were related to these outfits. There was also the Peace Committee. All these outfits did exist.

There is no denying that, these outfits were all there. The Pakistan government controlled them. They established these outfits and they controlled these outfits. I was little then. I had seen in my village market they would beat drums and motivate people to join the Razakars. But how can Jamaat be held responsible for their crimes. If the Pakistan government had controlled these outfits, then why should Jamaat shoulder the misdeeds of their crimes.

In the 1970 election, Jamaat had secured about 4.5 percent of the votes and rest almost entirely voted for Awami League. How could that Jamaat become so powerful… even more than the Pakistani military?! The military that had weapons at their disposal? I really don't know. I did not see it in my area. I don't know about the rest of the country. I used to live in a small community and Jamaat was a rather small organisation there at that time.

But yes, I agree that if someone has committed a crime then they must be punished. Even if it were I who committed the crime. Now if a Jamaat leader or a Chhatra Shangha leader had committed crimes then they must be punished for their misdeeds.

But I ask you who had the power then? Was it Jamaat-e-Islami or the military or was it Sheikh Mujib's rule? It was Sheikh Mujib who was in power. After the war, they drew up a list of war criminals and charged 24,000 people. Many went to jail. But those who were charged 42 years after the war, why were they not charged back then? Why were there no cases or even a whiff of an allegation back then in any police station at that time?

Then we, the following generations, would understand that yes, since they had done something wrong, hence there were allegations against them. But why were there none? Why did these charges come about after 42 years? [Surendra Kumar] Sinha had written a little about that in his book. I don't want to go deep into that because I am not sure how much he wrote freely at that time. Put together, there is a big question about who the perpetrators were. That people died, there is no way to deny. No one can deny that people were violated, that houses were looted. But who were the actual perpetrators? It should have been unearthed through those 24,000 cases. Why were those not resolved? So, it was not possible to do that in less than three years. But why did that not continue? Sheikh Mujib then declared a general amnesty except for four crimes—murder, rape, loot and arson—and the rest were given amnesty. Those remained then. The legacy remained. But 42 years later everything was bundled on Jamaat's shoulders. How is that justice?

And the trial that was held was a complete kangaroo trial. The whole world expressed their concern about its fairness. First, they labelled these as war crimes, then they said these were crimes against humanity. They called it international crimes tribunal but said that they would try domestic crimes. Everything was muddled.

Guilty or not, they were simply bent on proving us guilty. That was their main focus. I want to say something clearly. Whether I have been a witness of those times or not, it does not matter. If any kind of mistake or crime from that time is proven beyond doubt, then I will personally beg forgiveness from the nation with full responsibility. I have absolutely no reservations about that. But I won't accept trumped up charges as the truth. It has to be clear what is the truth.

Everyone knows how we were treated all over Bangladesh when these trials were going on. People have witnessed how our defence witnesses were kidnapped from the court premises. We were completely insecure. We were not even considered citizens of this country. How would we get justice? It was simply a miscarriage of justice. That is what had been inflicted upon us.

DS: You say that if the crimes were proven beyond doubt, you would not have any reservation to beg for forgiveness.

SR:
Yes, I would have no hesitation.

DS: And just to clarify, it is also your contention that the militia forces like Al Badr, Al Shams and Razakar were controlled by the Pakistani government and subsequently the country was controlled by Sheikh Mujib. So then why should Jamaat be burdened with the responsibility of the crimes committed by these outfits.

SR:
Yes, everything was controlled by them.

TDS: But, one thing is quite clear from historical documents that Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Chhatra Shangha had led the formation of these militia outfits, along with other Islamist parties. Does that not put the burden of responsibility on Jamaat?

SR:
There is such a saying — history is for the victors — history backs those who emerge victorious. The history that you refer to today as authentic will have become "distorted" in no time. That is quite an established truth the world over. I am not going into that debate now. But let me refer to something that happened during this [Awami League] government's tenure.

They had published a list of Razakars, right? There were 134 from Jamaat-e-Islami and 10,000 from the Awami League, not the other way round. Then tell me which one is the party of Razakars? Which party?

Now, when [Awami League regime] did not like it, they turned around and annulled the list. Then one would have to presume that AKM Mozammel Huq (former minister for the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs) was a rukn or ameer of Jamaat, hence he was misguiding the government. Otherwise, if he was indeed favouring Jamaat, why is he still part of the Awami League? What was he doing in that ministry then?

Just like those news item saying that I had announced general amnesty and that I have forgiven Awami League, it is very easy to create history.

But yes, let me also be clear. Back then there was Jamaat, Chhatra Sangha, Muslim League, NSF, PDP, Nezam-e-Islam party, Awami League, many other parties. I have seen with my own eyes that Awami League members had joined the Razakars. I don't know about other areas of Bangladesh but this was something I saw in my community. Why they went in, whether it was to stand up for a single united Pakistan or to save their families, they would be able to answer. There were instances of one brother fighting in the war while another had joined the Razakars. Even the Awami League government had said that not all Razakars were evil. There were some good ones too. Sheikh Hasina had said it herself.

So which ones were they then? Perhaps the ones in my party (with a chuckle)… but I will not get into that. The point is there were people from all parties. The people of East Pakistan, who thought it appropriate, responded to the government's call. But this cannot be mixed up with a party's responsibility. It is rather an individual's responsibility. But yes, if the East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami had decided to form such militias through a resolution, and if the Awami League has such a document then the whole nation will accept that. I will too.

But it simply cannot be because you say so.

DS: So, you accept that although individuals could have been members of the militia outfits, since it was not Jamaat-e-Islami's organisational decision, those individual actions do not translate into a responsibility of the party for opposing the liberation.

SR:
And not just Jamaat. All parties were among the Razakar. As I said earlier, in my neighbourhood I saw Awami League members join the Razakar which the government's list had proven. The list of Razakars that [former] liberation war affairs minister AKM Mozammel Huq had published, had names of Awami Leaguers the most. Other parties did not even come close to it.

DS: In the same vein then, there are allegations of mass killing against the Awami League as an organisation. But did they have such a resolution?

SR:
The leadership of the party had made that announcement.

DS: But you do not consider that as an individual responsibility in this case?

SR:
No, no. It was the prime minister who was saying it. It was not just anybody on the street. She was speaking from a position of authority. And she has a command responsibility.

DS: And since the party chief is making this statement, it translates into her party being responsible for the crimes?

SR:
Right. She is head of the party as well as the state.

DS: In the same vein then, let us consider the role of chief of East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami, Ghulam Azam in 1971. There was a fund-raising drive using his name. He had delivered speeches and lectures on a number of occasions, including Razakar gatherings, urging people to stand for a united Pakistan and urged their active involvement in the matter. Does that not constitute a collective organisational responsibility?

SR:
I have already said that they were supporting Pakistan. I never said that they were supporting the Liberation War. Since they preferred to have a united Pakistan, they said whatever they thought was necessary for the discipline and peace of the country. They have not denied that they were not behind a united Pakistan.

DS: And it is your contention then that such a stance cannot be linked with the atrocities?

SR:
If anyone has committed atrocities, even if it is Ghulam Azam himself, they should be punished. I have no problem with that.

But my question here is that if they were indeed the perpetrators, then why was there nothing against them back then? The incidents were fresh in people's minds, the evidence would have been there and the witnesses were alive too.

How did these cases emerge much later? Where did the witnesses come from?

You must know there was this place called the "safe house" during the [war crimes] trials where they would bring witnesses and coach them. The ones who did not listen were beaten up. The ones who did their bidding were remunerated. These have been reported in mainstream periodicals, in fact. The government did not even protest against that, which is basically an implicit admission.

DS: It is your contention that history is written by victors. But what about the documentation by West Pakistani authorities. Those documents also indicate that Jamaat-e-Islami along with other like-minded Islamist parties led the formation of these militias and that their leadership was also involved. Does that not translate into Jamaat's responsibility at all?

SR:
If individuals are involved in atrocities, then it shall by all means render them guilty, as persons. There is no reason why it should not.

But you see what is quite mysterious is that the parties that were in favour of a single Pakistan, almost all of them still exist in Bangladesh in one form or another. But why aren't there questions or allegations against them? Why only Jamaat?

First, you come up with the charges 42 years after it actually happened. But not against any of the other Islamist parties. There were numerous Islamist parties and nationalist parties that had their members join these different government forces. But there are no allegations against any of them. Not a word, not a hoot. I have not seen it in your renowned newspaper either, and I am a reader. But I don't see anything like that.

Is it because Jamaat has been able to reach people's hearts? Now that Jamaat has made a place, it has to be caught out and subdued.

DS: Women's liberty and participation are always important questions when it comes to Jamaat. You have mentioned in previous interviews that Jamaat-e-Islami has about 42 percent women members.

My question to you is, how many women rukns do you have? And how many women are there in Jamaat's mazlish-e-shura (policy making body) or the central working committee?

SR:
You should have a fair bit of idea about rukns. We have about 1,00,000 rukns in our party right now. You may presume that of them women constitute about 40–42 percent. We have a few organisational bodies of which, the largest is the majlish-e-shura, a policy making body. There we have about 35 percent women, which is increasing. There is a similar proportion of women in the working committee.

TDS: We have had woman prime ministers running Bangladesh since 1991. When can we expect to see a woman ameer of Jamaat?

SR:
The prominent women leaders we see, Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina or even Rawshan Ershad, have all inherited the legacies left behind by their husbands or fathers. None of them climbed up the ranks from the grassroots as an individual political worker. They had to take on the reins of the party under special circumstances, not through the normal process.

