[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

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[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions
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People won’t tolerate govt’s incompetence
Says Tarique

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Photo: Courtesy/UNB

BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday urged the interim government to manifest its commitment to ensuring people's voting rights through a credible election in a bid to strengthen ties with people and build their trust.

Speaking at a council, he also warned that people will not tolerate the government's incompetency in running the country.

"The interim government has already taken an initiative to restructure the Election Commission. People expect to cast their votes freely, without fear, in a neutral and transparent environment and to elect their representatives," the BNP leader said.

He said the relationship between the government and people will grow stronger if the public can maintain their confidence in it.

"When people will see that the government is genuinely working to uphold their voting and other fundamental rights, their trust in the government will naturally deepen."

Tarique virtually addressed the concluding session of the third National Council of the Jatiyatabadi Textile Engineers Association of Bangladesh as the chief guest at the Institution of Engineers, Bangladesh.

"If the political and economic empowerment of the people is not ensured, then no matter what we call democracy, development, or reform, none of it will be sustainable," Tarique said.

He also said the main tool of a citizen's political power is the right to vote. "If people are not given the opportunity to exercise their right to vote, their relationship and partnership with the state will not be established."

Tarique said the deposed autocrats and their associates, both within the country and abroad, as well as elements within the administration, are actively working to fail the interim government. "If they succeed in undermining this government, they will also fail democracy and the millions of Bangladeshis who cherish democratic values," the BNP leader said.

In such a situation, he said, some decisions of the interim government appear to ignore the people's aspirations, instead imposing what they believe is best for the public.

Tarique also said if priorities are set incorrectly during the reform process, it will be seen by the people as a sign of the government's inefficiency.

Speaking at the programme, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said the country is facing a very critical time. "We must navigate this period with great caution."

He urged the interim government to quickly complete the necessary electoral reforms to ensure credible and acceptable elections, in line with the people's wishes.

Tarique also called on BNP leaders and activists to preserve the party's image by refraining from any wrongdoings and standing firm against any form of injustice.

BNP Standing Committee members Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan and Dr AZM Zahid Hossain, among others, addressed the programme, with Jatiyatabadi Textile Engineers Association of Bangladesh President Fakhrul Alam in the chair.​
 

Interim govt is working to fulfil people's aspiration: Farida

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Photo: Courtesy/BSS

Fisheries and Livestock Adviser Farida Akthar yesterday said the interim government is working to fulfill the people's aspiration.

"The interim government is working to create a good atmosphere to handover the charges to the people's representatives. For this, some reforms will be needed," she told reporters after inaugurating the inter-school science fair at Shaheed Dhirendranath Datta Bhasha Chattar in Brahmanbaria town.

Bangladesh Freedom Foundation and ARD jointly organised the daylong fair.

The adviser said the interim government is also working to rehabilitate the families of martyrs and people injured during the July-August uprising.

Brahmanbaria DC Mohammad Didarul Alam, SP Mohammad Jabedur Rahman, and Professor Towfiqul Islam, among others, addressed the function with ARD Chief Advisor Siddiqur Rahman Rezvi in the chair.​
 

Holding polls not govt’s only responsibility
Says Nahid Islam

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ICT Adviser Nahid Islam holds a meeting with Commonwealth Assistant Secretary-General Professor Luis Franceschi at the office of the Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology at the Secretariat on Monday, November 18, 2024. Photo: PID

Just holding elections is not the sole responsibility of the current interim administration, since it is a revolutionary government, not a caretaker, Nahid Islam, adviser to the posts, telecommunications, and information technology ministry, said yesterday.

"Various commissions have already been formed for institutional reforms, and polls will be held after the reforms are completed," he said.

The adviser made the remarks during a meeting with Commonwealth Assistant Secretary-General Prof Luis Franceschi at the ministry's office, said a press release of the ministry.

Mentioning that the judicial process to ensure justice for the victims of mass killings during the July-August uprising is ongoing, he said the government requires assistance from the Commonwealth to ensure an impartial trial.

He also sought support from the Commonwealth nations in building a new Bangladesh.

Nahid mentioned that the interim government has received support from all over the world, which is still pouring in.

Prof Franceschi praised the current government's efforts towards democratic reforms and assured that the Commonwealth would support the ongoing reform initiatives, including electoral process reforms, in every possible way.

He stated that it is the Commonwealth's commitment to work with the interim government to build an inclusive, prosperous, and discrimination-free Bangladesh, said the release.

"The Commonwealth is always with Bangladesh, and it is keen to work with the country in areas such as education, information technology, media, cyber security, and artificial intelligence," added Franceschi.

Nahid reiterated that the interim government is working for the country's transition from an autocratic or non-democratic regime to a democratic one.

He stressed the importance of support from the Commonwealth countries in this regard, saying that the interim government is ready to take any action that serves the national interest.

Posts and Telecommunications Secretary Mushfiqur Rahman, acting ICT secretary Muhammad Mehedi Hasan, Commonwealth Adviser and Head of Asia Dinusha Nihara, along with other senior officials, were present at the meeting.​
 

A lot remains to be done by the government
Prof Yunus’s speech marks 100 days of the interim government

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VISUAL: STAR

Amid myriad issues jostling for public attention, it was refreshing to see Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus deliver a speech conveying focused purpose and optimism at a time when deep-seated sociopolitical divisions threaten to overshadow the aspirations that led to the mass uprising over three months ago. His 34-minute address, marking the 100 days of the interim government, also reflected a sense of accountability that we hope will resonate across his administration. However, while he was quite forthcoming and persuasive on certain aspects—such as the ongoing reform drive and measures taken for the victims of the July-August uprising—he was less so on certain other aspects such as the economy, law and order, and, of course, the election timeline.

Prof Yunus has assured that an Election Commission would be formed "within a few days", and that the roadmap for the election would be issued as soon as decisions on electoral reforms are made. So far, the government has set up six commissions, including on electoral and constitutional reforms, which are expected to submit their reports between December and January. Prof Yunus said some essential reforms would be implemented during the election process which may delay the election "by a few months". This, along with his recent comment in an Al Jazeera interview about the government's tenure not extending beyond four years, has created an ambiguity that will test the patience of political parties, with BNP already expressing disappointment over the lack of a roadmap. The sooner the government comes clear on this issue, the better.

On other pressing issues, Prof Yunus's speech reflected some candour as he made no secret of the challenges we face with inflation. He said the economy is "getting stronger" after the disaster left by the ousted Awami League government, but the administration's performance in this regard, especially the persistently high commodity prices, has left a lot to be desired. On the state of law enforcement, he said the government is trying to boost the morale of the police, and that there has been "visible progress". This may be the case, but progress on this front has been much slower than expected, with media reports still painting a worrying scenario of crimes. As regards the government's initiatives for the victims of the uprising—which Prof Yunus highlighted in his address—there are areas that need to be expedited and streamlined, as recent protests by a group of injured protesters show.

