[🇧🇩] Indo-Bangla Relation: India's Regional Ambition, Geopolitical Reality, and Strategic Options For Bangladesh

[Saif]

Outbound tourism to India slows to a crawl

Political unrest in Bangladesh since the start of July has been severely affecting India’s inbound tourism industry, according to local outbound tour operators.

www.thedailystar.net

Outbound tourism to India slows to a crawl

Bangladeshi travellers account for nearly a fourth of India’s inbound tourists, according to a report by The Economic Times of India. Photo: collected/file
Political unrest in Bangladesh since the start of July has been severely affecting India's inbound tourism industry, according to local outbound tour operators.

They said the business started being gradually affected since July 1, when the nationwide student movement demanding reforms to the quota system for government jobs took hold.

As time went on, the business situation only worsened, they said, adding that their business hit rock bottom after Sheikh Hasina handed in her resignation as prime minister and fled the country on August 5.

At present, the situation remains dire. According to local outbound operators, the number of visitors travelling from Bangladesh to India has dropped by more than 90 percent.

Bangladeshi travellers account for nearly a fourth of India's inbound tourists, according to a report by The Economic Times of India. These tourists primarily come for medical tourism or for shopping, particularly during Durga Puja and the wedding season, the report mentioned.

Operators said the situation worsened after Hasina's departure as it led to temporary flight disruptions and a suspension of most visas, except for medical visas.

Although flights have now resumed, an official from an airline that operates flights to Dhaka noted that the passenger load for these trips decreased by over 50 percent, the report added.

Sabbir Ahmed, managing director of Cosmos Holiday, a local outbound tour operator, told The Daily Star that only medical and student visa services are currently available for India.

However, a few days ago, one of his clients was even refused a medical visa, he said.

"On an average 500 people normally go to India through our company each month. Not even three people have gone through our company in the past month," Ahmed lamented.

As a result, most such businesses are now being run through loans. Ahmed said he has taken loans amounting to Tk 60 lakh in the past two months.

Taslim Amin Shovon, chief executive officer of InnoGlobe Travel and Tours, another local tour operator, said the number of tourists that are visiting India has fallen by over 98 percent.

"Only those who urgently need to go to India are still travelling," he said, adding that many had shelved plans to visit the neighbouring country, he said.

India is a key destination for Bangladeshi travellers, accounting for around 40 to 45 percent of all outbound trips, according to the Tour Operators Association of Bangladesh (TOAB).

A majority visit for medical treatment (over 80 percent) while shopping (15 percent) and leisure (5 percent) are secondary reasons.

Kolkata is a favoured shopping hub while Sikkim, Goa, Kashmir, Darjeeling, Gujarat, Bengaluru, Chennai Delhi, Hyderabad and Northeast India also attract visitors.

Tourist arrivals in India surged by 43.5 percent in 2023, but the figures remain 15.5 percent below pre-pandemic levels, according to the Economic Times of India report.

The country saw 9.23 million visitors last year, bringing in the equivalent to over INR 24 crore in foreign exchange.

Among them, tourists from Bangladesh accounted for more than 22.5 percent, representing the largest percentage from any single nation, the report said.

Debjit Dutta, chairman of the Indian Association of Tour Operators West Bengal Chapter, said travel operators, hotels, and guesthouses near hospitals in West Bengal have experienced a 90 percent drop in business.

A director of the TOAB said: "The prevailing situation has had a huge impact on outbound tour operators, which is why many are having to running their businesses by availing loans."

"If I calculate conservatively, more than 5,000 Indian visas are issued to Bangladeshis per day. If each person spends around Tk 50,000 in India, that means India is losing out on Tk 750 crore per month."​

 

[Bilal9]

India is now worried by 'investing' more in Hasina, giving less importance to Bangladesh The fall of Sheikh Hasina has had a definite negative impact on India-Bangladesh relations.

 

[Saif]

[H3]Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain On Bangladesh Unrest & Indo-Bangladesh Relationship[/H3]

 

[Saif]

‘বাংলাদেশকে ‘ক্লায়েন্ট স্টেট’ বানিয়ে রাখতে চায় ভারত’

 

[Saif]

Revoke all ‘unjust’ deals with India

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi yesterday demanded the cancellation of what he described as “secret” and “unequal” agreements signed with India over the past 15 years under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government.

www.thedailystar.net

Revoke all ‘unjust’ deals with India
Says Ruhul Kabir Rizvi

Ruhul Kabir Rizvi

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi yesterday demanded the cancellation of what he described as "secret" and "unequal" agreements signed with India over the past 15 years under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's government.

"I urge the interim government to revoke all the secret and unjust deals signed by Sheikh Hasina with India by compromising Bangladesh's independence and sovereignty," Rizvi said.

Rizvi made the demand while speaking at a programme in the capital's Kafrul area.

He questioned why India ignored the oppression Sheikh Hasina has inflicted upon the people of Bangladesh over the past 15 years.

"Don't they (India) know about the farcical elections orchestrated by Sheikh Hasina in 2014, 2018, and 2024? Despite this, why does India continue to show such love for her?" the BNP leader asked.

Rizvi criticised India for allegedly neglecting Bangladesh's sovereignty and the will of its people.

He accused India of supporting Sheikh Hasina who buried Bangladesh's democracy.

"India supports Sheikh Hasina, not Bangladesh and its people," he said.

Rizvi claimed that Sheikh Hasina has demonstrated a lack of humanity by subjecting opposition leaders and activists to brutal torture.

He said students demanded Sheikh Hasina's resignation, but she fled the country killing many people, including children and adolescents.

Rizvi said their party does not want to pursue Awami League's culture of repression, vengeance, plundering and grabbing.

"Those who believe in the politics of Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman must work to ensure the peace and discipline in society."​

 

[Saif]

The following video clearly shows how Bangladesh contributes to Indian medical and other sectors. The Indians never say thank you for the huge contribution Bangladeshis make to their economy. I strongly suggest that Bangladeshis use Thailand, Malaysia and China as their prime destinations for medical treatments. Believe me the Chinese, the Thais and the Malaysians will say thank you for the business they will get from the Bangladeshis.

 

[Saif]

Another video which explains India's economic dependence on Bangladesh. The video is a bit long but worth watching.

 

[Saif]

Navigating economic sovereignty of small nations

The relationship between larger influential nations and their smaller neighbouring counterparts has historically involved a careful balance of power and independence. Both economically and politically, larger countries often wield considerable sway over their smaller neighbours, potentially

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Navigating economic sovereignty of small nations
Mohammad Kamrul Hasan
Published :
Aug 27, 2024 21:19
Updated :
Aug 27, 2024 21:19

The relationship between larger influential nations and their smaller neighbouring counterparts has historically involved a careful balance of power and independence. Both economically and politically, larger countries often wield considerable sway over their smaller neighbours, potentially undermining their ability to make autonomous decisions. In recent times, smaller nations have been devising strategies to mitigate the impact of their larger neighbours and assert their own independence. This article delves into different approaches that smaller neighbouring countries can utilise to diminish the influence of larger and more dominant nations.