Now will you see women at the same level in our party? See, we run a party based on principles. These principles teach us to respect humans. Allah has created men and women and knows best what qualities were given to men and what to women. It is with that foreknowledge of the abilities that Allah has set out distinct roles for men and women. For instance, try as much as they want, 10 men would never be able bear a child. That capacity has been given to women. Men will not be able to suckle their children.

That a mother will bear children, feed them and care for them, and then at work, they will have to perform the same as their male counterparts, is that justice? That is why there are way too many problems in our society. Allah does not desire to see humans in chaos but rather that they live in discipline and harmony. There is a prescription for that from Allah. And that is the Quran. And the best example to emulate is Allah's prophet Mohammad. I will request you to go through the Quran and the answers to a lot of questions will become crystal clear. It will not become Islam just by my saying so or because I reject something.

The basic principles of Islam are only in view of the welfare of humanity and it is with that view that Jamaat-e-Islami decides on its policies and adopts its programmes. We have no right to lessen or limit from whatever has been allotted by Islam. We want to regard humanity with this perspective of respect. We do not want any injustice to our mothers. And it will also become clear from history the kind of respect and social recognition of mothers there was in this world before Islam. We all know that they were hardly deemed has humans. Islam elevated them to be given a position of respect as a mother, sister or daughter. That is the beauty of Islam. It is a divine gift for us. Why must we avoid this gift?

I will request you from the bottom of my heart to read the Quran, and not just recitation, read it with the meaning. Also, the Bible and the Tripitaka.

All the real religions strive for the same sort of welfare, which is why we are respectful to all religions. That is also why we do not distinguish between minority or majority. Whoever is the citizen of this country is a respectable citizen with the same dignity and equal rights. Whatever their party or religion, it is their choice. But one cannot impose something on others. Islam does not allow it. You have no right to any excesses regarding your way of life, is what Allah tells us.

We want to keep [women] in this place of respect. [Women] have fought wars beside the prophet. They have worked as teachers. They are our pride. We need not seek more examples. Mothers hold a place of respect in our hearts.

TDS: The question was when could we see the first woman ameer of Jamaat.

SR:
I will answer that once you have read the Quran.

DS: Then you choose to refrain from answering that question now?

SR:
I will hold my answer for now, yes. We will have another dialogue together when we can discuss this.

DS: Music, dance and poetry comprise a large part of our culture. But devout Muslims often oppose these things. My question to you is, what role will Jamaat-e-Islami play in conserving these innate cultural elements of music and dance that have issued from this soil?

SR:
We all know that Islam is a complete code of life. Will it not have a solution to this as well? Surely it does. When the prophet Muhammad (pbuh) migrated from Mecca to Medina, which we also call the hijrat, little girls of Medina received him with song and dance. The prophet did not mind that at all. Girls, albeit little girls, would sing during wedding celebrations. The prophet did not discourage them. Once Abu Bakr (pbuh) prevented such a celebration of song and dance and was rebuked by the prophet.

If it is to bring about healthy and tasteful culture then I welcome you. But if that culture leads to rifts between a mother and her daughter, if that culture gives cause to disrespect elders, or makes you so desperate that you forget yourself, then it is not desirable for any society.

Islam has always taken initiatives to blossom a healthy culture and it will do so in future too. We are all for the kind of culture that fosters happiness and harmony.

DS: We celebrate the Pohela Boishakh (first day of Bengali calendar) with mongol shobhajatra, there is the probhat feri on Ekushey February (21 February, the language day). But many devout Muslims are strongly opposed to these. What will Jamaat have to say to them? And also, will Jamaat ever join us in these celebrations?

SR:
That is a genuine question. You see there are two festivals in Islam — the two Eids. These two festivals have opened the doors for people to celebrate, express joy, exchange greetings and love. There is significant research going on about other celebrations — how do we go about the other festivals in light of the two I mentioned. We hope that something good will come from it and hopefully we, along with the rest, will have no problem in accepting them.

There is perhaps one thing to consider. Humans are "ashraful mukhluqaat" — the best of all creations. It is for this one factor that they humans have a conscience or one might say wisdom, that Allah did not give to any other animal. Humans, the best of all creations, should not don the masks of lions and tigers. One strives to go higher… why should one debase themselves? In this regard, the reservations expressed by Islamic scholars should be taken into consideration, in our opinion.

We have seen that there have been a number of incidents and accidents during this jatra. Especially as regards women's safety… there have been instances of violating their dignity. There are all kinds of days that we observe. These are domestic days, there are so many others that we observe throughout the year. Those days are observed with much more discipline. That needs to happen here too. I don't know if anyone will be able to maintain that discipline here.

But we do not believe that one shobhajatra will bring about good. For that we have to change our characters. If the character and action are well-intentioned, then good will from it. But if one's character and actions are ill-intentioned, then no shobhajatra will be able to bring good hearts and minds.

The nomenclature can be subject to different opinions but the basic theme is celebration of a festival. In this case Pohela Boishakh, which is the Bengali new year. Many nations celebrate their new year. You can do it here too, but within discipline. But that does not happen, which is the point of concern. And, also that some of these elements are not concomitant to human dignity. Now some people might say these are reactionary statements. But if we look at the hard facts, then there is no way of straying from these points.

DS: So, you believe that the reservations regarding mongol shobhajatra are not baseless and should be taken into consideration.

SR:
Absolutely. Whatever that is not soothing, what is not beautiful should be corrected.

TDS: But the Pohela Boishakh is not just the first day of the Bengali new year, it is also a symbol of our protest against an autocratic regime. And we remember that day celebrating our culture, which in itself was the protest.

SR:
I do admit it, but then are you saying that all these years that the celebration was there it was because there was always an autocrat? Certainly not. If there is no tyranny, then there is no need for the protest either. It would mean there was tyranny during the last 15 and half years and even from before that.

DS: It has turned into a tradition that we remember every year if only to reassert our love for the culture. In the same vein, there is probhat feri of Ekushey February that we remember. It is not that we need to fight for the Bengali language still now.

SR:
Of course, our Ghulam Azam was a language warrior. He was among the first to read out a statement in defence of Bengali language. He was the first man.

DS: Jamaat-e-Islami wishes to establish a state governed by Islamic laws. The specific question is in regard to the legal system — the status of non-Muslims. Will the testimony or allegation of, for instance, a Hindu or a Buddhist, hold up against a Muslim's?

SR:
Absolutely. If he is telling the truth and the Muslim is lying, yes. If they are not liars then it will be acceptable by all means. But if the Muslim is a liar then their allegation or testimony will not be acceptable either.

DS: And what about men and women, do they have the same weight as witnesses?

SR:
It will not be the same for the reason that, as I have already said, Allah has decided upon distinct roles for men and women. There is a provision for two women because let us say on the very day of the testimony the woman is giving birth and won't be able to come to the court. Then the other woman will be her proxy. Allah has also explained it, why there are two women. If one forgets something, meaning if she is unable, then other one will help. The men have no such problems.

DS: So, if a woman's testimony is not equal to that of a man, then how many will suffice in the stead of a man. Is it two or three women?

SR:
It has been stipulated that there will be two women. Not three. The requirement is for two men. If two men cannot be found to testify then one man and two women will suffice. And then Allah has also explained that it is because one woman can assist the other.

DS: What about the women of other religions? Would their testimony be acceptable? Or would they have the same distinction?

SR:
The religion has no difference in this case. The point of distinction is the gender.

Let me point out something here. Let us say someone has harmed a Buddhist family where there are no Muslims. Now, how would that person demand justice? How will they demand justice if their testimony is not acceptable. Religion cannot be unjust with anyone. There is no question of that happening. It is a divine gift. Why would Allah be unjust to his creations? Allah would never do that. There is no better judge than Allah.

DS: And as for the division of inheritance, you endorse what has been ordained by Islam where women do not get equal shares as men. Am I right in saying that?

SR:
Yes. And Islam explains why. The man has been fully responsible for the family. Let's say both the husband and wife have businesses, then the husband does not have any right to the wife's property for his family, not a penny. The full responsibility lies with the husband. Secondly, a man is not entitled to anything from in-laws. But once a woman has been married, she is still entitled to a share of her father's property and assets, while she is entitled to a share of her husband's property. Religious scholars have proved it that a woman does not in any way get less than a man but in fact a little more than a man. Here too, we see proper justice. There is no disparity.

Have you noticed something else? There are some religions where the women are not entitled to any inheritance. Despite being born of the same mother, they have no rights, how is that acceptable? They have a right to justice too. They should also inherit from their parents. This is something to think about, is all I am saying.

Islam is so balanced that there is no lacuna anywhere. No loopholes.

DS: There was a Women's Development Policy of 2011, with provision of equal inheritance for men and women, that had been floated and subsequently withdrawn in the face of protests. Do you oppose that policy then?

SR:
We are not opposing anyone. We are merely advocating a certain position in the light of Islam. I don't need to oppose anyone. I am only advocating my principles. And I am convinced that my principles are the best. I am saying it protects everyone's rights.

DS: You presented a number of reform proposals just yesterday. One of them called for sculptures based on the nature of this country and not on living beings like animals. In this regard, my question is, in that case is it your position that sculptures like the Aparajeyo Bangla or Raju Bhashkorjo be demolished? Will you then oppose building any more such sculptures? Would you please elaborate?