These areas demonstrate the urgency to balance long-sought state reforms with immediate needs while navigating the prevailing political complexities. This is no easy task but the government must accomplish it anyway. That said, it cannot do all this on its own; political parties and citizen groups must also help with their patience, constructive criticism, and continuous feedback, keeping in mind the interests of the nation.​
 

Interim government’s term in Bangladesh not to exceed four years: Professor Yunus
Staff Correspondent 18 November, 2024, 14:07

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Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus said that the tenure of the interim government should not exceed four years.

In Bangladesh, the tenure of an elected government is five years and there has been a recommendation to reduce the tenure to four years, therefore the interim government’s tenure should not exceed four years, said Yunus,

He made the observation in an interview with Qatar-based media network Al Jazeera while participating in the ongoing COP29 in Baku in Azerbaijan recently.

He also mentioned that the interim government might remain in power for a much lesser period depending on what the people and political parties want.

‘We are not a perpetual government. A regular government is for five years for example. The new constitution may say four years probably because people want to move faster. So it [the tenure of interim government] should be under four years for sure or it may be less,’ said Professor Muhammad Yunus.

He added that the tenure of the government would depend on the demand of the people and political parties.

‘If the political parties say forget about it [reforms], give elections, we will do it,’ he mentioned.

He said that political parties’ rush towards elections would mean the opportunity to reform Bangladesh might be lost.

‘The highlight of the whole government was reform because the whole student movement is to create a new Bangladesh. New Bangladesh is not just going to come through holding an election. The whole population of the country wanted something new, something different from the old,’ he said.

‘Bangladesh is kind of deep in corruption because of the system that we had for the past 16 years — mismanagement, misgovernance, the destroying of our institutions and all the policies, systems and institution gone down the drain,’ he said, adding that rebuilding the system ‘point by point, sector by sector’ will be a ‘big task’.

He said that the legal system, police system, the constitution and others must be reformed in order to realise people’s desires.

‘We have appointed commissions and they are supposed to submit reports at the end of December. There are two parallel things going on –– one is a preparation for elections and one is a preparation for reforms — and it is up to the people and political parties to decide which way to go,’ he articulated.

‘I did not say that I would be the head for four years. Our intention is to organise elections as soon as possible,’ he mentioned.

He also said that he would not contest in elections.

‘I am not a politician. I enjoy my role of what I have doing. At last stage of my life, I am not going to change that,’ said Yunus, who also added that Sheikh Hasina was destabilising Bangladesh by making speeches and calling for movements from India.

‘We drew the attention of the Indian authorities. You [India] are hosting her that is fine but also make sure that she does not create problems for us because then we have to go back and complain to you,’ mentioned Yunus, who added that the government would ask for Hasina’s extradition from India if she was found guilty in cases filed against her on charge of killing of students and mass people in student-led mass uprising.​
 

Hundred days of hope
100 days of the interim government

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VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

I was far from home attending a conference when I saw the tweet from Donald Trump. He was trying to tell the world that Bangladesh was in chaos, that minority communities here were being subjected to "barbaric violence." This was the same narrative that the Indian media has been promoting all along. It reminded me of a cartoon by Debashish Chakrabarty, whose work moved many during the days of the July uprising. The cartoon tells India, "Stop acting like you've lost your colony." The US president-elect's tweet reminded me that the India media isn't going to stop its propaganda against Bangladesh anytime soon.

Recently, while addressing the nation on the 100 days of the interim government's rule, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has warned of deep-rooted conspiracies against Bangladesh. It's a grim reality we face every day. The murderous dictator, Sheikh Hasina, fled the country on August 5 when millions marched on the streets of Dhaka. None of the parliament members were to be found. It was as though the Awami League, which had ruled the country for over 15 years, vanished into thin air. Unfortunately, it was too late for many. By then, Hasina had claimed the lives of at least 1,500 individuals, many of them children and students.

During AL's reign, the country's economy was pushed to the brink of collapse. Money laundering reached new heights, essentially bleeding the country dry. Now, we can feel this huge amount of black money playing its part in conspiracies against Bangladesh. Sajeeb Wazed Joy, son of the former dictator, has been reported to have hired a US lobbying firm. There are also reports of a massive number of bot accounts on social media. Although the rank and file of the former ruling party have disappeared from the streets, they are still very much active online. Their role in creating divisions among the forces of the July movement and attacking prominent figures of the uprising seems well-organised. On top of that, the Indian state apparatus remains relentless in its propaganda against Bangladesh.

We must remain mindful of what is at stake. We must not forget brave souls like Abu Sayeed who gave their lives for a better Bangladesh. When we managed to overthrow the dictator, hopes understandably ran high. But now, after a hundred days, we must think practically. Because if we continue to tread down different paths leading to different visions for the nation, external forces will exploit this disunity to wreak havoc in the country. Thus, no time can be wasted in finding a common ground. Open dialogue among the forces of the uprising is paramount.

During the July uprising, the entire nation was united for one purpose alone: the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. People from all walks of life joined the movement. Different political parties, with different visions for Bangladesh's future, came together to address the immediate threat. When the edifice of AL's fascism collapsed, however, that single uniting goal was gone. For over a decade, we had lived in an environment where only a few dared to speak, and those who did were often tortured or forcibly disappeared. Now, in the newfound freedom, everyone has found their voice. There are countless gatherings and seminars across the country. People are flooding auditoriums, participating in debates about what the new nation should look like. When people speak their minds, differences of opinion naturally emerge. That is the essence of democracy—people agreeing to disagree. However, we must not lose sight of the fact that there are strong forces at play, both domestic and foreign, that would exploit any opportunity to disrupt the unity among the forces of the uprising. This is why it is crucial to find a bottom line upon which all forces can agree.

Undoubtedly, the interim government has many shortcomings. Prices have not come down as expected. Garment workers in some factories are still owed their arrears, forcing them to continue protests. Public disorder still remains a concern. These issues—to name just a few—need to be addressed as we work towards a greater unity. Improvements in these vital areas would surely enhance confidence in the interim government, paving the way for sustainable unity.

Finding the minimum to agree upon isn't that difficult. No one would question our desire for a fair electoral system that allows people to choose their leaders. People with diverse religious and cultural backgrounds participated equally in the uprising. The graffities on the walls dreamt of an inclusive Bangladesh where everyone—regardless of ethnicity, religion or political views—enjoys the same rights. Unity and equity among the people, while recognising our differences, is also something we can all agree upon. People took to the streets with the hope that the growing economic disparity would be reversed someday—another area of consensus. By holding onto this short list of achievable goals, we can remain united for the cause of Bangladesh while agreeing to disagree on the more complex issues.

We must remain mindful of what is at stake. We must not forget brave souls like Abu Sayeed who gave their lives for a better Bangladesh. When we managed to overthrow the dictator, hopes understandably ran high. But now, after a hundred days, we must think practically. Because if we continue to tread down different paths leading to different visions for the nation, external forces will exploit this disunity to wreak havoc in the country. Thus, no time can be wasted in finding a common ground. Open dialogue among the forces of the uprising is paramount.