Economic sovereignty encompasses a nation's capacity to manage its economic policies, resources, and development paths without being unduly influenced from outside forces. For smaller countries, safeguarding this sovereignty is vital for ensuring that their national interests take precedence and that their economic progress is sustainable and inclusive.

The influence of more powerful neighbours on smaller countries can be multifaceted. This influence spans across various domains, including economic, political, and cultural aspects. Notably, smaller countries often depend on their larger neighbours for trade, investment, and even labour, creating vulnerabilities should their more dominant neighbours choose to use economic leverage. Additionally, larger countries can exert control over the economic policies of smaller nations through various means like controlling energy supplies, trade routes, and financial markets. Furthermore, smaller countries may struggle to compete in the global market due to their size, resources, and market access constraints. Political conflicts or disagreements with larger neighbours can also result in economic sanctions or other punitive actions. In addition, the cultural landscape of smaller countries can be influenced and manipulated by more powerful neighbours.

There are global instances of successful countries that have managed to uphold their economic sovereignty despite having influential neighbours. Singapore serves as a prime example of a small nation that has effectively preserved its economic sovereignty despite being in close proximity to larger neighbours. Through strategic planning, economic diversification, and a focus on innovation and technology, Singapore has emerged as a global economic hub. Similarly, New Zealand has actively endeavoured to broaden its trade partnerships beyond its powerful neighbour, Australia. By engaging in free trade agreements with nations like China and the EU, New Zealand has expanded its market access and reduced its economic dependence. Despite its small size and its location in a geopolitically sensitive region, Qatar has utilised its natural gas reserves, sovereign wealth fund, and strategic investments in international sports and culture to assert its economic sovereignty.

Drawing from general concerns and global experiences, certain strategic measures can be highly effective.

Diversifying trade partners is one of the most impactful strategies for reducing reliance on a larger neighbour. Small nations can expand their economic ties by engaging with a variety of countries and regions, thereby lessening their susceptibility to economic pressures or sanctions from any single nation. This diversification can be achieved through regional trade pacts, bilateral trade agreements, and participation in international economic conferences.

Besides, developing niche markets and industries can also prove effective. By concentrating on niche markets where they have a comparative advantage, small countries can become indispensable in specific global supply chains. For example, countries like Singapore have specialised in high-tech industries and financial services. Additionally, investing in research and development can enable small countries to remain competitive and reduce dependence on larger neighbours. Supporting local industries, such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology, can also diminish a country's reliance on imports and foreign markets, making them more self-reliant and less susceptible to economic manipulation by larger neighbours. Encouraging entrepreneurship and innovation within the country can also foster economic resilience.

Moreover, forming alliances with other small and medium-sized countries in the region can offer collective strength to counterbalance the influence of a larger neighbour. Regional organisations, like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the African Union (AU), and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) play a vital role in promoting cooperation and unity among member states. These partnerships can serve as platforms for diplomatic dialogue and collective action.

Furthermore, small countries can leverage their membership in international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organisation, and the International Monetary Fund to advocate for their interests and gain support from the global community. Active participation in these organisations can help small countries bring attention to their challenges and seek assistance in addressing external pressures.

Apart from other measures, enhancing military and security capabilities is crucial. While small countries may not match the military capabilities of larger neighbours, they can invest in their strategic defence capabilities to deter potential aggression. This investment can involve modernising armed forces, bolstering cyber defence systems, and improving intelligence capabilities. A credible defence posture can act as a deterrent to coercive actions from larger neighbours.

Importantly, small countries can also enhance their security by forming partnerships with other countries that share their concerns. These partnerships can take the form of defence cooperation agreements, joint military exercises, and intelligence-sharing arrangements. Through collaboration, small countries can enhance their collective security and reduce their vulnerability to external threats.

In addition, small countries can work towards mitigating imbalances by promoting cultural and soft power initiatives. Strengthening national identity and cultural heritage can assist small countries in preserving their autonomy and resisting external influences. By instilling pride in their history, language, and traditions, small countries can foster a sense of unity and resilience among their citizens. This cultural fortitude can act as a counterweight to the cultural impact of larger neighbouring nations.

Small countries can utilise soft power to bolster their global influence and counteract the predominance of larger neighbours. This can be achieved through cultural diplomacy, educational exchanges, and international development endeavours. By portraying a positive image on the global platform, small countries can cultivate goodwill and garner support from the international community.

Devising a clear and coherent foreign policy framework can aid small countries in managing their relationships with larger neighbours. This framework should delineate the country's priorities, interests, and boundaries when engaging with external entities. By having a well-defined foreign policy, small countries can interact with larger neighbours on their own terms and avoid being pressured into unfavourable agreements.

Considering Bangladesh's geographical location, the country could consider focusing on specific measures to uphold its economic sovereignty. Establishing a robust regulatory environment is crucial to shield the economy from external pressures. Emphasis should be placed on implementing regulations that prevent unfair trade practices and safeguard local industries from dumping or subsidised imports. It is also imperative to ensure that foreign investments do not jeopardise national security or exert undue influence over key sectors.

Additionally, developing the capacity to withstand external economic upheavals is vital for economic independence. Bangladesh should implement measures to lessen the impact of global economic fluctuations, natural disasters, and other external factors. Diversifying the economy across different sectors can reduce susceptibility to shocks specific to particular sectors.

Bangladesh should also prioritise effective regional cooperation, as it can furnish small countries with collective bargaining power. Engaging actively in regional trade pacts such as the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) can unlock new prospects for trade and investment. Additionally, enhancing collaboration with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is essential. Participating in regional economic organisations can provide access to larger markets and bolster negotiation leverage. Alongside the partnership, investing in strategic infrastructure projects that improve connectivity, reduce transportation costs, and enhance market access is crucial for Bangladesh's economic sovereignty. Additionally, it is vital to ensure a stable and reliable energy supply through investments in renewable energy sources and energy-efficient technologies to support industrial growth.

Moreover, it is very important to engage in diplomatic dialogue with India and neighbouring countries for maintaining economic sovereignty, and Bangladesh should use diplomatic channels to address trade imbalances, negotiate favourable terms, and resolve disputes amicably. Furthermore, forging alliances with like-minded countries and international organisations can provide support and enhance negotiating power.

Addressing the complex challenge of reducing the influence of large and powerful countries on small neighbouring countries requires adopting a comprehensive strategy. This strategy should encompass economic diversification, political alliances, military preparedness, cultural initiatives, and legal measures to enhance autonomy and assert sovereignty for small countries. These strategies not only empower small countries to navigate geopolitical challenges but also contribute to a more balanced and equitable international order.