SR:
Actually, our position is indifferent. But yes, there is this oft-repeated hadith, which says that no one but Allah has the power to give life. Neither to an ant, nor even to a single cell organism. On the day of judgement, Allah will bring those sculptures and the sculptors and ask them to give their creations the kiss of life. The sculptors will surely say that it is not within their capacity. Allah will then ask why they had built it then and tell them that they should not have done it.

During this recent changeover, you will see that our boys and girls have drawn graffiti in many places. They have brought out the beauty of nature in these graffiti. And everyone has liked them. You could even take their slogans as part of our culture. On my way from Mirpur, I saw this one slogan in one or two places — "boiling blood, cool head" — and I thought that was such a big nugget of philosophy in a few words. It is saying that my blood boils against the injustice but I will not lose my temper and let the other side gain an advantage. I become surprised sometimes wondering who taught the kids these things? You can foster culture in different ways you see.

You may feel pleased, or displeased, if you look at a person. But a flower garden will never displease you. It will fill you with peace. The plants and trees of nature will never cause you distress. They will always soothe you.

But there are animals in this world that will frighten you the moment you look at them. Only the almighty Allah knows why they have been created so. I am not qualified to discuss that. Nor do I want to. But Allah guides us with the full belief for our welfare.

But demolition, or pulling it down or disrespecting something is another chapter. We are in principle against disrespecting anything. No matter what you resolve, do it on the basis of consensus, through dialogue. Whatever needs to be done should be done in an orderly fashion.

When these things happen though (demolition or destruction), it is mainly driven by sentimental or some sort of an emotional outburst. More often than not, emotion does not drive people in the right direction. A lot of times, people are misguided because of their emotions. Now whoever has done it, did not ask you or me. That person did not think about the impact of the actions. As if just because I don't like it, it is enough to justify it. It is because our society is intolerant. We must increase our tolerance. There is this mentality of not wanting to give space to each other.

DS: Jamaat-e-Islami wants to establish an Islamist state that is governed by the laws ordained by the almighty. That would contradict the constitution in many ways. How would you deal with that?

SR:
The constitution is being changed all the time and not necessarily to accommodate Allah's order. The constitution has many amendments. There have been 16 already. Allah knows best how many more there will be. Why was that? To serve the people.

Now if a party with firm principles comes to power, it will be through elections of course. We won't force our way to power. But if the people choose a certain principle, then certain reformation of the constitution may be needed in light of those principles.

DS: Do you have any tension going on with the BNP? They have stated that there is no alliance between the parties any more.

SR:
True. We are saying that too. There is no alliance. And there is no tension either. However, we see a lot of tension between us in the media. Driven by their warmth and sympathy for us, the media brings out very interesting stories about us on the talk shows just so that we remain active in a sort of tug of war. We (meaning BNP and Jamaat) are not at war, the media is though. But we see it played out in the media.

DS: Many are advocating for banning Awami League from the election. Where do you stand on this issue?

SR:
I have said the other day, haven't I? Awami League has failed to prove that it believes in election. They have held three elections. In 2014, they took 154 seats unopposed. As if there was a drought of aspiring candidates in Bangladesh. In 2018, they could not even wait till the day of the election, it was all over the night before. And in 2024 they created such a plot that would be no election at all. Now when did Awami League ever want an election? Never! Let Awami League prove through its activities that they want an election and believe in people's mandate.

DS: There is a general trend among Islamist groups and parties of using Arabic, Persian or Urdu words instead of Bengali. For instance, you have mentioned "mazlum" or "khalaas", there are bodies like majlish-e-shura and so forth. But there are Bengali synonyms for these words too. Why do you not use the Bengali words?

SR:
Sure, there are synonyms. Bengali has become enriched with so many other languages. This language is a rather generous one. We have words from Sanskrit, Arabic, Urdu or even English.

Take Awami League for instance. Awam is Urdu and League is English. There is no Bengali at all. Our name is fully Arabic. Take BNP… it's all English. We do not see it in that way. Neither does the nation. The people will accept whatever word they understand easily. You might say this is the beauty and generosity of the Bengali language.​

Jamaat could not have gotten a better and more educated leader than the current Ameer Shafiqur Rahman.

He is articulate, extremely well-spoken and a supremely sober individual.

In other words - an excellent figurehead and spokesperson for Jamaat. An excellent symbol for Dawah to non-Muslims.

Who would have thought that a supposedly "Islamist" party would actively consult local religious minorities (Hindus in this case)?

This is a great example of religious harmony in Bangladesh.
 

Jamaat ameer discusses reforms, national unity with chief adviser

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman today discussed a wide range of issues including reforms-electoral and banking sector, national unity, and consensus building efforts with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

"It was a one to one discussion in a friendly environment," Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam told the reporters at a media briefing at the Foreign Service Academy this evening.

He said the interim government expects five out of six reform commissions to submit their reports by January 15 in line with the extended timeframe.

The six commissions are the Electoral System Reform Commission headed by Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar, the Police Administration Reform Commission headed by Sarfaraz Hossain, the Judiciary Reform Commission headed by Justice Shah Abu Naeem Mominur Rahman, Anti-Corruption Reform Commission headed by TIB's Dr Iftekharuzzaman, Public Administration Reform Commission headed by Abdul Mueed Chowdhury, and Constitution Reform Commission headed by Distinguished Prof at Illinois State University Dr Ali Riaz.

Regarding the national election, Press Secretary Alam referred to what Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus said earlier.

The chief adviser on Saturday assured British parliamentarian Rupa Huq that the next general election in Bangladesh would be completely free and fair.

He told her that there are two possible timelines for the next general election: December 2025 or mid-2026. "The election date depends on how much reform people want," Dr Yunus said.​
 

Differences have emerged among those who led the revolution: Jamaat secy

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Photo: Star

Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Professor Mia Golam Parwar today said that there are growing differences among those who led the uprising.

He made this remark while speaking at a workers' conference held at Bhabanipur Muktijoddha College ground in Gazipur Sadar Upazila.

"We aim to build a new Bangladesh through a free, fair, and impartial election. However, differences have arisen within our ranks. Some oppose reforms or suggest delaying them, while others demand immediate reforms. Some want elections before reforms, while others insist on reforms first. We will proceed with the necessary reforms to ensure a credible election. Those advocating for elections without reforms refer to the constitution," he said.

He also questioned, "Under what legal authority was Yunus permitted to enter the country and assume leadership? Under which constitutional framework? By what rules was the advisory council established, and under what law did Hasina take her oath of office?

"The constitution and the law reflect the aspirations of the people, serving as a written embodiment of their collective desires. For instance, when we fought for the caretaker government in the 1990s, it was not initially part of the constitution. However, it was established in response to public demand. Elections were held first, and the law followed thereafter."

He added, "Similarly, in the case of this interim government, both the government itself and its advisors can be deemed unconstitutional and illegal."

On the recent situation in the country, Mia Golam said, "While the work of nation-building is underway, a new conspiracy is also unfolding. There have been revolutions, judicial coups, and incidents of civil unrest, all aimed at destabilising the country. They want to create a scenario where Hindu brothers cannot live in peace unless Awami League is in power. However, the interim government has thwarted India's plot."

He also commented on the local law and order situation in Gazipur, saying, "Several mill owners in Gazipur have reported difficulties in operating their businesses. I call on the Gazipur Deputy Commissioner, Superintendent of Police, and Commissioner of Metropolitan Police to take immediate action against extortionists and thugs from any party trying to destabilize the economy."

He continued, "The murderous Awami League fascists are no longer visible in the field. Their 300 MPs and ministers are nowhere to be found. So, what is there to fear now? If they cannot be arrested, the people will believe that you are complicit in supporting the fascist culprits."

The conference was chaired by Jamaat's District Ameer Jahangir Alam, with Professor Mia Golam Parwar, the secretary general of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, as the chief guest. Prominent speakers included Professor Muhammad Izzat Ullah, a member of the Central Executive Council, Md Samiul Haque Farooqui, the central organising secretary, and Mohammad Khalilur Rahman Madani, a member of the Central Working Committee.​
 

Struggle for fair elections far from over: Jamaat ameer

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Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday said that the struggle for fair elections, free from the influence of black money and muscle power, is far from over.

At a meeting held at Payra Chattar in Jhenaidah town last night, he called for strengthening efforts to protect citizens' right to vote.

He also stressed the need for impartial governance.

"If Jamaat comes to power, it will belong to the people. We will not be the owners of the country; we will serve the people," he said.

The Jamaat leader further outlined his vision for the nation's future, focusing on moral values and economic progress.

"We want to create a society with a strong moral foundation, one that can pay off the debts to our people. Alongside this, we aim to build an education system where graduates don't need to run from office to office with certificates in hand. Instead, they will have a job in one hand and a certificate in the other," he said.

The meeting was presided over by District Jamaat Ameer Ali Azam Md Abu Bakkar.​
 

Won't stop until misrule-free Bangladesh is established: Jamaat Ameer
Published :
Jan 17, 2025 17:12
Updated :
Jan 17, 2025 17:12

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Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh will not cease its movement until a misrule-free Bangladesh is established, said the party Ameer Shafiqur Rahman on Friday.

He mentioned the party's unwavering commitment to achieving an equitable and corruption-free Bangladesh during a workers' conference in Chuadanga, reports UNB.

The Jamaat ameer began by highlighting the years of oppression faced by Jamaat-e-Islami, saying that the party's leaders had been falsely accused and sentenced to death in fabricated cases, and thousands of activists had been killed under the Awami League's rule.