What is happening in Bangladesh is not unique. Countries like Sudan, Egypt and Sri Lanka have all gone through similar experiences. In Sudan and Egypt, the divide between liberals and Islamists led to civil war, while Sri Lanka fared better in establishing a pluralistic society. Attempts to exclude or annihilate one's political opponents lead only to chaos, and rarely succeed. Over the past 15 years, the Awami League has done everything possible to eliminate its political opponents, which eventually only strengthened opposition. This should serve as a warning to those who continue to promote division. It's time we started walking away from exclusionary politics and towards inclusivity. If we fail to do so, fascism will inevitably return, in one form or another.

Manzur-al-Matin is an advocate of the Supreme Court and a freelance anchor at Channel 24.​
 

We are only facilitators, not rulers, says Yunus
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The interim government that took the helm of Bangladesh amid high expectations completed its 100 days in office recently. These few months have been fraught with challenges for Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus. The Daily Star Editor and Publisher Mahfuz Anam sat down with the Nobel peace laureate for an exclusive interview where he spoke about issues ranging from reforms and election to media and foreign policy. An abridged version of the interview was published on Wednesday. Following is the full interview.


The Daily Star: You gave your first interview to The Daily Star in 1992, and now, as the chief adviser, you are giving us your first interview. Thank you very much for that. You've dedicated your life to work on poverty alleviation and women's empowerment. How does it feel to suddenly step into political life?

Muhammad Yunus:
I'm trying to get a grasp of it. This is an unfamiliar world for me. I'm trying to see how the work I've done all my life can be reflected in this ... how it can be and from which direction.

This is a world that is very difficult to enter, but sometimes opportunities arise. For example, at COP29, I had the chance to speak, and I shared what I've been saying all my life. Many people thought this was not coming from a government. And I made it clear that these were my own words. I speak for myself. Whether people like it or not is up to them. I will continue to say the same thing, whether I am in government or outside it. Whenever I get the opportunity, I will raise these issues.

TDS: That is your world, but politics is not. Politics, this politics of change, politics of charting new horizons, how do you feel in this realm?

Muhammad Yunus:
It's a very difficult thing, but it has to keep moving forward. Politics has its own pace, and it moves that way. It's hard to fit my work into it. Not everything aligns perfectly. But where there's an opportunity to contribute, I keep trying. Take the Sustainable Development Goals, for instance. There's an opportunity there. I talk about the Three Zero Club, which is aligned with what the Sustainable Development Goals are all about. The things I've spoken about, I've said to bring them here, not leave them outside.

So, wherever possible, I speak up. If people like it, it will continue; if they don't, it will fade. But at least we have to keep saying them. We talk about building a new civilisation. I've long been saying that the civilisation we've created is self-destructive. We have to break free from this self-destructive civilisation and build something new. Where can this change happen? Where in this civilisation of ours can we make changes? I try to bring up these issues whenever there's an opportunity. Those who'll come in the future may not fully understand or may even ignore what has been said, but we will keep trying. It's not like we are forcing it.

TDS: Do you see any reflection of this among global leaderships?

Muhammad Yunus:
Yes, I do, especially among the youth. Globally, young people represent a rising force with tremendous potential. There too, Bangladesh holds a significant sway, as it is a country of young people. Two-thirds of the population here is under the age of 50. You won't find such a young demographic elsewhere, especially in countries like Japan, where the population is declining. Japan is a nation with a largely ageing population, where people don't know one another. No one is aware how someone passes away. Despite accumulating vast wealth, when they die, no one is there, no children, no next of kin. An elderly person might tell another, "I'll keep the light on here. As long as the light is on, know that I'm alive." Despite their affluence, death in Japan is tragic and lonely. It's only when a smell emerges that people realise a body has been left unattended.

We don't want to go in that direction. We have the opportunity to use the power of youth. Youth means new dreams, new thoughts and creativity. We strive to inspire them and encourage them not only to dream, but to actively pursue those dreams and make them come true. I always say, if you dream, there is a chance to make it a reality. How can it be realised if you don't dream? Dreams are our greatest strength. We must not be afraid of dreams or view them as something negative. We often believe that dreaming means being detached from reality, as if becoming a poet. In truth, it is the poet who envisions the future. That's why we honour poets. They see what we cannot. Dreams come true because they are dreamt. How will they come true if they are never dreamt?

TDS: Let's get a bit more realistic from this beautiful world. Your government has crossed the 100-day milestone. What are the successes during this time, and where have you not been successful?

Muhammad Yunus:
There have been some successes and some areas with no progress. Overall, it has been a mixed experience. These 100 days have been very challenging for us. This government emerged from an absolutely chaotic situation with no prior government in place. One government typically hands over responsibility to the next, but we didn't have that opportunity. We were born out of a revolution.

TDS: You had to take over state responsibilities directly after coming from the Olympics.

Muhammad Yunus:
Yes. It took time to understand what is needed to be done and getting familiar with the machinery. There was an uprising and everything was in disarray. Wherever we went, we found chaos, be it restoring order, bringing back peace, re-establishing law and order, reviving business and trade, and getting the banking system functioning again. No institution was operational. Our foreign exchange reserves were depleted, and we didn't even have the capacity to repay our foreign debts. This was the situation when we took over. On one hand, the economy was in turmoil, and on the other, there was social instability. It took time to gradually restore stability from that point.

TDS: How much progress have you made in 100 days?

Muhammad Yunus:
In 100 days, we have made significant strides. We've brought this chaotic economy under some semblance of order and regulation. We've managed to stabilise the collapsing banking sector, and not a single bank has closed. Even in these challenging 100 days, no bank has shut down, and we are hopeful that there will be none in future.

TDS: Is there any unfinished business?

Muhammad Yunus:
The main area of incompleteness lies in law and order. There are movements being staged across the country. People come here [in front of Jamuna, the official residence of the chief adviser] with endless desires and expectations. They come here to press that they did not receive anything in the past 15/16 years, they have been deprived, and their demands must be met today. But how can we give them in one day what hasn't been given in 15/16 years? It's been difficult to make them understand these issues.

You can express yourselves; we are not telling you to stop. But don't do it by shutting everything down, because people are suffering. For example, students demanding the upgrade of Titumir College to a university had blocked the trains. We are trying to make them understand.

We can't be harsh either, because we've come through a difficult situation. We won't go back to the way things were before. We will not use the police or army as it was done in the past. So where will our strength come from? There was no police, no one else. That's the reason it took time. Meanwhile, the Ansars started a movement, demanding an extension of the retirement age. We had to make them understand. Things are happening all at once. We have to make everyone understand that these things will take place; some are already being addressed, while others are being promised. But after a few days, they return saying it's not happening. We have to explain again. Perhaps we are not good at getting our point across, which is why they come back with their demands.

Claims are being made time and again that the injured are not receiving proper care. Why wouldn't they receive treatment? We are dedicating time and resources to each individual. Yet, the newspapers are carrying reports that the injured are not being looked after. This government is giving the highest priority to those injured in the movement.

TDS: So, there is no lack of commitment?