Dr Mohammad Kamrul Hasan is a public administration researcher and practitioner.​

 

[Saif]

[H3]Indian Hybrid War with Bangladesh: Tensions Rising to a Boiling Point![/H3]

 

[Saif]

সাব্বাশ বাংলাদেশ! বাংলাদেশীদের ভারত বয়কটের ফলে পশ্চিমবাংলার হাসপাতালে হাহাকার

 

[Saif]

The Indian hegemony in South Asia

 

[Saif]

India will deal with Bangladesh govt of the day: Jaishankar

Referring to changes in Bangladesh, Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar on Friday said they would deal with the government of the day.

www.newagebd.net

India will deal with Bangladesh govt of the day: Jaishankar
United News of Bangladesh . Dhaka 30 August, 2024, 19:28

S Jaishankar. | UNB photo.

Referring to changes in Bangladesh, Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar on Friday said they would deal with the government of the day.

‘It is natural that we will deal with the government of the day,’ he said.

He said that they had to recognise that there were political changes, and political changes could be disruptive.

‘And clearly here, we have to look for mutuality of interest,’ Jaishankar added.

He spoke at the book release of ‘Strategic Conundrums: Reshaping India’s Foreign Policy’ authored by Rajiv Sikri.

Jaishankar said that everyone was aware that since Bangladesh’s independence, the relationship between the two countries had gone up and down.​

 

[Saif]

মেইনল্যান্ড ভারত নয় বাংলাদেশের কাছ থেকে সরাসরি খাদ্যপণ্য আমদানির আবদার মেঘালয় রাজ্যের

 

[Bilal9]

India will deal with Bangladesh govt of the day: Jaishankar

Referring to changes in Bangladesh, Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar on Friday said they would deal with the government of the day.

www.newagebd.net

India will deal with Bangladesh govt of the day: Jaishankar
United News of Bangladesh . Dhaka 30 August, 2024, 19:28

View attachment 7971
S Jaishankar. | UNB photo.

Referring to changes in Bangladesh, Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar on Friday said they would deal with the government of the day.

‘It is natural that we will deal with the government of the day,’ he said.

He said that they had to recognise that there were political changes, and political changes could be disruptive.

‘And clearly here, we have to look for mutuality of interest,’ Jaishankar added.

He spoke at the book release of ‘Strategic Conundrums: Reshaping India’s Foreign Policy’ authored by Rajiv Sikri.

Jaishankar said that everyone was aware that since Bangladesh’s independence, the relationship between the two countries had gone up and down.​

It is notable that Jaishankar changed his tone - acknowledging reality of the failure of their Chanakya principle and ineffectiveness of the thousands of RAW operatives inside DGFI and the PM's own safety net. Most of these people have run away to India now.

Bangladesh is (temporarily, at least) outside of Modi's (his MEA's) circle of influence.

But fret not, they will continue to cause trouble (remotely as well as through their local agents) and try to fail every infra and democratic institution in Bangladesh, due to the precarious administrative situation at present. Destabilizing Bangladesh is their name-of-the-game now.

Witness the small scale Ansar rebellion last week and again, small scale attack at DMC yesterday. Too many local sycophants of the misguided Indian administration still around and purges are still pending. The looted wealth from the last fifteen years is giving these dalals plenty of operating leeway.

The administration was so chock full of Awami and Chhatra leaguers (especially Police, Law and Order, Foreign Affairs, Finance and Planning Ministry people) that finding neutral people to run these places will be a hard task going forward. But survive and persist we will, ours is not a small nation.

 

[Saif]

Dhaka may review MoUs signed with Delhi in June

Dhaka may review the memorandums of understanding (MoUs) signed with New Delhi during former prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s visit to India in June this year.

www.thedailystar.net

Dhaka may review MoUs signed with Delhi in June
Says foreign affairs adviser; govt may seek Hasina’s extradition if court asks

Photo: Collected

Dhaka may review the memorandums of understanding (MoUs) signed with New Delhi during former prime minister Sheikh Hasina's visit to India in June this year.

"MoUs are not the final agreements. We can definitely review these if our interests were not protected. We will sign agreements on the issues that protect our interests," Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain told reporters at the foreign ministry yesterday.

During Hasina's visit to India, the two countries signed seven new MoUs that include on maritime cooperation, joint research on oceanography, rail connectivity, and on two separate shared visions of digital partnership and green partnership.

The MoUs also includes collaboration for Joint Small Satellite Project. One of the most discussed MoUs was on providing rail transit to India through Bangladesh.

"Before reaching the level of agreements, MoUs are always reviewed. So, those can definitely be reviewed," Touhid said.

He rejoined the office yesterday after a visit to Cameron where he attended a meeting of the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation on August 29-30. Before that, he was in the US for a pre-scheduled private visit.

Bangladesh has been implementing some projects under the Indian Line of Credit, but the work of the projects remains suspended as the Indian contractors have gone to India amid the recent students-led movement that led to the ouster of the Awami League government.

On August 5, Hasina fled to India and has been there since then.

Asked about the projects, the foreign affairs adviser said it is normal that after any revolution, there is some level of chaos, and that's what has happened in the country.

"There were problems with law and order and there is no question about it. However, we have been able to bring it under control.

"As everything is getting normal, the Indian contractors will also feel that and resume work," he said, adding, "The ongoing projects have to be completed."

He said the government will seek extradition of Hasina from India if the legal procedures require it as there have been numerous cases filed against her, including those of killing people.

"If the court asks us to bring her back, we will try to act accordingly … it is up to India if it extradites her. They are supposed to do it, but there is a legal process. I don't know how it can happen."​

The interim government has cancelled red passports of former ministers and lawmakers.

Asked about the status of Hasina in India, Touhid said he had no idea about it. "You rather ask the Indian authorities."

 

[Saif]

বাংলাদেশ–ভারত সম্পর্কের সোনালি অধ্যায় ছিল দলের ও ব্যক্তির মধ্যে সীমাবদ্ধ: পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা

আমি মনে করি, কোনো এক পর্যায়ে, কোনো এক কারণে পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে একটু টানাপোড়েন ছিল। এখন স্বাভাবিক একটা সম্পর্কে যদি উন্নীত হয়, আমাদের সবার খুশি হওয়া উচিত।

bangla.thedailystar.net

বাংলাদেশ–ভারত সম্পর্কের সোনালি অধ্যায় ছিল দলের ও ব্যক্তির মধ্যে সীমাবদ্ধ: পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা
আমি মনে করি, কোনো এক পর্যায়ে, কোনো এক কারণে পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে একটু টানাপোড়েন ছিল। এখন স্বাভাবিক একটা সম্পর্কে যদি উন্নীত হয়, আমাদের সবার খুশি হওয়া উচিত।

পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা মো. তৌহিদ হোসেন | ছবি: সংগৃহীত