Awami League and its allies had looted religious institutions and carried out widespread destruction across the country, he also said.

"Until we establish a corruption-free and misrule-free Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami will not stop," Shafiqur also said, asserting reinforcing the party's stance on continuing its movement for justice and fairness.

Referring to the Awami League's violent tenure, the Jamaat leader accused the AL of killing intellectuals, educators, and experienced citizens to maintain power. He also denounced the torture, abductions, and violations carried out under their governance.

He paid tribute to the student-led movement that forced the authoritarian regime to flee in August 2024. "Our children led the revolution, and their efforts secured the freedom we now have. The people have driven out those who oppressed them," he said.

"This generation has brought us new freedom, and we will defend it, even if it requires blood," he said.

Highlighting Jamaat's stance ahead of the upcoming elections, Dr. Rahman stressed that the party would not sell its votes and would fight against corruption, black money, and muscle power. He reiterated that the elections must be fair and transparent.

The conference, chaired by Chuadanga District Jamaat Amir, Advocate Ruhul Amin, also featured speeches from key party leaders, including Md. Zahidul Islam, President of Bangladesh Chhatra Shibir, and Mobarak Hossain, a member of the Jamaat-e-Islami Executive Council.

Thousands of Jamaat workers and leaders from across Chuadanga District attended the conference, marking it as a significant political event in the region. The event concluded with Advocate Ruhul Amin pledging Jamaat's continued dedication to serving humanity and working for the betterment of the nation.​
 

Publish white paper on all crimes since 1971
Jamaat chief urges govt

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Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman has urged the interim government to publish a white paper on the killing, looting, and siphoning off money that happened since 1971.

Only the interim government, which is free of political influence, can ensure the publication of such a document, he told a rally in Dinajpur yesterday.

Governments formed by political parties will not undertake such a task, he said.

"Over the last 53 years, numerous incidents occurred. The nation deserves to know the perpetrators and their victims."

Hundreds of people from different districts attended the rally organised by Jamaat.

Shafiqur said Jamaat had been the target of Awami League's attack for 15 years.

He then urged leaders and activists of his party to stay vigilant, calm, and disciplined.

He also highlighted the importance of maintaining unity and refraining from acts that jeopardise the progress made through people's sacrifice during the July uprising.​
 

Not at the cost of Muktijuddho, no way

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ARTWORK: ZAINUL ABEDIN

The December 2024 edition of Chhatra Shibir's mouthpiece, the monthly Chhatra Sangbad (meaning student news) was themed after the mass uprising that loosely translates to "the bloody chapter of victory" (bijoy er roktakto oddhyay). One article in that magazine, discussing the downfall of tyrants through the ages (juge juge shoirachar o tader korun porinoti), states at one point, "Some Muslims participated in the Liberation War without fully comprehending the consequences. It was their failure and lack of foresight. May the Almighty forgive them."

Chhatra Shibir, which is the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, has expressed its regrets and withdrew the article and recalled the magazine. It is not available online or offline anymore. The fundamentalist students' organisation went on to say in a note of apology that the article had been published "inadvertently" and further that the views expressed in the article were the writer's own.

The explanation and apology might have been acceptable if it were any other organisation. But Shibir, and its parent organisation Jamaat, had violently and actively opposed the 1971 Liberation War. Shibir used to be called Islami Chhatra Sangha in 1971 and resurfaced in 1977 under this current name. Jamaat and its student wing are held responsible for a large number of atrocities committed by the notorious vigilante militia groups like Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams, which consisted of members and activists of Jamaat and its student wing.

Neither Jamaat, nor its student wing has ever come clean regarding its role in 1971. Still deeply revered within the party, several Jamaat leaders have been tried, convicted and executed for their crimes against humanity. But the party and its student wing have never come forward to apologise for their role or admit to the atrocities their predecessors had committed out of their supposed conviction for a united Pakistan. Instead, both the party and its student wing continue to attempt to justify and vindicate their roles during the Liberation War. And sometimes, they test the waters to see how far they can go in public. This recent publication was one such instance.

The implicit suggestion of Shibir's response to the widespread criticism of the article is that the editorial board of the magazine had not vetted each article carefully before they were approved. This is not at all expected from an outfit as disciplined as Shibir. The insincere apology, because it does not own up to its misdeed (which is befitting its historical trend), only came about once the lines went viral on social media and Jamaat's student cadres realised they were fast losing support among the public. Almost as if they were dangling their feet to test the waters and pulled out sensing that the time was not yet ripe.

Just like in 1971, the article in question conflates religion with the inspiration for freedom. In fact, the writer is apologetic for even having waged war and begs forgiveness of the Almighty.

It is also important to take note of other omens. Take the Constitution Reform Commission's proposal for instance. It proposes the following two paragraphs in the preamble, "We, the people of Bangladesh have, in a historically persistent struggle for the emancipation of the masses of this land, achieved independence through a people's war (jonojuddho) and built a united resistance against autocratic and fascist rule;"

"We pledge, most respectfully remembering the supreme sacrifice of all martyrs, that the great ideals of equality, human dignity, and social justice that united the people of Bangladesh in the War of Independence in 1971 and the ideals of democracy and equity that united them against the fascist rule in 2024 shall be established in the state and society;"

The existing preamble had enshrined the Liberation War as a sacrosanct basis of the new republic born on March 26. The first graph reads, "We, the people of Bangladesh, having proclaimed our independence on the 26th day of March, 1971 and through a historic struggle for national liberation, established the independent, sovereign People's Republic of Bangladesh."

The proposed draft states "jonojuddho" (people's war) which is not the same as Liberation War or muktijuddho. The language recognises the mass uprising of 2024 and the war of independence of 1971 in the same breath! One was a full-blown war which gave birth to a new country. The other was a people's uprising of a kind that Bangladesh had not seen before and must be given their due credit. But certainly not by belittling the Liberation War; And yet, there has been very little criticism amid the post uprising dispensation where Jamaat and Shibir, having usurped significant sway, appear to influence much of the narrative post August 5.

The Liberation War is a unique event in Bangladesh's history. It will never happen again. Attempts to equate it with any other movements or campaigns reflect either a lack of wisdom or a deliberate effort to distort history. Unlike any political movement, the Liberation War was a struggle for existence, identity, and sovereignty. It was a full-scale war against a well-trained military machine. It was a national resistance against systematic genocide, oppression—in which Jamaat and its student collaborated with the perpetrators. Comparing it to any democratic movement insults its glory and undermines the sacrifices of millions who fought and perished for an independent Bangladesh.

Mass uprisings and popular campaigns, however significant, cannot be placed on the same pedestal as the Liberation War. Democratic struggles implicitly predicate the existence of an established nation-state. The 1971 War was about the very birth of that state. Any comparison trivialises that War and plays into the hands of those who seek to rewrite (read distort) history and change the narrative for their gain.

We have heard many more such phrases that liken 2024 with 1971 in the last several months. This new Bangladesh had to be rebuilt from scratch, everyone said. Proclamation of revolution was mentioned in the beginning. The Mujibist constitution had to be done away with and in a bid to rid it of Mujibism, the proposed draft of the constitution now trivialises the 1971 War.

The rhetoric of a new beginning in the post August 5 dispensation often carried an unspoken suggestion, a fleeting allusion that it is all "as opposed to 1971." There is almost an instinctive feeling that there is an ever so subtle attempt to not just rewrite history, but delete it. A second liberation it can very well be, but that does not make it equal to the first one, when the country was born.

Attempts to equate the Liberation War with other political movements, or belittle it, can no longer be shrugged off as adolescent aberration or dismissed as youthful ignorance.They are not.

Tanim Ahmed is digital editor at The Daily Star.

Md Abbas is a journalist at The Daily Star.​
 

Reforms first, free and fair election later: Jamaat
United News of Bangladesh . Narsingdi 14 February, 2025, 22:29

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami ameer Shafiqur Rahman addresses a rally organised by Narsingdi district unit of Jamaat at Satirpara Kali Kumar Institution School and College on Friday. | UNB photo

Necessary reforms to the country’s overall structure must be carried out first, followed by a free and fair election, said the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami.

The party ameer, Shafiqur Rahman, made the remarks while speaking as the chief guest at a public rally organised by Narsingdi district Jamaat at the grounds of Satirpara Kali Kumar Institution School and College on Friday.

‘There will definitely be an election in this country, but it cannot be held in any haphazard manner. We want a proper election, a fair election. But before the election, the voter list must be revised. Fake voters must be removed, deceased voters’ names must be excluded, and all eligible individuals must be included,’ he said.

Shafiqur Rahman said, ‘You have noticed that from the central office of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami to district, upazila, and union-level offices, all have been locked down. Jamaat is the only party whose registration has been revoked. It is unfortunate that fascism has seemingly stepped back, yet we have not regained our registration. We are still continuing the legal battle to reclaim it.’

He further said, ‘Many leaders arrested in false cases have been released one by one. However, it is regrettable that Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami’s then Acting Secretary ATM Azharul Islam is still in prison. The public demands his immediate release.’

The Jamaat Ameer also said, ‘Every perpetrator of genocide must be apprehended and handed over to a tribunal, whether they are at home or abroad.’

Shafiqur Rahman stated, ‘This is the month of the Language Movement. We remember with deep respect those who gave their lives this month. May Allah accept them as martyrs.’