Muhammad Yunus:
There is no lack of effort or service either. But one reported to a journalist that he is not recovering. The time it takes to heal cannot be done overnight with a magic wand. I don't blame him either, because he's thinking: 'how long will I be like this'? Many have been sent abroad for treatment. After being sent to one country, they've said they need to go to another for better treatment.

TDS: Is there a possible communication gap here?

Muhammad Yunus:
Yes, there is a communication gap, and we are working to address it. I wouldn't say we have been completely successful, but we are making efforts to publicise it through our communication. We have a website, but many don't even try to visit it. I asked the doctors, and they said they check regularly. If the doctors see them once a day, they [the patients] may feel it should be twice. Everyone is feeling a bit jittery.

A foundation has been set up, allocation made, and manpower deployed. The whole country's attention is focused on them, so there is no chance of neglecting them. This government was formed with their support, and we are constantly by their side.

They are being given financial support, though not everyone has received it yet. As the distribution continues, everyone will get it. We have said that we are committed to supporting them for life, not just for one or two years. Governments may change, and attitudes may shift, which is why we've set up a separate foundation, allocated funds, and arranged for future funding to ensure there is no shortage of money. Yet, they still do not find consolation.

TDS: After your interview with Al Jazeera, there has been a debate about your government's term being four years. However, your press secretary said you didn't say that. Can you clarify this?

Muhammad Yunus:
It was clearly stated in that interview. I talked about the term of parliament, saying it could be four years. Then the interviewer asked if our term would also be four years, and I said it would be less. That's all I said.

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The Daily Star Editor and Publisher Mahfuz Anam interviewing Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna. Photo: Star

TDS: So, it can be assumed that it could be more than three years but less than four years?

Muhammad Yunus:
I didn't mention three years either. I'm trying to keep it vague intentionally because if I state the term, people would be looking at that and try to hurry us to finish it quickly. We want the reforms to be carried out, and that's what all our efforts are directed towards.

TDS: When asked about the election roadmap, you said that let the reforms happen first. So, is it possible to provide a roadmap for the reforms?

Muhammad Yunus:
We are working simultaneously on two parallel paths, with equal attention and efforts given to both. One is the path of reforms, and the other is of elections, which has nothing to do with the reforms. The Election Commission will likely be unveiled within a day or two. The commission will operate independently, and it's not under my control. Whatever is necessary will be provided.

However, the commission will have to consider what the election will be based on. It will not have that answer until the reform committee submits its report. Even after receiving the report, they can't proceed without a [political] consensus.

TDS: The reform committees have been given 90 days. Recently, four more reform committees have been formed.

Muhammad Yunus:
The first six are the main ones. If those committees submit their reports, it will be sufficient. The rest can be addressed later.

TDS: So, the reports [of the commissions] are likely to be submitted by the end of December. What are the next steps?

Muhammad Yunus:
Consensus. We will hold meetings with political parties. Efforts will be on to reach an agreement on what they want and what they don't. We won't impose anything. We would say that we have prepared the document, now it's up to them to tell us their views. Editorials will be written in the media, and their opinions will be considered. We will also take the views of the civil society.

TDS: How much time will you allow for this process?

Muhammad Yunus:
The quicker the consensus, the quicker the process. If there's no consensus, the election train will come to a halt. Different issues are being discussed. For instance, the number of women's reserved seats and how they will be elected. These will have to be resolved. If political parties tell us there's no need for reforms, and instead they want elections, we will do that too. How long it will take to complete the reforms depends on the parties. If no one gets ready for the election and yet insists on holding the election before the reforms, we will do that. Who are we to stand in the way? Everyone wanted reforms, but if that's to be done, time must be given. If they give us time, it will happen. If not, we will hold the election.

How long does it take to hold an election? 90 days.

TDS: Yes, as stated in the constitution.

Muhammad Yunus:
The election will be held within 90 days.

TDS: The debate started due to the ambiguity regarding the term. If we look at the process of the reforms, you'll get all the reports by the end of December or January, or possibly even February. After that, discussions will take place with all political parties, which could take three or four months. By July, you will have a clearer picture. Even then, there will still be about six months left in 2025. This creates some ambiguity among people ...

Muhammad Yunus
: There is no ambiguity. As far as the time you mentioned, if the political parties want the election at that time, we will do that. We are not making any decisions on our own.

TDS: The responsibility for reforms lies with you.

Muhammad Yunus:
I'm urging them for reforms. I'm saying that we have got an opportunity, please use it. If all political parties decide today that reforms are not necessary and want elections, then who am I to carry out these reforms?

TDS: The reality is that the major party is the BNP, then there are Jamaat and a few smaller parties. If these parties tell you that reforms are not needed and elections should be held, what will you do?

Muhammad Yunus:
I will do it.

TDS: There are many people outside these parties. How will you take their opinions into account?

Muhammad Yunus:
This is a new question. In that case, a referendum may be necessary.

TDS: You've said you would act according to the people's verdict.

Muhammad Yunus:
Not the people, only the political parties. I don't think we will be able to go to the people. A referendum would be needed for that, and that's cumbersome. We are only taking the opinions of political parties, and this is clear.

TDS: Do you have any thoughts about the participation of the Awami League?

Muhammad Yunus:
We won't impose this. The BNP has said discussions must be held with them [Awami League]. We assumed this reflects their [BNP's] opinion.

TDS: What if other political parties say that discussions cannot be held with them [Awami League]?

Muhammad Yunus:
It will depend on which party is larger, and which is smaller. If the political parties agree that the Awami League should participate in the discussions, then it will happen. We don't subscribe to any specific ideology. We're not imposing anything. We're just making the arrangements.

TDS: The country's economy is a crucial issue. The finance adviser informed that the state of the economy is very bad. In your address to the nation, you said you would leave a strong economy before handing over power. How will you make that possible, and what initiatives are you taking?

Muhammad Yunus:
We are fixing the banking system, stabilising foreign exchange reserves, and improving business, trade, and exports. Through these efforts, it will be done.

TDS: Foreign investment is crucial for our economy. Recently, Moody's has downgraded our rating. This will have a significant impact. Shouldn't there be a stronger economic message? What is your government doing in this regard?

Muhammad Yunus:
We are trying. As I mentioned in my speeches, everyone is supporting us. No one has said they cannot accept this government and will wait for elections instead. Everyone is supporting us and enthusiastically stepping forward to help. They are showing interest, allocating funds, but it will take time. I've urged them not just to allocate funds but to release them quickly, and they have agreed. So, in that sense, we are reassured. When we hand over responsibilities to the next administration, we can at least leave them with signed agreements and incoming funds. They won't inherit a complete pandemonium.

TDS: Coming back to elections, you are saying that the sooner the reforms ...

Muhammad Yunus: …
the sooner the elections. And if the political parties decide that reforms are unnecessary, elections can happen even sooner. We are not acting like rulers. We are merely acting as facilitators here.

TDS: The police were harsh in subduing protests during the previous government's tenure. Now, there seems to be some uncertainty among them about who might eventually retain their jobs and who might not.