বাংলাদেশ–ভারত সম্পর্কের সোনালি অধ্যায় দলের ও ব্যক্তির মধ্যে সীমাবদ্ধ ছিল মন্তব্য করে অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা মো. তৌহিদ হোসেন বলেছেন, দ্বিপক্ষীয় এই সম্পর্ককে জনকেন্দ্রিক করতে হবে।

আজ সোমবার দুপুরে পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়ে গণমাধ্যমকর্মীদের সঙ্গে আলাপকালে তিনি এ কথা বলেন।

আওয়ামী লীগের শাসনামলে ভারতের সঙ্গে বাংলাদেশের সম্পর্ক সোনালি অধ্যায় ছিল কি না জানতে চাইলে তিনি বলেন, 'শেখ হাসিনার সরকারের সময় বাংলাদেশ-ভারতের মধ্যে সুসম্পর্ক সরকার বা দলের ও ব্যক্তির মধ্যে সীমাবদ্ধ ছিল। আমরা চাই, জনসাধারণের মধ্যে সুসম্পর্ক গড়ে উঠুক। দু'দেশের মানুষের মাঝে এই বিশ্বাস তৈরি হোক যে, দ্বিপক্ষীয় সম্পর্ক খুব ভালো আছে।'

তিনি বলেন, ছাত্র-জনতার বিপ্লবের পরে ভারতীয় গণমাধ্যম অতিরঞ্জিত সংবাদ প্রচার করেছে। সে জন্য আন্তর্জাতিক গণমাধ্যম, যারা বস্তুনিষ্ঠ ও নিরপেক্ষ সংবাদ প্রকাশ করে, তারা এই দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি (ভারতীয় গণমাধ্যমের) গ্রহণ করেনি।

শেখ হাসিনার সরকারের সঙ্গে পশ্চিমা বিশ্বের এক ধরনের টানাপোড়েনের বিষয়টি স্বীকার করা উচিত বলেও উল্লেখ করেন পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা।

তিনি বলেন, যেসব ইস্যুতে টানাপোড়েন চলছিল, সেগুলো বর্তমান অন্তর্বর্তী সরকার এবং ছাত্র-জনতার এজেন্ডার সঙ্গে সংগতিপূর্ণ। কাজেই, এখানে দ্বন্দ্বের কোনো সুযোগ দেখি না।

পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে দ্বিপক্ষীয় সম্পর্কের ব্যাপারে জানতে চাইলে পররাষ্ট্র উপদেষ্টা বলেন, আমরা সবার সঙ্গে বন্ধুত্বপূর্ণ ও গতিশীল সম্পর্ক চাই। আমি মনে করি, কোনো এক পর্যায়ে, কোনো এক কারণে পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে একটু টানাপোড়েন ছিল। এখন স্বাভাবিক একটা সম্পর্কে যদি উন্নীত হয়, আমাদের সবার খুশি হওয়া উচিত।​

 

[Saif]

বাংলাদেশী পর্যটকের অভাবে ক্রেতাশূন্য কলকাতা নিউমার্কেট

 

[Bilal9]

বাংলাদেশী পর্যটকের অভাবে ক্রেতাশূন্য কলকাতা নিউমার্কেট

Bangladeshis have for the past few years contributed more than a hundred crore rupees to the Kolkata economy per month which was without the medical tourism proceeds.

I have no idea what the total contribution with medical tourism would be. I'd feign a guess, maybe three times as much per month, probably more.

And some Kolkata Bengali haters come up with names like "Kangladeshi". SMH. I do not know what these people lack in terms of common sense.

 

[Bilal9]

The following are two articles published by the Dhaka Tribune by its editor, Zafar Sobhan, both should be deeply insightful and eye-opening for non-Bangladeshi readers.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[h3]10 things India needs to know about Bangladesh[/h3]
It is the Bangladeshi people with whom India needs to forge a relationship and not one deeply unpopular and discredited political party

Zafar Sobhan

1. Neither Islamist nor militant
   
   The movement that toppled Sheikh Hasina is not an Islamist revolution. The students at the forefront of the movement are committed, conscientious patriots who wish to see nothing more than a functional, fair, and free Bangladesh. They are democrats and they wish to see a truly democratic Bangladesh, as do all Bangladeshis. They are the furthest thing imaginable from Islamists or militants. Neither is Bangladesh an Islamist country nor a hotbed of militancy. Yes, it is a Muslim majority country, and yes, their religious faith is a key component of the identity of many, possibly most Muslim Bangladeshis. But that doesn’t make them radicals or anything other than God-fearing, law-abiding men and women who simply want to live their lives in peace and in harmony with their neighbours.
2. Hindus are not in danger
   
   Yes, in the initial chaos following Sheikh Hasina’s fleeing, there was a short period of anarchy and lawlessness, and, yes, unfortunately some of those who were targeted were members of the Hindu community. At times like this, those targeted are often the most powerless and as we all know in south Asia, minorities sadly always remain vulnerable. But the notion that Hindus were the subject of some kind of pogrom and that their targeting and dispossession was in fact an integral prong of the revolution is a fiction. Things have already calmed down considerably and as important as the reports of minorities under attack were, the accounts of Muslims and Hindus teaming up to protect temples and minority neighbourhoods were far more typical, widespread, and noteworthy. Things are far from perfect in Bangladesh when it comes to minority rights, but minorities in Bangladesh are much safer and more secure than in, say, India, just to pick a random country by way of comparison.
   
   
   
3. No anarchy
   
   Contrary to popular belief, Bangladesh has not descended into a Hobbesian state of chaos and anarchy since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. Such was the suddenness with which she decided to flee that it did initially create a complete power vacuum that resulted in a very unstable situation for some days. But with the interim government under Dr. Muhammad Yunus in place, things are becoming more stable and secure every day, even though the challenge of maintaining safety and security and law and order remains considerable. Things are not helped by the fact that a decade of AL corruption and misrule has left all institutions in a shambles and needing reconstitution from the ground up. That said, given the fragility of the situation – there were no police on the streets for over a week, forcing the students and concerned citizens to partner together to protect neighbourhoods and provide law and order – the fact that there was so little lawlessness during this time was astounding. And things are slowly but surely returning to normal.
   
   
4. Popular support
   
   There is widespread popular support for the interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus, who is a widely respected figure, with a reputation for probity, competence, and vision, both inside the country and out. If there is one Bangladeshi who can lead us at this watershed moment in the nation’s history, it is he, and this is widely recognized and acknowledged. There are of course divisions within the interim government as there are within the larger society, but he is widely seen to be the man who can bridge these divisions and bring Bangladesh together. After 15 years of deeply divisive leadership, it’s like a breath of fresh air, and the difference it makes having someone of his stature at the helm of national affairs is palpable. The country is with him.
   