The public rally was presided over by Narsingdi district Jamaat Ameer Prof. Md. Moslehuddin. Special guests at the event included Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami’s Central Assistant Secretary General Maulana Rafiqul Islam Khan, Central Executive Council member Saiful Alam Khan Milon, Central Working Committee members AFM Abdus Sattar, Abdul Jabbar, Maulana Abdul Mannan, and Advocate Mashiul Alam.​
 

Jamaat seeks national polls after consensus on reforms

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Photo: Collected/UNB

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami today called for a national election once political parties reach a consensus on necessary reforms.

Following a meeting with the National Consensus Commission, led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital, Jamaat Nayeb-e-Ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher outlined the party's stance.

When asked whether they had proposed specific plans for the election during the meeting, Taher said, "We stated that once all parties reach a consensus on the necessary reforms, the election should be held as soon as possible. The chief adviser mentioned that the national election will take place in December. We are monitoring how the process unfolds."

He added that discussions had already been held with political parties and stakeholders regarding the interim government's role, and separate talks would follow to implement the reforms.

"After reviewing the reform proposals, further discussions will be held between Jamaat-e-Islami and the government, where we will communicate our key decisions," he said.

Jamaat General Secretary Mia Golam Parwar and Assistant Secretary General Hamidur Rahman Azad also attended the meeting.​
 

UN report exposes genocide under Hasina: Jamaat Ameer
UNB
Published :
Feb 15, 2025 21:59
Updated :
Feb 15, 2025 21:59

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman said that the UN investigation report has made it clear to the world that genocide and human rights violations were committed in the country on the orders of the murderer Sheikh Hasina.

In a statement on Saturday, the Jamaat leader said the inhuman and brutal genocide carried out by the fascist Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh from July 1 to August 5 last year to remain in power has been acknowledged in the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) report.

He mentioned that the report has exposed the identities of the murderers and the masterminds behind the killings to the world.

"Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami welcomes and congratulates the OHCHR for revealing the 'truth' through this report," he added.

In the statement, he further mentioned that this UN report will serve as a document of genocide. He emphasised that the interim government must ensure that all perpetrators of genocide and those involved are brought to justice.

He said the people believe that the Awami League, as a criminal party responsible for genocide, has no right to engage in politics in the country.

"In line with this public demand, we believe the interim government should consider the call for banning the Awami League," he said.​
 

‘Release Azharul, restore party registration’
Demands Jamaat ameer

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Photo: Collected

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday warned that the government would be forced to accept their demands, including the release of former assistant secretary general ATM Azharul Islam, through an unstoppable movement.

Azharul has been sentenced to death by the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT).

Shafiqur made these remarks at a rally organised by Jamaat's Dhaka north and south units at Paltan. The rally was part of a centrally declared programme demanding the release of Azharul, reinstatement of the party's electoral symbol "scale", and restoration of the party's registration.

Shafiqur said from 2009 to August 5, 2024, the Awami fascists ruled the country through misrule and tyranny, specifically targeting Jamaat by arresting and imprisoning its top leaders.

"During this crisis, Azharul was serving as the party's acting secretary general. Awami League unjustly kept him in prison for 13 years under false, baseless, and politically motivated charges," he claimed.

He questioned the interim government, asking, "Even though the country has been freed from fascism, why has Azharul Islam not been released?" He demanded a clear timeline for his release. "We are dealing with the situation with extreme patience, but everything has a limit."

Protest rallies were held in 79 metropolitan and district units of Jamaat yesterday.​
 

Jamaat to stage mass sit-in demanding release of ATM Azharul
bdnews24.com
Published :
Feb 22, 2025 00:23
Updated :
Feb 22, 2025 00:23

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Jamaat-e-Islami has announced a “mass” sit-in demanding the release of ATM Azharul Islam, who has been sentenced to death for crimes against humanity during the 1971 Liberation War.

The programme is set to take place on Feb 25 from 2pm to 4pm outside the Chief Advisor’s Office in Dhaka.

In a statement, the party’s Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar said: “Our party chief Shafiqur Rahman will be the chief guest at the programme.

“We call upon the people of Bangladesh to participate spontaneously in this programme to ensure the release of ATM Azharul Islam.”

He continued, “Assistant Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Azharul has been in prison for over 13 years due to false and fabricated cases by the then fascist government.

“Following the fall of the fascist regime, many leaders and activists of anti-fascist political parties have been released.

“The people of the country had hoped that ATM Azharul, who has suffered extreme oppression and persecution, would also be freed in a Bangladesh free from autocracy.

“However, even after nearly six and a half months of the interim government assuming power, he has not been released. This has left the nation shocked.”

The International Crimes Tribunal sentenced Azharul to death on Dec 30, 2014, in a case of crimes against humanity in 1971.

Then, the Appellate Division upheld the death sentence in its verdict on Oct 31, 2019.

According to the tribunal’s verdict, Azharul was the district president of Islami Chhatra Sangha in 1971. Under his leadership, more than 1,400 people were killed in mass killings in Greater Rangpur, and numerous women were raped, abducted, and subjected to torture.

Azharul filed a plea with the Appellate Division on Jul 19, 2020, seeking a review of the verdict, which had been pending for a long time.

After the political change, senior lawyer Abdur Razzaq presented the review petition to the court on Jan 9, assisted by lawyers Mohammad Shishir Manir, Ehsan Abdullah Siddiq, and Najib Momen.

The Appellate Division initially scheduled the hearing for Jan 23.

Later, on that date, the four-judge bench led by Chief Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed rescheduled it for Feb 20.

However, the hearing did not take place and a new date has now been set for Feb 27.​
 

Local elections first, national polls after reforms: Jamaat Ameer
UNB
Published :
Feb 22, 2025 21:07
Updated :
Feb 22, 2025 21:07

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman has said that the local government elections must be held promptly to ensure public access to services.

He made the remark as the chief guest at a street rally organized by Chandpur district Jamaat on West Bazar Road in the district’s Hajiganj on Saturday afternoon.

The Jamaat Ameer said, “We want a national election only after ensuring political and administrative reforms in the country. Elections should be held under the proportional representation system so that no vote is wasted and every vote carries value.”

Dr. Shafiqur further said, “Those who extort money from vehicles are taking it from the pockets of 18 crore people, even from beggars. This extortion must stop.”

The rally was presided over by Advocate Masudul Islam Bulbul, a central Majlis-e-Shura member and Naib-e-Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami, while Advocate Shahjahan Mia, the district Jamaat secretary, conducted the event.

Among the special guests were Jamaat-e-Islami Central Assistant Secretary ATM Masud, Central Executive Committee member Mobarak Hossain, and Dhaka South Assistant Secretary Kamal Uddin, among others.

The event began with a recitation from the Holy Quran by Sadar Upazila Ameer Maulana Afsar Uddin Miyaji.

Thousands of party leaders, activists, and supporters attended the rally.​
 

Jamaat calls off sit-in in front of CA office tomorrow
Shafiqur Rahman calls on Yunus

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Jamaat-e-Islami tonight announced to suspend its sit-in in front of the Chief Adviser's Office in the capital tomorrow demanding release of former Jamaat acting secretary general ATM Azharul Islam.

The announcement came hours after Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman held a meeting with Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus at the latter's residence in state guest house Jamuna in the city.

The meeting was held at around 4:00pm and the party informed its decision to the media about suspending its sit-in programme through media release at 8:30pm.

For the last few days, Jamaat has been saying that its leaders and activists will stage a sit-in in front of the CA's office on Tuesday -- the day the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court will hear the review petition filed by Jamaat leader Azharul challenging his death penalty for crimes against humanity during the Liberation War.

Earlier on Sunday, a three-member bench headed by Justice Md Ashfaqul Islam fixed the date after Attorney General Md Asaduzzaman and ICT Chief Prosecutor Md Tajul Islam mentioned the review petition before the bench.

The SC on October 31, 2019 upheld his death sentence. A four-member bench, headed by the then Chief Justice Syed Mahmud Hossain, by a majority view delivered the verdict around five years after the ICT-1 handed down capital punishment to Azharul.

Jamaat in its release today said the Jamaat ameer discussed the overall situation of the country during his meeting with the chief adviser.

Jamaat Nayeb-e-Ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher was also present at the meeting.

About suspending the sit-in, Jamaat Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar in a statement said, "Considering the overall situation of the country, Jamaat has decided to suspend the sit-in programme."

He also said in response to a request from senior leaders of Jamaat, the party's Ameer Shafiqur Rahman has also agreed to suspend his own "planned voluntary arrest programme".

Earlier in the day, Jamaat ameer at a rally at Shariatpur called on the government to release Azharul Islam.

"We have clearly asked the government why he is still in prison. Why should false charges remain against someone who was subjected to wrongful persecution by the Awami League?" said the Jamaat ameer.​
 

Jamaat wants to give interim government time for reforms
BSS
Published :
Feb 26, 2025 22:00
Updated :
Feb 26, 2025 22:00

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Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar today said that his party wants to give the interim government more time to hold a free, fair and neutral election after necessary reforms.

"We must hold the general elections by reforming the electoral system. We want to give the interim government time to carry out state reform. We are in favor of holding neutral elections," he said.

He said these while speaking at the conference of the party workers in the district.

Barguna district Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Mohibullah Harun presided over the conference.

“For the past 16-17 years, the Members of Parliament (MPs) and public representatives of Barguna were busy looting like other corners of the country. That’s why they have fled today. We must stop all political party-based dominance and flattery in the country," Parwar added.​
 

Jamaat-e-Islami chief slates Amartya Sen for ‘defending tyranny’
bdnews24.com
Published :
Mar 03, 2025 21:04
Updated :
Mar 03, 2025 21:04

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Jamaat-e-Islami chief Shafiqur Rahman has launched a scathing attack on Indian Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen over his remarks expressing concern about Bangladesh’s current situation.