Muhammad Yunus:
That issue has been resolved. Those culprits have been identified. Those reinstated have resumed work, while those excluded remain out. Those who are to be punished are now going through that process. The current officers have been assured that they will face no further issues. However, on the ground, they still feel insecure. There's a fear of attacks.

How long it will take for the public to trust the police again remains to be seen. The people might forget gradually. At one point, there was a demand for changing the police uniforms, but that hasn't happened.

TDS: Can there be clear measures taken to alleviate the police's unease?

Muhammad Yunus:
We are trying. We are making adjustments, offering encouragement, and training them. We can't immediately recruit new police officers, as that will take time. However, the process of new recruitment has also started.

TDS: A criticism of your government is that you often cave in under pressure from certain groups. For instance, the decision to extend the age limit [for entering government jobs] in the face of student protests. There was no study on it at all. Doesn't this make the government appear uncertain?

Muhammad Yunus:
I wouldn't call it uncertainty of the government. Rather, it is a reflection of the uncertainty of the time. Everyone wants immediate results now. The campaign to extend the age limit to 35 years had a rationale, and a committee was formed to assess it. The committee recommended 35, but we decided that wasn't appropriate. After much internal debate, we settled on 32. Even then, there was some uproar, but we explained our position.

There are multiple demands all at once. We must address some. We can't simply ignore them. Sometimes, a decision is made, but later, we realise it doesn't resolve the issue, so we must revisit it to find an amicable solution for everyone.

TDS: There's talk about a lack of transparency in appointing advisers. Questions have been made regarding the criteria used in your latest appointments.

Muhammad Yunus:
These appointments were made on the basis of necessity. There are no strict policies per se. The decision is made when we perceive that a certain sector is weak and needs strengthening. That is when we appoint someone.

TDS: Why appoint someone who seemed weak in the first place?

Muhammad Yunus:
We felt they could manage. Also, this is a short-term matter. No one is staying here for the long term. If it were long-term, we would have deliberated much more.

TDS: But what if the government ends up staying in power for several years, more than three years but less than four?

Muhammad Yunus:
That is exactly the signal we are giving, that we are not here for long. This is a very short-term government.

TDS: What is the government's position on Sheikh Hasina? You have mentioned that efforts will be made to bring her back after her trial.

Muhammad Yunus:
A trial will take place. Once concluded, any legal processes for her return will follow accordingly. Until the trial is over, we cannot proceed on that matter.

TDS: Will Sheikh Hasina have the opportunity to defend herself?

Muhammad Yunus:
This government's central focus is justice. If we handle her trial differently, it would undermine that principle. This entire movement and the change have been about establishing justice. If we deviate, the movement would lose its purpose.

TDS: And the trial will conform to international standards?

Muhammad Yunus:
Whether we follow domestic standards or international, justice is justice.

TDS: There's a perception that you are closer to the Democrats than Republicans in the US. What is your view on this?

Muhammad Yunus:
During my time in the US, when I lived there, Democrats were in power. So, naturally, I was closer to them. However, I never faced issues with the Republicans either. I built connections with them, and they worked with me. For example, president Clinton and Hillary Clinton supported microcredit initiatives, and we collaborated. That created a bond with them and many others, including members of the Congress and Senate. I haven't had such connections with the current Republicans, but that doesn't mean they oppose me.

I was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal, which was a unanimous decision. Everyone voted in favour, including Republicans. If anyone disliked me, they would have said so then. No one did.

TDS: What steps are being taken to establish relations with the Trump administration?

Muhammad Yunus:
Let him assume office first. We have our embassy, which might already be working on this. The Bangladeshi diaspora is active as well. From here, we haven't initiated anything yet.

TDS: Indian-American groups are reportedly trying to influence the Trump administration against Bangladesh, including imposition of sanctions.

Muhammad Yunus:
Bangladeshi-Americans are there too. We are encouraging them to speak out for the Bangladesh government.

TDS: But the Indian-Americans seem to be a lot better organised.

Muhammad Yunus:
There's not much we can do. They've been there for much longer. We've only recently started going there. One cannot quite compare one with the other. They're well-established in business, politics, and other fields.

During the Liberation War, when I was there, finding Bangladeshis was a struggle. We had difficulty finding addresses even for sending newsletters about Bangladesh. I remember we managed to locate only 342 addresses across all of North America. Perhaps we missed another 350. But that gives you an idea of our numbers at the time.

TDS: Could you share more of your experiences from 1971?

Muhammad Yunus:
At that time, we formed Citizens' Committees and the Bangladesh Defence League in America. We visited embassies, urging them to recognise our new country. Their response was, "Where is your government?" This was immediately after the declaration of independence when there was no formal government. Without a government, we couldn't effectively pursue diplomatic efforts.

So, we decided to send someone to Kolkata to work on this matter. The person reported back after a few days that preparations were under way to form a government. This reassured us. Once the government was formed, we could approach the embassies with more credibility.

TDS: Did you have contact with Tajuddin Ahmad's team back then?

Muhammad Yunus:
Yes, the person we sent to Kolkata had connections. Through him, we established communications with the government. Policies were set, including procedures for people wanting to return home. Many of us had torn up our Pakistani passports. We were no longer Pakistani citizens. The new government provided us with travel documents.

I myself travelled back with one such document. I was detained at Paris airport for three to four hours. They simply would not accept the paperwork as an authentic travel document. After extensive explanations, they finally allowed me to proceed. Many others faced similar challenges.

TDS: Our younger generation knows little about the Liberation War. They don't seem to share the same emotional connection to it. Is this a cause for concern?

Muhammad Yunus:
Perhaps we've failed to communicate with them effectively. Or, we've turned the history of the Liberation War into such a mess that no one knows what to believe. It's unfortunate that we couldn't provide people with accurate information.

TDS: The Indian government recognises Sheikh Hasina as a former prime minister, implying that they've acknowledged this government.

Muhammad Yunus: T
heir high commissioner met us. There was also a phone call with Modi. So put together, they have already recognised this government.

TDS: However, Indian media seems to distort our evolving situation. Reports include allegations of attacks on minorities. Have you expressed concern about this?

Muhammad Yunus:
We've consistently said that these claims are mere propaganda. When Modi mentioned attacks on minorities during our conversation, I told him outright that these allegations are baseless. I even invited Indian journalists to visit Bangladesh to see for themselves. Our country is open, journalists can go wherever they want without restrictions.

Although some journalists did come after that, the narrative didn't change, which is disappointing.

TDS: Some Indian media have gone as far as to use terms like genocide against the Hindus.

Muhammad Yunus:
They even had Trump make similar statements. This deeply saddened us. We've repeatedly emphasised that Bangladesh and India share a deep friendship. Such tactics won't sustain in the long term. Our shared history and geographic realities mean there's no scope for distance between us.

Some temporary friction may arise, but it won't define our bond. The sooner we move past these narratives, the better.

From the beginning, I've advocated revitalising SAARC. Everyone was enthusiastic about SAARC initially, but now it's practically a dead organisation. When I asked, they said it was because of Pakistan. So, I suggested that we could leave that aside for the time being and proceed. We were all there at the UN General Assembly, a photo-op would have been a matter of half an hour at most.