   
   
5. Everything is relative
   
   While it has to be acknowledged that things are very far from perfect, that’s not a very helpful measure to use when assessing where things stand in Bangladesh today. It is regrettable that law enforcement and the legal system seem to be using their old playbook, with many of the cases that have been brought against former AL honchos blatantly flimsy and tendentious, with due process a far cry. Similarly, there remains a fair amount of confusion and lack of transparency as to how decisions are being made and what we can expect moving forward. But Bangladeshis prefer to measure the way things are today against the rampant criminality and corruption of the past decade, to say nothing of the bloodshed of the last month when Hasina turned her guns on her own people, and by that measure of comparison, we are light years better off than we were before.
   
   
   
6. Anger against the outgoing regime
   
   Remarkably, perhaps, for a prime minister who was elected in a landslide in 2008 and who had presided over impressive growth and development during her tenure in office, the ousted PM Sheikh Hasina was a widely feared and reviled figure. Her ruling Awami League was even less popular. In a free and fair election it is doubtful that they could be elected dogcatcher anywhere outside of their political stronghold of Gopalganj, something which the PM understood very well, hence her disinclination to test her popularity at the polls in 2014, 2018, and earlier this year. If the discontent with her dictatorial rule and the corruption and criminality that came with it were simmering below the surface for years, this boiled over into incandescent anger with her murderous response to the student protests that left hundreds dead, thousands maimed, and the entire country shocked and still coming to terms with the ferocity of the assault perpetrated on its own people by the erstwhile government. She has lost an entire generation, and the AL won’t sniff power again for a decade, possibly much, much longer. Bangladeshis will never forgive her or forget what she did.
   
   
   
7. We hold India responsible
   
   The Bangladeshi people hold India squarely responsible for everything they have suffered in the past decade of increasingly autocratic AL misrule. The reason is simple: everyone knows – as do you – that it was India who propped up and supported the Hasina regime, batting for it internationally, being the first to recognize its bogus elections, soft-pedalling its dictatorial nature, and defending it and protecting it at every turn. It was this knowledge that India unquestioningly had her back that emboldened Hasina in her worst excesses and insulated her from the consequences of her misrule. India’s relationship was with Sheikh Hasina and the government, and its concern for the welfare or opinion of the Bangladeshi people was non-existent. Hasina was the best of friends to India, and that’s all that mattered. India supported Hasina right to the bitter end, with contemptuous disregard for how this made it look in Bangladesh or the price they would have to pay as a result. Now with their brilliant Bangladesh policy in ruins India will need to rebuild the trust and confidence of the Bangladeshi people from scratch.
   
   
   
8. India is still batting for Hasina
   
   It doesn’t help that more than two weeks after her ouster, India appears to still be supporting Hasina and the AL, and that it hasn’t at all come to terms with the catastrophe of its Bangladesh policy. A tide of misinformation and disinformation continues to gush forth from India, attempting to paint the revolution in Bangladesh in the worst and most mendacious of lights. Sheikh Hasina remains an honoured guest of the republic of India and her son, presumably at the behest, or at the very least with the approval, of his masters in New Delhi openly calls on India to ensure elections in Bangladesh in short order, suggesting to Bangladeshis that India somehow feels that it has that right. India has yet to come to terms with the fact that it backed a scrub, has lost badly, and that it needs to make its peace both with the interim government and the Bangladeshi people if it wishes to repair its relations with its eastern neighbour.
   
   
   
9. It’s not just Hasina
   
   Let me be blunt here. The Bangladeshi people’s antipathy towards India does not stem solely from its support of Hasina and her atrocities. Bangladeshi beef with India predates 2009 although it has certainly been exacerbated both by the rightward shift in Indian politics and India’s support of the AL. Amit Shah’s referring to Bangladeshis as “termites” is only the extreme end of how far too many Indians think of Bangladeshis. Anti-Bangladeshi rhetoric and thought is ubiquitous throughout India and Bangladeshis understand very well the low opinion that many if not most Indians harbour about us. If Indians are honest with themselves, they will acknowledge that their attitude towards Bangladesh and Bangladeshis can be described as patronising and condescending at best, dismissive and contemptuous at worst. Worst of all is the old “you all are only free because of us” chestnut. While it is undeniable that India played a seminal role in 1971, it’s time to give that particular line a rest. Are the French meant to still be crawlingly deferential to the English and Americans? Good luck with that. Why should Bangladesh be any different? And please note that I haven’t even mentioned border killings, water sharing, or extortionate power deals.
   
   
   
10. We want to be friends
    
    Be all of the above as it may, Bangladesh neither seeks nor can afford enmity with India. We understand that India has long been an important friend to Bangladesh, starting from its invaluable support for our Liberation War in 1971. We recognize that India is a burgeoning world power and that good relations between the two countries are not just desirable but in fact indispensable. We share a 4,000 plus kilometre border and so many of our issues can only be resolved bilaterally or regionally. We appreciate that India has security concerns that impact its relationship with us. We also understand that the ties that bind our two countries are far greater than that which divides us, and that well-meaning Indians want the best for Bangladesh as well-meaning Bangladeshis want the best for India. But moving forward, if the relationship is to be repaired and developed in a way that is frankly imperative for both countries, it will have to be done so on the basis of mutual respect and with a recognition that it is the Bangladeshi people with whom India needs to forge a relationship, not one deeply unpopular and discredited political party and its dictatorial leader.

 

[Bilal9]

The following are two articles published by the Dhaka Tribune by its editor, Zafar Sobhan, both should be deeply insightful and eye-opening for non-Bangladeshi readers.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[h3]Time to listen to Bangladeshi voices[/h3]
The good news in Bangladesh today far outweighs the bad

The continuing meltdown in India’s political, foreign policy, media, and intellectual establishments three weeks into the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government is truly a sight to behold.

If they don’t mind me pointing out the obvious, I would have to observe that they are taking this a lot worse than I thought they would.

In fact, I hope I will be forgiven for the observation that India seems to be taking the fall of the Hasina government almost as badly as Pakistan took Bangladesh achieving independence in 1971.

The violence of their response may indeed indicate something a little bit revelatory about how India viewed Bangladesh these last 15 years, and, honestly, the extent of the beating of breasts, rending of garments, gnashing of teeth, and chewing of furniture could scarcely have been greater had a part of India’s actual territory fallen.

Such was the sense of ownership over the Sheikh Hasina regime and the vice-regal confidence with which India viewed its operations in Bangladesh that to see it all come crumbling down in a matter of a few short days must have been a shock. It is clear that the Indian establishment is still very far from getting over it.

I should, at this point, hasten to clarify that it is not all Indians. There have been many fair-minded and heterodox voices within the Indian media and even political firmament who have broken ranks with the consensus chorus of dismay, and both cautiously welcomed the fall of an autocrat and been willing to introspect as to what the lessons might be for India.

But these voices have been few and far between, a tiny drop in comparison to the massive tide of recrimination and disinformation that has flowed steadily throughout the Indian national consciousness and continues largely unabated till today.

The recrimination is perhaps more understandable. The ouster of a leader and a regime that they felt they had in their pocket must have come as a serious shock to the system, and indeed the fact that the Hasina regime could unravel so rapidly and so completely came as a shock to those of us inside the country too.