In a Facebook post on Monday, Shafiqur wrote: “For over 15 years, the people of Bangladesh have witnessed extreme hypocrisy in the name of secularism. He is openly advocating for a fallen autocrat, which is shocking, unacceptable, and condemnable.”

In an interview with Indian news agency Press Trust of India, or PTI, Sen voiced “deep concern” over Bangladesh’s ongoing crisis.

Referring to Muhammad Yunus as his friend, he said the chief advisor would have to “go a long way” to resolve the existing impasse.

Reacting to these remarks, Jamaat’s chief said: “Amartya Sen has recently made unwarranted comments interfering in Bangladesh’s internal affairs.

“I do not know where his conscience is. There is no need to lecture Bangladesh on tolerance. Instead, he should look at himself in the mirror of the society he lives in.”

In the interview, Sen cautioned against banning the Awami League, arguing that such a move would repeat the same mistakes that other parties had accused the Awami government of making.

He strongly condemned attacks on Hindu minorities and the vandalisation of temples, highlighting that it was the responsibility of both the government and the members of the public to prevent such violence.

He said, “Bangladesh has historically been tolerant towards minorities and has kept communal forces like Jamaat under control. Unfortunately, attacks on mosques have occurred even in India. Such incidents, whether in Bangladesh or India, must be stopped.”

In response, Shafiqur said: “His remarks about Jamaat-e-Islami stem from deep-seated bias. The reality is completely different.”

He added, “The Awami League is the real ‘monster’ responsible for persecuting the brothers and sisters he identifies as minorities. If he has the courage, he should say that. But he won’t—because he is a limited, so-called intellectual.

“The patriotic people of Bangladesh do not appreciate foreign interference in the country’s internal matters.”​
 

Jamaat wants Dr Yunus' election promise fulfilled
UNB
Published :
Apr 16, 2025 20:52
Updated :
Apr 16, 2025 20:52

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Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Dr Shafiqur Rahman on Wednesday called for the implementation of Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus’ promise regarding the 13th parliamentary election.

He made the remarks during a press briefing following a meeting with Nicole N Chulick, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the US Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, at a hotel in Dhaka’s Gulshan area.

“We had a candid discussion with the US delegation. They wanted to know about the current political landscape in Bangladesh, when and how the next election would be held, and what kind of reforms all parties are demanding,” said Dr Shafiqur Rahman.

He said the US delegation enquired about their economic policy and foreign relations if they are to assume responsibility for the country in the future. “We had an open exchange on these topics.”

The Jamaat chief said the US officials also raised concerns about minority rights, women’s rights and labour issues — all of which were addressed during the meeting.

He urged the US administration to reconsider the 37% tariff imposed on Bangladeshi goods amid the current complexities and critical juncture the nation is facing. “We’ve requested that they convey this appeal to President Trump,” he said.

About democracy, Dr Shafiqur said, “We practise democracy within our own party and wish to see democratic practices flourish across the country. We are prepared to do what is necessary to ensure that.”

When asked about the timing of the next election, Dr Shafiqur referred to a promise reportedly made by Dr Yunus. “The Chief Adviser has said the election will be held either by December this year or by June next year. We hope it will take place within that timeframe — preferably before Ramadan.”

He expressed concern about the monsoon season, which may bring natural disasters and potentially disrupt the electoral process. “That is why we want the election held before such risks materialise,” he added.

On the issue of justice, Dr Shafiqur said, “The nation is traumatised. Many are still in hospitals, disabled from violence. Families of the martyrs are still grieving. Justice for the Awami League’s actions must be ensured. We want proper trials and punishment.”

Also present at the briefing were Jamaat Secretary General Professor Mia Golam Porwar, Central Executive Committee member Mobarak Hossain, and the Ameer’s foreign affairs adviser Professor Dr Mahmudul Hasan.​
 

Jamaat chief Shafiqur brushes aside talks of dispute with BNP
FE Online Desk
Published :
Apr 17, 2025 20:51
Updated :
Apr 17, 2025 20:51

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Jamaat-e-Islami chief Shafiqur Rahman has said his party holds no quarrel with its former ally, the BNP, despite differences in political opinion that have emerged over time.

On Thursday, he pointed to the rivalry between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party of the United States to stress that the conflict between BNP and Jamaat amounted to nothing, reports bdnews24.com.

“But after the election, they shook hands. One party took charge of the government, and the other became the opposition. Now they’ll run the country together, and that’s natural,” he said.

Attending a press briefing at the Westin Hotel on Thursday, Shafiqur shared words on the visit to several European Union nations.

Shafiqur had also met BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia in London during the visit, which drew headlines recently.

He said he had discussed politics during the courtesy call with Khaleda, though he did not disclose what was discussed.

Asked whether Jamaat would form an alliance with the BNP again, Shafiqur said many things can happen “for the needs of the country”.

TALKS WITH KHALEDA

Shafiqur along with Jamaat leader Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher visited the house of BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman in London on Apr 13. Tarique’s mother, Khaleda Zia, has been there for the past three and a half months.

Recounting the meeting, Shafiqur said, “They received us with great love and respect. Our main goal was to meet her (Khaleda), but she is staying at the house of her eldest son, the acting chairman of the party, so he would naturally also be there…”

Implying that discussions naturally drifted towards politics, Shafiqur said, “When two Bangladeshis who are strangers sit to have tea, they’ll start talking about politics. And we, the dutiful leaders of two parties, sat together without talking politics. Is that realistic? It is not...

“We did not, however, talk about any specific issue. We had general discussions on different issues, like when and how the elections would be held and whether the (Awami League) trial process would be held or not. There was no decisive discussion.”

On whether the Jamaat were in dispute with the BNP, he said: “We want differences among [political parties]. Otherwise, politicians will become blind. Differences are needed to open closed eyes. But we also expect that this should not turn into a dispute, rather it should simply remain as differences.

“Unfortunately, our politicians, or even us, often do not pay attention to this. We have to arrive at a ground of love and mutual respect, if we love the country,” he added.

“I will express my opinion, but I cannot say that this is what has to be done… I’ll say that I think doing this will benefit my country and nation. And ‘I will not let this happen’ - whatever it is you want - this is not the language of politics and democracy.”

This was the first meeting between Shafiqur and Khaleda.

He said, “The main goal of our visit was to see a respected ailing colleague; it was a moral duty on our part. We fulfilled that only, nothing more.”​
 

Minimum reforms must be done before holding polls: Parwar
BSS
Published :
Apr 19, 2025 21:24
Updated :
Apr 19, 2025 21:24

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Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Professor Mia Golam Parwar spoke as the chief guest at a rally held in Bandarban on Saturday. Photo: BSS

Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and former MP Professor Mia Golam Parwar today said state organs must be reformed at minimum level before holding elections.

"The elections must be held by fulfilling the demands of reform and ensuring the trials of Awami League," he said.

The Jamaat-e-Islami leader said these while speaking at a rally organised by the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Bandarban district unit at the traditional local Rajar Maidan here as the chief guest.

The cohorts of Awami League who are hiding in the administration must be purged, Parwar said, adding that after implementing state reforms, elections must be held by June.

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Assistant Secretary General Muhammad Shahjahan, Chattogram City unit Ameer and Central Working Committee Member Alhaj Shahjahan Chowdhury, Central Working Committee Member Professor Ahsan Ullah and Chattogram Regional Team Member Maulana Mostafizur Rahman were present as special guests, among others, on the occasion.

Bandarban District Jamaat Ameer S M Salam Azad presided over the rally.​
 

No election before reform, Hasina’s trail: Jamaat Ameer
UNB Lalmonirhat
Published: 19 Apr 2025, 16: 40

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Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman addressing a public rally at the Lalmonirhat Collectorate Field on Saturday. UNB

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman on Saturday said Bangladeshis will not accept any election until two key demands are met—visible trial of Sheikh Hasina and essential political reforms.

He made the remarks while addressing a public rally at the Lalmonirhat Collectorate Field.

Calling for a level playing field to ensure free and fair elections, the Jamaat chief urged the chief adviser to resist polls influenced by “black money” and muscle power.

He also emphasised maintaining diplomatic ties with India based on mutual respect, equality and good neighbourliness. “If we prosper, our neighbours will benefit too. But if our wellbeing is compromised, India must ask whether theirs can remain unaffected,” he added.

Shafiqur said although fascism has fallen, some “ill-politicians” continue to extort and occupy property.

He pledged that if Jamaat comes to power, women will be given respect, protection, and employment opportunities.

Shafiqur also promised to prioritise development in Lalmonirhat, including implementing the long-stalled Teesta Mega Plan.

“We want a country free from the divisions of ‘supporter’ and ‘opponent’. We reject the notion of 'minority' and 'majority'. That rhetoric has long been used to oppress us. Now, men and women alike will help build this nation,” he said.

“Youth will be empowered to become productive. Millions are now saying—they will sacrifice their lives, but not the country’s sovereignty. We did not fight West Pakistan only to be subjugated again. We want to live as citizens of a truly independent nation,” Shafiqur added.

The Jamaat leader also called for the establishment of an agricultural university and a local airport in Lalmonirhat to tackle unemployment in the region.