India says it's focusing on BIMSTEC. My response is, "Fine, pursue BIMSTEC, but SAARC is still here." We have expressed interest in joining ASEAN as well. These aren't conflicting endeavours. Every country has the right to build alliances. SAARC, with its established secretariat in Nepal, is just sitting idle. This is disheartening.

The youth are being deprived. SAARC had the potential to be like the European Union, facilitating free movement, trade, and education across member states. While this wasn't achievable immediately, it would have been possible step by step. Instead, it has regressed.

TDS: Considering US-China tensions and competition in the Indo-Pacific, Bangladesh may find itself caught in the middle. What's your perspective?

Muhammad Yunus:
I don't see this as a tug-of-war. We have the opportunity to act as influencers. If misunderstandings arise between our two neighbours, we can mediate. We're friends with both and can work to defuse tensions. We may be a small nation, but we have a big role to play.

We're not seeking conflict; we want peace. And because of our size, neither side would feel threatened by us. They might even laugh at our attempts, but we'll continue advocating for peace.

TDS: The worsening US-China relations are troubling.

Muhammad Yunus:
No country benefits from deteriorating relations with another. Many years ago, I wrote an article in The Daily Star titled "Growing Up with Two Giants".

TDS: It was for The Daily Star's 15th anniversary issue.

Muhammad Yunus:
Yes. We're not denying their significance. This is an opportunity for us, and it remains so.

We still have the chance to make the most of it. Why would we want to create enemies? We don't wish harm upon anyone.

TDS: Is our relationship with China the same as before?

Muhammad Yunus:
They are very enthusiastic about working with us. During my visit to the United Nations, the Chinese head of state didn't attend. According to protocol, I cannot hold formal meetings with anyone other than a head of state. However, the China's foreign minister was present, and he wanted to meet. We didn't have an official meeting, but we sat down informally.

For two evenings, we discussed various issues with his entire team. He outlined, point by point, the extent of China's relationship with us. He gave a lengthy statement, and I reciprocated with one of my own.

He had detailed records of my personal connections with Chinese universities that have centres named after me, places where Grameen microcredit operates, when I visited China, and whom I met.

China's largest bank, the China Construction Bank, once sought my advice on microcredit. Today, they operate microcredit programmes there. They even introduced new banking laws for the poor because of my influence. Establishing a new banking law is no small feat. It couldn't be done in our country, except for the Grameen Bank law. But in China, the law applies to all banks.

TDS: Could the distance between China and India impact us?

Muhammad Yunus:
We are friends with everyone. We want to maintain close friendship with both India and China. We are excluding no one.

TDS: Murder cases have been filed against journalists without concrete evidence. Recently, the accreditation cards of 150 journalists were revoked. This has had a negative impact on press freedom.

Muhammad Yunus:
This is what happens when things are done hastily. We have stopped such actions.

A committee has been formed to review the cases filed against journalists. The committee will examine whether these cases have any basis. The government will take appropriate steps based on its recommendations.

TDS: Has a timeline been set for this process?

Muhammad Yunus:
No, not yet.

TDS: What about the accreditation cards?

Muhammad Yunus:
I've been informed that these cards are for entry into the Secretariat, not for practising journalism. The revocation affects only access to the Secretariat. Journalists can continue their work otherwise. Legally, the government has the authority to regulate Secretariat access.

TDS: Do you have a message for journalists?

Muhammad Yunus:
We now have a significant opportunity to move past everything from the past. Let us not make the same mistakes again. We need to rebuild based on truth and learnings from past errors. If we make mistakes during this process, point them out to us. That's why we value independent journalism. Your feedback helps us notice what we might otherwise miss.

TDS: We are optimistic, too. We see new opportunities and potential and want to advance along this path.

Muhammad Yunus:
This is the aspiration of the entire country. We are talking about reforms to establish a proper framework to make it sustainable. Otherwise, we might return to the old ways after a single election. We must ensure that we break free from this cycle.

TDS: Thank you so much for your time.

Muhammad Yunus:
Thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak.​
 

New Age editor harassed at airport
Chief Adviser’s Office orders probe

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Nurul Kabir

Editor of New Age Nurul Kabir yesterday said he faced harassment at the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport twice this week while flying to and from Colombo to attend a media conference.

Prominent journalist Kabir went to Colombo on November 18 to attend the Asia Media Forum 2024 and arrived in Dhaka on Friday.

"The country's immigration authorities have been harassing me at the Dhaka airport every time I go abroad for more than two decades," Nurul Kabir wrote in a post on his verified Facebook account.

Describing his troubles with immigration in the past, Nurul Kabir said despite having proper documents, he had to face interrogation about his visits, had his passport confiscated by intelligence officials, and sometimes had to wait for hours as they photographed its pages -- violating his privacy -- and only to return them minutes before his flight.

He added that these occurred mostly when leaving the country, not upon returning.

"This time, on November 18, as I was going abroad for a media conference, I expected that my days of harassment at the Dhaka airport were over, at least for some time. I was wrong," he wrote.

"It has been rather doubled this time. One hour while departing and one hour while returning home on November 22," he added.

"Being patriotic is a matter of being a suspect by the intelligence agencies of the country. I am forced to question the patriotism of the country's intelligence agencies concerned and those in the government/s who supervise them, if at all," Nurul Kabir wrote.

After his post gained significant traction among his followers, the press wing of the Chief Adviser's Office released a statement regretting the incident and said an investigation has been ordered.

"We sincerely regret the incident. The Interim Government will not tolerate harassment of any journalists in the country," it reads.

"Nurul Kabir has been one of our most respected editors, a leading voice of reason and a top champion of journalistic integrity during his long career. Chief Adviser Professor Yunus has ordered an investigation into the incident," it added.​
 

Interim govt. should get enough time
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Nov 24, 2024 21:50
Updated :
Nov 24, 2024 21:50

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A recent meeting of the advisory council headed by chief advisor Muhammad Yunus —Photo: PID

A recent survey conducted by a research body under the Voice of America (VoA), a US-based international broadcasting agency, about the public's view concerning various issues including the time the incumbent interim government of Bangladesh should take to hold the next general election, a mixed response was received. According to survey findings, slightly above 61 per cent of the respondents were for holding the election within a year, while close to 66 per cent wanted the election to be held after completion of all necessary reforms. Considering that higher percentage of the interviewed are in favour of completing the electoral and other vital reforms, the priority of the interim government, obviously, should be to complete that task. But how can the interim government complete all necessary reforms within a year? In fact, the opinions of the sampled 1,000 individuals interviewed over telephone from all the eight administrative divisions do hardly represent what over 121 million voters of the country are really thinking about election and other issues covered by the survey. Even so, let us assume, for the time being, that they do. In that case, completing all the reforms of some six sectors, namely, the electoral system, police admin, judiciary, anti-corruption commission, public admin and the constitution is a time-consuming affair. At the same time, it (the government) has to do the routine work of governance as well as look after the emerging issues involving law and order and meeting demands of the pressure groups as well as different segments of the population, which have, of late, proliferated. So, if the political parties are sincere about the reforms, they must allow the government to finish the work unhindered. But it appears they are behaving like the various pressure groups who are too impatient to wait about realising their demands.