No one likes to lose a friend, and Hasina was the best friend India ever had. She reigned courtesy of India’s steadfast support which insulated her from the consequences of her misrule, and the fact that her ouster leaves India’s Bangladesh policy in ruins, with no clear sense of how to right things, is obviously hard to take.

Equally difficult must be coming to terms with the massive intelligence failure that resulted in such a reversal. If the events of the past month have laid bare the utter poverty of India’s Bangladesh policy, it is no less of an indictment of their on-the-ground intelligence. How the men at the top still have a job, I don’t know.

But while the above may be to some extent understandable and even excusable, what is inexcusable are the torrents of misinformation and disinformation that have been gushing forth from Indian media and social media channels and amplified by politicians, that have completely distorted the Indian understanding of what is happening in Bangladesh. None of this is conducive to the rebuilding of the bilateral relationship along workable terms that both sides need.

Most of the rhetoric coming out of India paints Bangladesh as a hotbed of militancy and the student-led people’s movement to oust Hasina as an Islamic revolution, neither of which is anywhere close to the truth. Nor are Hindus under sustained attack in this post-Hasina Bangladesh, though Indian media and social media is painting the interim administration of Dr Muhammad Yunus as the second coming of Aurangzeb.

Most galling of all is the insulting imputation that Bangladesh remains under the sway of Pakistan and its infamous ISI. I mean, really? The 2000s called and want their understanding of geo-strategic realities back.

Let me break something down for my friends across the border: Bangladesh is now a bigger country than Pakistan. Our economy is larger than Pakistan’s in absolute terms even though they have 80 million more people. In terms of GDP per capita, Pakistan is fully 30 percent lower than Bangladesh.

What next? Is Bangladesh under the sway of the nefarious Maldives National Defense Force perchance? Are we in the pocket of the sultanate of Brunei? A little respect, please.

My advice to my Indian friends would be to listen more and say less. Listen to Bangladeshis. Do not get your information about Bangladesh from Indian sources who are either themselves misinformed about Bangladesh or trying mightily to misinform you, or both. Engage with Bangladesh with an open mind and jettison your preconceived narratives and notions about the country.

My advice to anyone else outside the country would be similar: get your news about Bangladesh from Bangladeshis and not from third parties, especially Indian voices that clearly have a stake in the failure of the Monsoon Revolution.

Don’t fall for the agitprop being churned out by the Indian troll farms and amplified by their establishment media. Take the time to search out the truth about Bangladesh today, and you will be surprised and inspired by what you learn.

There is a great story unfolding in Bangladesh today. It is by no means certain to succeed and the situation in the country remains balanced on a knife edge. Is the situation in Bangladesh perfect? Far from it. But is it an improvement over what we suffered for the past decade? Absolutely. Is there disheartening and dismaying news when it comes to law and order and rule of law. Undoubtedly.

But the good news in Bangladesh today far outweighs the bad, and it is so important that those outside the country understand the enormity of what is happening in Bangladesh and just how remarkable these last few weeks have been.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Zafar Sobhan is Editor, Dhaka Tribune.

 

[Saif]

Dhaka-Delhi ties should be based on equity: Prof Yunus

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus today said they need to maintain good relations with India but that should be based on equity and fairness

www.thedailystar.net

Dhaka-Delhi ties should be based on equity: Prof Yunus
Prof Muhammad Yunus on Bangladesh India relations

Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday said they need to maintain good relations with India but that should be based on equity and fairness.

"Sir (Prof Yunus) repeatedly said we need to maintain good relations with India but it needs to be based on equity and fairness," Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam quoted Prof Yunus as saying during a view-exchange meeting with students who played key roles in the student-led mass revolution.

While briefing reporters at Foreign Service Academy, Mahfuj said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up during the discussion held at the Chief Adviser's Office (CAO).

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam, Deputy Press Secretaries Abul Kalam Azad Majumdar and Apurba Jahangir were present at the briefing.

In his 20-minute speech, Prof Yunus reiterated what he said over the last one month and shared his plans, how they are proceeding, how and where reforms are required.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the view-exchange program.​

 

[Bilal9]

[h3]Here is a very honest assessment of the re-casting of Indo-Bangla relations by Student Activist Taposhi Dey Prapti, who happens to be Hindu - in Outlook India. She forcefully debunked the false claims of Hindu oppression which were originated and circulated by the Indian Godi media[/h3][h3]
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[/h3][h3]Minorities In Bangladesh Are Determined Not To Be Political Pawns, Says Student Activist Taposhi Dey Prapti.[/h3]Taposhi Dey Prapti, a leading figure in Bangladesh's student revolution, discusses the nation's transition and the crucial reforms needed for a brighter future

Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay
Updated on: 3 September 2024 3:17 pm

Bangladesh Protest Photo: (Special Arrangement)
Taposhi Dey Prapti, one of the most prominent faces of the student-led people's revolution in Bangladesh spoke to Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay regarding the current socio-political scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh. She also shared her thoughts on the newly formed interim government, significant administrative reforms, women's rights, as well as the potential opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for the new Bangladesh. Taposhi is currently studying economics at the Jahanginar University, Dhaka.


Three weeks have passed since the student-led uprising in Bangladesh effectively brought an end to the 15-year autocratic rule of the Sheikh Hasina Government. The country is now in the throes of a transition. As an activist and a student coordinator, what's your take on the current scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh?

Under the dictatorship of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh's political landscape had evolved into a heavily unbalanced structure, resembling a one-party state that exhibited favourable treatment towards factions associated with the ruling Awami League.

Despite all odds, we are now focused on rebuilding our nation by dismantling the remnants of the previous government's corrupt and oppressive governance.

Even though the major priority of every freedom-loving Bangladeshi citizen was to end the fascist rule of the previous government, it's important to note that our revolution was not solely about overthrowing the Hasina regime. There are numerous changes that we still need to fight for. The culture of impunity has to be demolished, sexual assault and discrimination against women have to be stopped at any cost, the military rule in the CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) has to be removed, and the government must ensure the safety of minorities, among other necessary administrative reforms. Without these changes, the revolution can never be deemed successful. Today's Bangladesh stands on the sacrifices of our martyr brothers who were brutally murdered during the July-August protests. We won't let their sacrifice go in vain.

Following Sheikh Hasina's ouster, growing cases of attacks on the Hindu communities have sparked alarming concerns about the safety of the minorities within the country. Could you please shed any light on the current state of the minorities in Bangladesh?

After the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on 5 August, minority communities in Bangladesh encountered tragic incidents of vandalism and looting due to the absence of law and order. However, the situation has since improved. Religious attacks have significantly decreased with the establishment of the interim government and reinforced administrative measures. The police forces are now actively working all across the country and military presence has been deployed in areas predominantly inhabited by Hindu and other minority groups.

But how many of these claims of religious attacks were actually true?