Earlier in the day, party supporters from across Lalmonirhat and surrounding districts joined the rally in colourful processions, creating a festive atmosphere.​
 

Jamaat Ameer urges chief advisor to call all-party meeting
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 22, 2025 22:45
Updated :
May 22, 2025 22:45

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman has called on Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Advisor of the interim government, to convene an all-party meeting to address the country’s ongoing political situation.

The appeal was made on Thursday (May 22) during an emergency meeting of the party’s Central Executive Council held at the party’s central office, with Dr. Shafiqur Rahman presiding, according to local media.

Members of the Central Executive Council were present at the meeting, where they discussed the overall situation in the country in detail.

During the meeting, the Jamaat Ameer emphasised the urgency of a united national dialogue and urged Dr. Yunus to take the initiative by inviting all political parties to the table.​
 

Igniting debate over Army is risky for nation, says Jamaat chief

Published :
May 24, 2025 20:06
Updated :
May 24, 2025 20:06

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Engendering controversy over the Army will ultimately bring nothing good for the nation and the “pride of the institution” must be protected so that it can serve the people, Jamaat-e-Islami chief Shafiqur Rahman has said.

Speaking at the opening of Majlis-e-Shura at Al Falah Auditorium in Moghbazar on Saturday, he underlined the Army’s “prestigious contribution” at different turning points in Bangladesh’s history, bdnews24.com reports.

“The Army is our pride; it has many prestigious contributions at different important points of Bangladesh’s history. The Army was forged through Bangladesh’s struggle for independence,” he said.

“Inciting controversy about the Army may plunge the nation into grave risks. We want to keep our beloved, proud Army free from such controversies. May Allah assist everyone in doing this.

Shafiqur urged everyone to keep the Army in a position of pride and defend the dignity of the institution so that it continues to serve the people.

“I think we should all refrain from making any sort of comment on the Army. This involves the overall security of the country.

Shafiqur again called on the interim government to organise a dialogue to end the ongoing political crisis, compounded by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus’s statement that he was “contemplating resignation”.

He said, “It will not be appropriate under any circumstances to push the nation further into uncertainty through conflict and tear gas. This culture should end.

“For this, a meaningful dialogue is needed. This responsibility should be primarily taken by the current government and they should organise a dialogue. No matter how big the problem is, we believe that it is possible to reach a satisfactory solution through discussion.”

Shafiqur said, “Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has already taken some steps from its own position. First, from the executive council meeting, we have called on the interim government to convene an all-party meeting.

“We hope that something good will come out of that meeting, giving priority to national interests.”​
 

Jamaat leader seeks clear roadmap on elections and reforms in meeting with CA

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 24, 2025 22:29
Updated :
May 24, 2025 22:29

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Following a meeting with Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus, the Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Dr Shafiqur Rahman, has revealed that his party has sought clarity on two key issues: the timing of the upcoming national elections and visible progress on institutional reforms and justice.

Speaking to journalists at approximately 9:30 PM outside the official residence of the Chief Adviser, Dr Rahman emphasised the importance of transparency and concrete steps in the current transitional period, according to local media.

“We told him two things need to be made clear,” Dr Rahman said. “First, when exactly will the election take place? The election should be held within the timeframe you’ve outlined, but at a point where it won’t cause undue suffering to the public – a comfortable and reasonable time.”

“Secondly,” he added, “before the election, there must be some visible progress on reforms and accountability processes that people can witness. If we proceed to elections without concluding essential reforms, it will fail to meet public expectations.”

Dr Rahman acknowledged the limitations of the interim government’s mandate, saying, “Of course, not all reforms can be completed immediately. But they’ve begun work on five specific areas. These at least need to be satisfactorily resolved.”

In response to recent political developments and reports of adviser resignations, the Jamaat leader clarified that his party is not demanding anyone’s resignation. “We haven’t called for anyone to step down,” he stated.

The comments come amid growing calls from political groups and civil society for the interim administration to provide a clear path forward after the mass uprising in July 2024, which led to the fall of the previous regime and the formation of the current caretaker government.​
 

We won’t support anything against national interest: Jamaat Ameer

Published :
May 25, 2025 21:18
Updated :
May 25, 2025 21:18

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman on Sunday firmly said that their party will not support any initiative that goes against the country’s interest.

“Our party won’t support any initiative that goes against the country’s interests - be it a humanitarian corridor or a port - if it compromises national interest, we will say no,” he said.

The Jamaat Ameer was exchanging views with tea workers at Dakshin Bazar in Kulaura Upazila here in the district, reports BSS.

Talking on the issue of the corridor, he asserted that any such decision must come through the elected government in Parliament and involve discussions with all political parties.

Regarding elections, Dr Shafiqur referred to remarks made by the Chief Adviser, saying, “There will be an election that makes history. People will vote with a smiling face. No one will be able to say their vote has been cast by someone else.”

On the establishment of rights and living conditions development of tea workers, he said, “Every citizen of this country deserves equal rights. The government must treat tea workers just like any other citizen.”

Mentioning that they (tea workers) are still deprived of their basic rights, he said, “If we are given responsibility through the people’s vote, we will ensure your dignity and support for the development of their children’s potential.”

The Jamaat Ameer also highlighted their plans for education and integration of tea workers into modern garden management systems, stating, “We don’t treat anyone based on religion. We want to build a harmonious society.”

Speaking towards the tea workers, he said, “It may take time for you to call us, but it will not take time for us to respond. We are all equal owners of this country.”

With Kulaura Upazila Jamaat Ameer Assistant Professor Abdul Muntazim in the chair, Central Jamaat Assistant Secretary General Ehsanul Mahbub Zubair, Sylhet City Ameer Md. Fakhrul Islam, Moulvibazar District Ameer Engineer Shahed Ali, Secretary Yamir Ali, Kulaura Upazila Jamaat former Ameer Khandaker Abdus Sobhan and Lecturer Hamid Khan, Secretary Belal Ahmed Chowdhury and other leaders at various levels were present.

In addition to exchanging views with the tea workers, Dr Shafiqur Rahman participated in various party programs throughout the day.​
 

Top Jamaat leaders meet Army Chief, term it a ‘courtesy call’

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 27, 2025 20:04
Updated :
May 27, 2025 20:08

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Jamaat-e-Islami’s top leaders met the Army Chief on Saturday night, as speculation grows over Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’s possible resignation.

Party Ameer Shafiqur Rahman and Nayeb-e-Ameer Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher met General Waker-uz-Zaman at Dhaka Cantonment after a meeting with Yunus at Jamuna, the official residence of the chief adviser.

Jamaat leader Taher confirmed the meeting, saying it was held at their request. “It was not a formal meeting, but a courtesy visit,” he said. “There were some informal discussions.”

He said Jamaat wants a fair election and is trying to help build understanding and coordination between the government and the army.

Professor Yunus, during a meeting with advisers last Thursday, reportedly expressed frustration over the current political situation.

He is said to have questioned whether there was any point in continuing in his role if he could not work effectively.

Later, after a one-to-one meeting with Chief Adviser Yunus, National Citizen Party Convenor Nahid Islam told the media that Yunus was “considering resignation.”

Yunus has since met leaders of BNP, Jamaat, and National Citizens Party and other political parties.

According to relevant sources, the Jamaat-Army Chief meeting was part of wider efforts to reduce tensions between the government and the military.

Unconfirmed reports have it that leaders of another major political party met the Army Chief earlier.​
 

Forgive us for any behaviour or performance that hurt you: Jamaat ameer
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 27 May 2025, 16: 18

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami ameer Shafiqur Rahman addresses an emergency media conference in the capital’s Institution of Diploma Engineers, Bangladesh on 27 May 2025 Prothom Alo

Jamaat ameer Shafiqur Rahman has sought apology from everyone who may have been harmed due to the party or any of its activists anywhere in the country.

“We, as a party, do not claim we are above all mistakes. We seek unconditional apology to everyone whoever has been harmed because of the party or any of its activists anywhere. Please, forgive us. Please forgive us even if you are hurt because of our conduct and any performance,” he said.

The Jamaat ameer was addressing an emergency media conference in the capital’s Institution of Diploma Engineers, Bangladesh (IDEB) around 12:00 pm on Tuesday.

The press conference was organised over a Supreme Court verdict that acquitted Jamaat leader ATM Azharul Islam of the crimes committed against humanity during the liberation war in 1971.

This verdict has proved that the truth cannot be suppressed, Shafiqur Rahman stated.

The Jamaat ameer further said several burning issues for the nation are still unresolved. He urged all the political parties to prioritise the interests of the people.

“If Allah wishes, we promise, we will put an end to the politics of vengeance and discrimination if we get the responsibility of serving the nation with the support of the people. Taking the help of the people we will try our best to dispel discrimination from the society,” he added.

The Jamaat ameer said, “We faced severe injustice during the regime of Sheikh Hasina. Our top 11 leaders were killed through trumped up cases, staged court and false witnesses.”

ATM Azharul Islam got justice, he said, adding that he has been acquitted of all the accusations brought against him.

According to him, limitless falsehood was adopted to conduct the cases.

He said former Chief Justice SK Sinha in his book acknowledged how the judiciary and the government made a cool-headed plan for killing instead of conducting a trial. An environment was created so that no one could protest against this.

The Jamaat ameer said the family members were tortured after each verdict which destroyed the families.

Shafiqur Rahman said the international customary laws or the domestic customary laws were not adopted while conducting the cases. Neither the constitution nor the law was an issue on that day. The wishes, be it legal or illegal, of those who ran the court were the main issues.