But the politicians should not behave like a pressure group. For they cannot be unaware of the fact that Dr Yunus's is not a caretaker government constituted with the particular mandate of holding a general election. Neither is it a normal constitutional government. On the contrary, it is the product of an extraordinary situation that happens only once in a century or centuries in the life of a nation. Thousands of students and members of the general public laid down their lives in a spontaneous mass uprising against the overwhelming odds to wrest the people's freedom, human and democratic rights from a ruthless autocrat.What defies imagination is that the violent and bloody struggle was not led by any existing traditional political parties. It was a revolution, though no revolutionary political party was in charge. And it is through the ultimate sacrifice of the youths from universities, colleges, even school children, members of the working classes and the general masses who braved the bullets of the oppressive regime's security outfits and armed goons. Who or what inspired them to make the supreme sacrifices? It is nothing but the call of their conscience and love of freedom. Leaders of the existing political parties often claim that they have also their contribution in that struggle in the form of the street protests, rallies, etc. they held in the past against the autocratic ruler. True, nothing happens in a vacuum. But the fact remains that the leadership of those public protests appeared not fully prepared to fight to the last, though the situation at hand demanded a different kind of leadership where the ruling clique was not playing in line with the accepted rules of the game. Small wonder that the forces of autocracy finally got the upper hand and the struggles failed in the long run. It is not that the rank and file and the supporters of the parties they (the existing leadership) led lacked the courage. Party workers and supporters are part of the masses and they never shy away from facing the forces of oppression however mighty and cruel those may be. It is exactly why the July-August's uprising under a new kind of leadership became necessary.

So, the main task before the interim government is to muck out the prevailing Augean stables of the old political system prone to breed monsters like the deposed immediate past government. Ironically, it is through elections and popular votes that many past dictators of this country as elsewhere in the world came to power. It is the traditional system of politics that enables all state powers to be concentrated in the hands of a single individual.The reforms are meant to set the stage for future government so they may not fall into the old political trap and end up as fascistic regimes.

Which is why while speaking to the Qatar-based Al Jazeera, a cable television network, the chief adviser (CA) to the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, requested all concerned to be 'patient'. In the same breath he also promised that if given the scope, he would facilitate holding the desired elections after completing some necessary reforms.

Shouldn't Chief Adviser Dr Yunus be given the time to complete the tasks the revolutionary students and masses entrusted him with? The students under the banner of 'Anti-discrimination Student Movement' who put the current interim government into power is willing to give Dr Yunus the required time. In this connection, the ICT adviser Nahid Islam, who is also a leader of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, echoed a similar view during his recent meeting with the Assistant Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, Professor Luis Franceschi. He stated that various commissions had already been formed for institutional reforms and the polls would be held after the reforms were completed.

The political leadership should in every way help the interim government to complete its task. That is the only way to arrange the next polls as soon as possible.​
 

Interim govt needs to navigate competing priorities skillfully
BRIDGING VOICE
CAF Dowlah
Published :
Nov 27, 2024 00:31
Updated :
Nov 27, 2024 00:31

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The abrupt collapse of Sheikh Hasina regime has already sent shockwaves through Bangladesh's geopolitical relations, but Donald Trump’s election victory is further intensifying the country's strategic challenges. With alliances, economic interests, and regional stability at risk, the interim government must urgently redefine Bangladesh's foreign policy. This means maintaining strategic ties with India, carefully managing economic relations with China, and engaging purposefully with the United States. Navigating these relationships will require diplomatic dexterity, a strategic vision, and a deep understanding of evolving dynamics across South Asia and beyond.

Under Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh successfully maintained a fragile but stable balance among regional and global powers. Her administration forged a close alliance with India, which responded with robust support. The two countries collaborated on security, economic, and infrastructure projects, with Hasina taking decisive action to curb extremist threats that endangered Indian interests and tackling cross-border insurgencies. By granting India long sought transit routes through Bangladesh, Hasina strengthened India's strategic posture against northeastern secessionist movements.

Economically, Hasina's policies were heavily tilted in India's favor. Bangladesh became a major recipient of Indian investments in energy, transportation, and connectivity, while Indian businesses came to dominate much of its consumer market. Indian nationals even formed a significant portion of Bangladesh's workforce, fueling domestic discontent amid high unemployment.

Simultaneously, Hasina deepened ties with China, aligning Bangladesh with Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and attracting significant investments in infrastructure and energy. China became a major trade partner and arms supplier, as Hasina carefully balanced these developments with her pro-India policies, ensuring Bangladesh benefitted from both regional giants.

However, Hasina's relations with the United States were more complex. While Bangladesh collaborated with the U.S. on trade, development, and counterterrorism, tensions frequently surfaced over governance and human rights. As Bangladesh grew in strategic importance in the Indo-Pacific -- key to countering China's influence -- Washington raised concerns about democratic backsliding and media repression. Hasina even accused the U.S. of orchestrating her downfall, claiming her refusal to host a U.S. military base on St. Martin's Island led to strained ties.

In the wake of Hasina's departure, Bangladesh faces a transformed geopolitical landscape, requiring a major recalibration of its relationships with India, China, and the U.S. The interim government must assess its economic dependence on Chinese loans, especially if debt sustainability concerns intensify. A shift away from Beijing could jeopardize critical infrastructure projects and hinder economic growth. Yet, should China see Bangladesh's political transition as a chance to expand its influence, Beijing may double down on diplomatic and financial efforts. This creates a highly unpredictable future for Chinese-Bangladeshi relations.

India's relationship with Bangladesh also faces uncertainty. The interim government may deprioritize or even reverse pro-India policies, sparking friction. Contentious issues like the Teesta River water-sharing dispute and border management could worsen. If the interim government adopts a nationalist, less India-friendly, or a pro-Pakistani approach, India may worry about rising anti-Indian sentiments, complicating security cooperation and destabilizing a once-reliable alliance.

The return of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency adds another layer of complexity. Trump's "America First" policies -- characterized by economic protectionism, skepticism toward multilateralism, and a realignment of foreign priorities -- could profoundly impact Bangladesh. A key concern is trade. Bangladesh, heavily dependent on the U.S. market for its ready-made garments sector, could suffer if Trump reimposes tariffs, curtails benefits of Generalized System of Preferences (GSP facilities) or enforces stricter trade regulations. The textile industry's vulnerability to such policies poses a threat to economic stability and employment.

Trump's stance on climate change is another pressing challenge for Bangladesh. During his first term, he withdrew from the Paris Agreement, undermining global climate efforts. If his administration once again deprioritizes climate funding, Bangladesh, one of the world's most climate-vulnerable nations, may have to scramble for financial support. Rising sea levels, severe weather, and river erosion make international assistance crucial, and a climate-indifferent U.S. could leave Bangladesh exposed.