A recent fact-check report by the BBC revealed that a significant portion of the widely circulated social media footage depicting attacks on Bangladesh's Hindus and other minorities was false and fabricated. The majority of these false claims were originated and circulated by the Indian Godi media, alleging genocidal acts against Hindu minorities in Bangladesh, leading to a Hindu exodus. However, they intentionally overlooked those numerous instances where our Muslim brothers and sisters vigilantly safeguarded the Hindu temples and other places of worship throughout the night. Being a Bangladeshi Hindu myself, I can tell you that we haven't seen such a heartwarming display of unity for a long time in Bangladesh.

Are minority communities in Bangladesh well aware of the communal propaganda circulating within and beyond the nation's borders?

Yes, most of the minorities in Bangladesh are well aware that these attacks tend to be more politically driven rather than communal.

Historically, the Bangladeshi Hindus and other minorities have always been exploited for political gains by those in power. The Awami League has long exploited us for the past 15 years, preceding a similar pattern as the previous Khaleda-led Jamaat-BNP government.

Following Hasina's departure, the Awami League and its factions attempted to associate the people's rebellion with communal tensions, while other fundamentalist groups, such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, sought to exploit the situation for their beneficial gains. The turmoil persisted until the establishment of the interim government under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus.

This time, the Hindu, Buddhist, Sufi, and other minority communities in Bangladesh are determined not to be used as political pawns in any divisive agenda. We strongly refuse to be drawn into any communal traps.

The inclusion of the Bangladesh military in the newly formed interim government has sparked concerns about the potential long-term ramifications of military involvement. Do you think that there are any possibilities of a military takeover?

The coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination movement have consistently emphasized that there is a pervasive lack of trust among students in the army as a military-ruled state has never brought any good to civilians.

However, unlike previous instances where the military played a more prominent role in the interim governance, such as from 2007 to 2009, the current scenario indicates a relatively hands-off approach by the Bangladesh army, allowing the interim government significant autonomy. As of now, the Bangladesh army shows no inclination to take over governance, opting to leave administrative duties to interim authorities. Unless unforeseen events occur or significant shortcomings emerge in the interim government's approach, the army will likely remain stationed within its barracks.

But what makes me even more worried is the growing military glorification among the individuals. Such fierce display of military fetishism, whether intentional or not, appears to downplay the violent actions committed by the armed forces in the Chittagong Hill Tracts over the years. We must not forget that it was the Bangladeshi army who facilitated Hasina's escape from the country and engaged in preliminary discussions regarding the interim government with organizations such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islam without prior consultation with student coordinators.

Did you expect the violent military rule in the hills to continue even after the formation of the interim government?

Well, that's something absolutely unfortunate to witness. Tribes living in the CHT have always been the victims of evictions, endemic violence, land-grabbing and intimidation on their ancestral land. Hill people were victims of evictions in the past and now they are being evicted in the name of tourism. The military’s engagement in the tourism industry has resulted in the forced eviction of Indigenous inhabitants and the unlawful leasing of land to non-local individuals, leading to the expropriation and degradation of Indigenous territories.

We had high expectations for the newly formed interim government to prioritise the withdrawal of armed forces from the hills; however, the CHT remains plagued by violence and terror.

Throughout the years, two types of rule had been established in the same country through the army in the hills, making the indigenous communities an outsider in their own land. Why would one have to show ID cards to the army personnel to roam freely in his own country?

Even after the formation of the interim government, indigenous communities in the hills are still suffering unthinkable dehumanising treatment by the Bangladesh army. The Jumma and Marma women are frequently subjected to rape and sexual assault at the hands of Bengali settlers and the armed forces. People are even getting arrested for simply drawing graffiti on the wall!

Is this what we fought for? We didn't ask for a "yes sir" representative who only works in favour of the majority. Our brothers and sisters from the hills equally fought and sacrificed their lives alongside us in the revolution, we will not stop our protests and agitations until we achieve the justice they deserve.

In retrospect, a situation akin to that of Bangladesh also happened in Iran during the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Do you see any possibility for Bangladesh to turn into an Islamic state in the near future?

To be honest, not really for now. Although it's undeniable that some of those who fought alongside us against the fascist Hasina regime aspire to see Bangladesh become an Islamic state. Hopefully, the majority of the student-citizen protesters now desire a democratic, liberal, and secular Bangladesh as we have already witnessed the consequences of granting power to authoritarian figures such as Ershad, Khaleda, and Hasina. Nobody wants to witness a repetition of the past.

After the barbaric incident in RG Kar, women across Bangladesh held protests in solidarity with the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata. Similarly, protesters in Kolkata also drew inspiration from Bangladesh's recent revolution. What are your thoughts on this rebellious sisterhood across geographical borders?

The gruesome murder and gang rape of Tilottoma has left us absolutely shattered. After seeing the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata, we decided to organise a similar march in Bangladesh to show solidarity with the protests in Kolkata, demanding a fair investigation and justice in all rape cases, including those of Sohagi Jahan Tonu in Cumilla and Mosarrat Jahan Munia in Dhaka. The RG Kar incident has once again highlighted the issue of women's safety across borders and emphasised the need for strict punishment for perpetrators. That's why in our demonstrations, we declared, "We are all Tilottoma, we are all Tonu, Sohagi Jahan, Mosarrat Jahan, and Munia, we are all Kalpana Chakma, we are all Palestine!"

The entire South Asian region is currently witnessing widespread resistance against oppression, patriarchy, and imperialism. The 2022 Aragalaya revolution in Sri Lanka has been major a source of inspiration for us, and the recent protests in Kolkata and Balochistan reflected the unwavering spirit of our rebellion. Furthermore, the ongoing struggle of Palestinian women against the Israeli Occupation has also been a significant inspiration for our fight for rights. These cross-border exchanges reflect the universal spirit of women's resistance against patriarchy and injustice across the globe.

From Dhaka to Balochistan to Kolkata, the wind of change is blowing everywhere. Revolution is contagious indeed!

 

[Bilal9]

[H3]'More surprised than worried' at Delhi's war preparations: Foreign Adviser[/H3]

"I don't think there is any chance of us having a war with India."

Foreign Adviser. Touhid Hossain. Photo: Collected

The foreign advisor of the interim government. Tauhid Hussain said he was 'surprised' by Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh's statement on war preparations.

He told reporters at the regular press briefing on Sunday afternoon, 'I am more surprised than why he said such things.'

In his speech on the last day of the Joint Commanders' Conference in Lucknow, India on September 5, Rajnath said that the armed forces of peace-loving India must be ready for war to maintain peace.

Rajnath asked the country's top military leadership to analyze the current situation in Bangladesh and the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts to assess what kind of problems India might face in the future and be ready for anything 'unexpected'.

When asked about this, the foreign adviser said, 'I can't find any reason why he made such a comment.'