The Jamaat ameer said the UK High Court in a verdict said the cases were “genocide of justice”. They did not say “killing of justice” because this was not about a single lawsuit.

Shafiqur Rahman further said the Bangladesh Supreme Court today said “miscarriage of justice”. This was a genocide of leaders. The motive was to make the party leaderless. But they (Jamaat) did not take revenge, they sought justice.​
 

Jamaat chief seeks unconditional forgiveness
The party welcomes acquittal of Azharul
United News of Bangladesh . Dhaka 28 May, 2025, 00:41

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami organises a press conference at the Institution of Diploma Engineers in Dhaka on Tuesday. | UNB photo

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami ameer Shafiqur Rahman on Tuesday sought unconditional forgiveness from those who have been hurt or harmed by actions or words of any members of the party.

Speaking at a press conference held at the Institution of Diploma Engineers in Dhaka, the Jamaat chief said, ‘No one is above mistakes, and as a political party, we do not claim to be exempt from errors. We seek unconditional forgiveness from anyone who has suffered or been hurt by any of our leaders or activists. Please forgive us.’Political party merchandise

He said the party tried to stand by the families of those who were martyred or injured during student-led mass uprising. ‘Due to many limitations, we could not fulfil all of our responsibilities. If we have caused anyone pain through our words or actions, in any way, at any time, we ask for forgiveness,’ he added.

The Jamaat ameer also said that the party had long awaited what he called a ‘just verdict,’ referring to the Supreme Court ruling that acquitted Jamaat’s former acting secretary general ATM Azharul Islam of all charges.

According to Shafiqur, Azharul was initially handed the death penalty without proper adherence to either international or domestic laws. ‘At that time, the Constitution was ignored, laws held no significance. The court operated at the whim of those who pulled the strings. Their wishes, whether lawful or unlawful, became the law,’ he claimed.

The press conference was convened to share Jamaat’s official reaction to the Supreme Court’s verdict that acquitted Azharul Islam.

The Jamaat chief further claimed that the party had endured severe repression during the rule of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina. ‘Eleven top leaders of our party were victims of judicial killings in fabricated, stage-managed cases, based on false testimonies,’ he alleged.

Senior Jamaat leaders present at the press conference included Nayeb-e-Ameer Mujibur Rahman, Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, acting Secretary General Maulana ATM Masum and others from the party.​
 

Jamaat denies rumours of its leader's secret Doha visit

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jun 01, 2025 23:00
Updated :
Jun 01, 2025 23:00

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Jamaat-e-Islami has denied claims circulating on social media that party chief Shafiqur Rahman secretly visited Doha, Qatar.

In a statement issued on Sunday, the party’s acting Secretary General, Maulana ATM Masum, said the rumour was false and intended to discredit the Jamaat leader, according to local media.

He stated that Shafiqur Rahman remained in Bangladesh throughout the period in question and carried out various party activities. Between May 28 and 31, he attended events in Dhaka, led a student workshop, and chaired a central executive meeting.

On May 31, Rahman travelled to Syedpur to attend the closing session of a two-day training camp and returned to Dhaka the same evening. Jamaat has urged all to refrain from spreading misinformation.​
 

Jamaat calls for national election between December and April

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jun 02, 2025 22:54
Updated :
Jun 02, 2025 22:54

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Jamaat-e-Islami has expressed its desire to hold the next national election between December this year and April next year.

The party conveyed this position during a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the Foreign Service Academy on Monday afternoon, according to local media.

Jamaat’s Deputy Amir Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher said the party is flexible on the election date but prefers it within the December-April timeframe.

Discussions also covered political reforms, aiming for completion by July. Taher added that all parties would meet from tomorrow to seek consensus on outstanding issues, with a final charter expected in July.

Regarding the election schedule, Taher said while some parties favour December, Jamaat ruled out May and June due to unsuitable weather conditions. They urged the Chief Adviser to announce a date within the suggested timeframe to alleviate public uncertainty.

Other topics included establishing voting rights for expatriates and ensuring a level playing field for all political parties.​
 

Country made into a crematory in past: Jamaat chief

Published :
Jun 08, 2025 21:04
Updated :
Jun 08, 2025 21:04

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Amir of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Dr Shafiqur Rahman has said many people showed dream of making Bangladesh into a ‘Golden Bengal’, but in fact they made it a crematory.

“This type of mistake should not be allowed again as they want changes in the society,” he said.

Jammat Amir said this while exchanging Eid greetings with cross section of people at Kulaura yesterday. Kulaura Upazila Jamaat-e-Islami organized program at Municipal hall room, moderated by Amir of Kulaura upazila Jamaat Abdul Muttajim, reports BSS.

The function was addressed, among others, by Assistant Secretary General of the party Ehsanul Mahbub Jubair, Amir of Sylhet city unit Md Fakhrul Islam, Majlish-e-Sura member Md Abdul Mannan, district secretary Md Yamir Ali, district president of Islami Andolon Maulana Abdul Kuddus, president of Kulaura press club M Sakil Rashid Chowdhury, educationist Md Mohibur Rahman and former upazila Amir Khandkar Abdus Sobhan.

Dr Shafiqur Rahman said, “The fascism is still exists in the country but we will not accept it. None will be allowed to dacoit vote in the upcoming general election.

Urging all to establish a discrimination free society based on equality and justice, he said all the Islamic forces should work together sinking all conspiracies to create disunity among the Islamic forces.​
 

Expatriates, young voters must be allowed to vote: Jamaat chief

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Jamaat-e-Islami chief Shafiqur Rahman has called for the voting rights of expatriates and young voters to be ensured in the upcoming general election.

Speaking as the chief guest at an Eid reunion organised by Barlekha upazila Jamaat at Barlekha Bazar today, Shafiqur said, "Expatriates are remittance fighters. Not allowing them to vote is a denial of their basic right as citizens. They must be guaranteed a transparent and convenient way to cast their votes, whether from home or abroad."

He said the youth had played a pivotal role in reshaping Bangladesh's political landscape and that their role must be acknowledged by ensuring their inclusion in the election process.

"Young people who will turn 18 before the election schedule must be included in the voter list. They have earned their rights through protest and resistance," he said.

Criticising the former ruling party, Shafiqur said, "Those who oppressed the nation for 15 and a half years are still trying to destabilise the country. They have taken lives—of children and of the elderly—but have shown no remorse. They must repent."

He praised the youth for what he described as their success in toppling an "authoritarian" regime, saying, "For 15 and a half years, we tried through protest and agitation. The youth have succeeded. We do not want to see a chaotic Bangladesh; we want to see a humane Bangladesh."

Shafiqur warned against any attempts by former ruling forces to return to power through the upcoming polls.

"If any dark force tries to re-enter the scene through this election, they will face the same resistance as they did in July. The youth will lead this fight."

He also urged the interim government to honour its commitment to hold elections in April.

"We want to believe in the chief adviser's words. He said the polls would be held in mid-April. If they are delayed, it must not go beyond April. Elections must be free and fair, and the people must have the right to vote."

On education, Shafiqur said the existing system had failed to produce morally sound and self-reliant citizens.

"This system leaves graduates jobless, walking around with files. If Jamaat comes to power, we will carry out a major overhaul of the education system. People will choose their profession on their own, and there will be no unemployment after graduation."​
 

Jamaat holds meeting with delegation from international human rights organizations

UNB
Published :
Jun 16, 2025 22:59
Updated :
Jun 16, 2025 22:59

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A three-member delegation representing international human rights organizations met with Jamaat-e-Islami at the party’s central office in the capital on Monday.

The delegation comprised Nicolo Figa Talamanca, Secretary General of the international human rights NGO ‘No Peace Without Justice’, Pascal Tarlan, International Lawyer and Accountability Expert, and Abbas Faiz, International Human Rights Law Expert and former Director of Amnesty International.

The meeting was attended by Jamaat’s Nayeb-e-Ameer Dr. Syed Abdullah Md. Taher, Central Executive Council member and Secretary of the Central Media and Publicity Department Advocate Matiur Rahman Akand, and Jamaat-e-Islami Europe spokesperson Barrister Abu Bakar Molla.

At the meeting, the delegation was informed about Jamaat’s activities in the overall political situation in Bangladesh.

After the meeting, the delegation made a courtesy call on Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman.​
 

Jamaat regains its registration with electoral symbol 'Scales'

UNB Dhaka
Published: 24 Jun 2025, 21: 09

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Logo of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

The election commission has officially restored the registration of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, reinstating its traditional electoral symbol, the ‘Scales’ (Daripalla).

The commission on Tuesday published a gazette notification signed by senior secretary Akhtar Ahmed, declaring the cancellation of its earlier notification issued on 28 October 2018, which had revoked Jamaat’s registration.

Following a ruling handed down by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, Jamaat-e-Islami’s party registration with its party symbol was reinstated by cancelling the notification issued on 28 October 2018, said the latest notification.

With reinstatement of registration, Jamaat will now be able to contest the next parliamentary elections, using its ‘Scales’ symbol.

Jamaat had originally been registered with the election commission on 4 November 2008 (Registration No. 014) under Article 90B of the Representation of the People Order, 1972. But the registration was scrapped in 2018 in compliance with a 2013 judgment delivered by the High Court following a writ petition of 2009.

However, on 1 June last, the Appellate Division overturned the High Court’s verdict, paving the way for the restoration of the party’s registration and its electoral symbol.

Following the Supreme Court’s ruling, the election commission in a meeting held on 4 June took a decision to reinstate Jamaat’s registration and symbol.​
 

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