He said, 'I don't think there is any possibility of war with India. We have to understand whether he said this for the consumption of his own country or not. And the way he said it, it's a lot of beating around the bush.'

'Because I don't see any need for India to prepare because of Ukraine war. Or what India has to do with what is happening with Hamas! How Bangladesh compares with the Ukraine and Hamas issues is also beyond my understanding,' he added.

Regarding giving political asylum to Sheikh Hasina, he said, 'Political asylum can be given to anyone by any country. Whether it should be given or not, in this case it is a matter to be seen.

Noting that they are not willing to give shelter to even one Rohingya, he said, still we know that something is going in. We are trying to prevent it as much as possible. BGB is pushing back every day. Capacity also has some limitations. But we are trying to give back as much as we can.'

 

[Bilal9]

[H3]India can’t take Bangladesh for granted anymore[/H3]
In the next three to six months, how India will deal with Bangladesh will become clear

I think three critical factors probably contributed to what Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh said. First, he wanted to address the domestic constituency and assure the Indian people. It was pretty clear from what he mentioned in his speech, "We have to deal with the unexpected." From the word "unexpected," it became clear that he mainly meant the changes in Bangladesh, which have been seen as major setbacks for India by its media and as some Indian policymakers have indicated after August 5. I think India needed to assure the domestic constituency, "Look, it was unexpected, but we are looking into it," "We are monitoring the situation, we know what is happening," etc. I am sure much of India must have been thoroughly shocked, given that for the last decade or so, it had been saying that it had the best relationship with Bangladesh. Now, there is a missing point: India's relationship was not with the people of Bangladesh; it was with a particular political party or group. And that has failed. I am sure they have now understood that it is far better to have a relationship with the people than with a particular group of people or political party.

Read more
[H4]Why can’t India accept that the people of Bangladesh toppled Sheikh Hasina?[/H4]
The second point is that we are now in a multipolar world where India wants to acquire its position as one of the major powers. Its economy has already surpassed the UK and France in terms of volume. So, from that point of view, India also wanted to alert the US. Because the general narrative in India has been that the US was behind the uprising in Bangladesh, the defence minister also wanted to alert China at the same time. He tried to tell them that although changes have occurred in Bangladesh, India is prepared if anything happens. It has particularly alerted the US because India is involved with that country in many areas, including on the Indo-Pacific issue. But at the same time, India has increasingly shown that its foreign policy has to be The India Way (as per the title of the book of S Jaishankar). There's a bit of consensus on that in India. While it has maintained a relationship with Russia despite the sanctions, it also has a relationship with China, particularly when it comes to BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and Myanmar. I think that was addressed in some way through this particular statement by the Indian defence minister.

[H4]For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel.[/H4]
Read more
[H4]Regime change in Bangladesh: The fallout for India[/H4]
The third factor is not to take Bangladesh for granted, as was done during the Awami League rule. So, I think that message has been put forward to the Indian hierarchies and the stakeholders. It is pretty straightforward because our chief adviser has pointed out a couple of things regarding Teesta water-sharing, border killing, reviving SAARC, and several other issues. Earlier, he also made a particular statement about the northeast. So, I think what the Indian defence minister wanted to say is that it is not going to be what it used to be in the last decade or so, when the Awami League was not a headache for them. Also, it wants to deal with Bangladesh's new regime.

Read more
[H4]India needs to pursue equal partnership with Bangladesh[/H4]
While these three factors are important, the ball is now in India's court. It's now up to them how they will deal with Bangladesh. But it's too early. In the next three to six months, how India will deal with Bangladesh will become clear. If there is a meeting between the Bangladesh chief adviser and the Indian prime minister at the United Nations in New York, that could give us an indication of what kind of changes will come. But no doubt New Delhi is quite sure that this is a different regime from the Awami League one. So, they will have to deal with it accordingly.

---

Dr Imtiaz Ahmed is former professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka.

 

[Bilal9]

[H3]India is failing to understand Bangladesh’s new reality[/H3]

The statement by Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh calling upon the Indian military leadership to analyze the conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza and Bangladesh has caused confusion and concern in Dhaka. It is crucial for India to clarify the meaning behind this statement, given its official status. The comparison with Ukraine—which is facing invasion and war with Russia—and Gaza—which has been destroyed by Israel's brutal military campaign that has killed over 40,000 people since October 7, 2023—are quite intriguing, extreme, and certainly not appropriate.

For the past month, there has been a pressing need for India to recognise that a people's revolution, now being referred to as the "Monsoon Revolution," has taken place in Bangladesh. And the two countries now need to recalibrate their relationship, rebuilding it based on mutual respect, which has not yet been achieved—nor has there been any clear indication that it will be.

[H4]For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel.[/H4]
As Bangladesh works to rebuild after the Monsoon Revolution, we need our neighbours and friends to stand with us. Statements like that of the Indian defence minister will vitiate the tense atmosphere and are not conducive to fostering a constructive relationship between Bangladesh and India. The Bangladesh foreign ministry should seek an urgent clarification as to what this statement means.

Read more
[H4]The Bangladesh-India friendship dilemma[/H4]
It is equally important for New Delhi to understand that a people's revolution has occurred in Bangladesh—people have toppled an autocratic and despotic order. And that this revolution represents the aspirations of all Bangladeshis (from all religions and walks of life) for a just and equitable society.

New Delhi also needs to accept and address the perception that its relationship with Bangladesh was previously centred on a single individual and political party, rather than being a broad-based relationship. In light of this, we also need to take into account the recent killing of Swarna Das by India's Border Security Force (BSF). Incidents like this are unacceptable, but they continue to remain unaddressed. So, there is an urgent need to recast this relationship, making it broad-based, constructive, and grounded in mutual respect.

I have said this before and will say it again: New Delhi needs to recognise the new order which has emerged in Bangladesh and send a special envoy to send a clear and unequivocal signal that it is ready to work with our new interim government, especially after the defence minister's statement, which risks fuelling tensions between these two South Asian nations. India also needs to work with all the stakeholders in Bangladesh and build a relationship between the two republics, rather than with just one political party or leader.

Moreover, New Delhi needs to understand that this revolution was driven by the Bangladeshi youth—the Gen Z. And so, understanding the perspectives, dreams, and aspirations of the next generation of Bangladeshis is critical for fostering sustainable, long-term relations. Their views about the Bangladesh-India relationship are very different from those of the previous generations, and Indian policymakers should also take this into account.

Read more
[H4]Why can’t India accept that the people of Bangladesh toppled Sheikh Hasina?[/H4]
From Bangladesh's side, there is an urgent need to revamp its diplomatic presence in New Delhi. I believe the true message of the post-Monsoon Revolution order in Bangladesh is not being appropriately communicated. We need to think outside the box, as traditional approaches won't cut it anymore. Moving forward, we need to build a future-oriented, forward-thinking agenda.

---

Shafqat Munir is senior research fellow at Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies (BIPSS). He can be reached at shafqat@bipss.org.bd.