From a security perspective, Trump's hardline approach to China could further complicate matters for Bangladesh. If U.S.-China tensions escalate, Bangladesh may find itself caught in the crossfire, having to delicately balance its infrastructure ties with China against potential U.S. demands for alignment. Also, if US-China tensions escalate, the U.S.-India relations may strengthen further. In that case, the interim government will have to navigate increasing pressure from Washington while protecting critical strategic and economic partnerships with both Beijing and New Delhi simultaneously.

Additionally, Trump's hardline immigration policies and controversial stances on Muslim-majority countries may affect Bangladesh. Addressing the Rohingya refugee crisis, for instance, requires sustained international engagement. If a new Trump administration deprioritizes humanitarian issues, Bangladesh might struggle to secure U.S. support for the Rohingya community's needs. Bangladesh also needs to be extra careful about the human rights of the Hindu minority group, anti-Muslim groups in the U.S. may capitalize on any breach in this regard.

In conclusion, the departure of Sheikh Hasina has undeniably reshaped Bangladesh's geopolitical landscape, complicating its delicate balancing act among three critical partners: India, China, and the United States. The return of a Trump administration introduces additional economic, environmental, and security challenges, intensifying the stakes for Dhaka's foreign policy recalibration. The interim government must skillfully navigate competing priorities -- addressing India's regional security concerns, managing China's formidable economic influence, and aligning with U.S. strategic imperatives aimed at countering Beijing. Successfully charting a course through these complexities will require a nuanced and multifaceted approach, marked by skillful diplomacy and strategic foresight to steer through the turbulent geopolitical waters ahead.

Dr. Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chair and Executive Director of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies (www.bipsglobal.org).​
 

Build national unity, prevent division among people
BNP urges govt; Fakhrul holds talks with Yunus

The BNP yesterday shared its concerns over recent violence in Dhaka and Chattogram with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, calling for national unity to tackle such challenges.

The party's Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said they urged the government to hold discussions with all political parties to build unity and prevent division among the people.

"We hope the chief adviser will promptly arrange a peaceful solution. The country should not reach a point that leads to division," he told reporters outside State Guest House Jamuna, where the meeting took place in the evening.

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Photo: Sajjad Hossain BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and other BNP leaders brief media after their talks with the chief adviser at State Guest House Jamuna in the capital today.

"At this moment, what is most needed is national unity, which we have conveyed to him," he said after leading a five-member BNP delegation in the hour-long meeting.

"We are facing significant challenges. To address these challenges, particularly those that threaten independence and sovereignty or seek to undermine them, we must build national unity to resist and counter such threats," Fakhrul said.

He also raised concerns over the law-and-order situation at the meeting, mentioning clashes between students of different colleges in Dhaka earlier this week and violent protests in Chattogram on Tuesday against the arrest of a former ISKCON leader.

"The main purpose of our meeting was to convey our party's concerns to the chief adviser regarding the recent developments, particularly the law-and-order situation in the past few days, the issues surrounding ISKCON, and the problems of students of some colleges," Fakhrul said, according to the UNB.

Fakhrul further stressed the need to hold elections as soon as possible after completing necessary reforms.

The BNP leader also called for withdrawing cases filed against party leaders and activists and also called for the dissolution of union parishads.​
 

বিভাজন এড়াতে প্রধান উপদেষ্টাকে জাতীয় ঐক্যের কথা বলেছি: মির্জা ফখরুল


 

Take firm control of ongoing situation
Tarique calls upon interim govt

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Photo: UNB

BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday said the recent events in Dhaka and other parts of the country should not be seen as isolated incidents, but as a part of a conspiracy to destablise the country.

He claimed that a coordinated attempt to create chaos across the nation is becoming increasingly evident, with growing signs of intolerance among the public.

He made the statement in a press release signed by BNP's Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi.

Tarique expressed concern over the growing activities of those who are destabilising the state's stability, calling it alarming.

He also called on the interim government to take firm control of the situation, warning that if the government fails to demonstrate effective leadership, the public may become increasingly intolerant.

Addressing the rising cost of living, Tarique said if the government fails to control the market and bring essential goods within the reach of the people, conspirators may use this issue to destabilise the government.

He pointed to the associates of the fugitive autocrat, claiming they are waiting for an opportunity to capitalise on the situation.

In his statement, Tarique urged the public to remain calm and exercise patience, emphasising the importance of staying vigilant and alert to the situation.​
 

Minority communities more secure under interim govt: VOA survey
Staff Correspondent 29 November, 2024, 20:34

Minority community people are more secure under the incumbent interim government compared with how they lived under the ousted Awami League government, revealed a survey by the Voice of America on Thursday.

A total of 64.1 per cent of respondents thought that the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government was providing more security to the religious and national minority people than the AL government, revealed the survey conducted in October.

A total of 15.3 per cent of respondents think that security provided by the incumbent government to the minorities is worse than the previous one while 17.9 per cent think that the situation is the same, the survey said.

The VOA selected 1,000 respondents to compare the Sheikh Hasina-led government with the interim government, with 92.7 per cent of them being Muslims.

Over half of the respondents were under the age of 34, and about a quarter resided in urban areas.

‘The survey has found a slight difference in opinion between Muslims and non-Muslims about the survey result,’ the VOA survey said.

At least 13.9 per cent of Muslim respondents and 33.9 per cent of religious minorities think that the situation is worse than the previous government.

Torture took place against religious minorities, especially against the Hindus, including attacking on houses, temples and business after the fall of Sheikh Hasina government amid a student-led mass uprising on August 5, the survey said.​
 

Unite to foil conspiracies against interim govt : Ganosamhati
Staff Correspondent 30 November, 2024, 00:33

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New Age photo

Ganosamhati Andolan leaders on Friday at a protest rally called upon all the political parties to be united to foil conspiracies against the interim government.

A vested-interest group was hatching conspiracies against the interim government to foil the achievements of the recent student-people movement, they said.

Dhaka city unit of Ganosamhati organised the rally in front of the National Press Club where Dhaka city leader Alif Dewan chaired.

Abul Hassan Rubel, executive coordinator of the party, said that different quarters both at home and abroad were hatching conspiracies in the country to foil the spirits of the recent student-people movement.

After the fall of the fascist government of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, a scope was created for establishing democratic Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

But the Indian government’s reaction after the arrest of Bangladeshi Hindu leader Chinmoy was contrary to the national interest and sovereignty of Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

He called on all the political parties favouring the student-people movement to forge national unity to foil all the conspiracies against the interim government.

Bachchu Bhuiyan, a central leader of the party and also labour leader, said that Bangladesh was a country of communal harmony, so no sectarian violence happened in Chattogram after the brutal killing of a Muslim lawyer.

Another central leader Dipok Roy said the people of the country would favour implementation of sprits of the student movement and form a democratic country.

Dhaka city unit leaders Mahbub Ratan and Selimuzzaman also spoke at the rally.

The rally was followed by a protest procession that paraded different city roads.​
 

Cumilla to be made division soon: Asif Mahmud

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Cumilla will be declared a division soon, said Local Government and Youth and Sports Adviser Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan today.

"Cumilla demands division due to geographical considerations. So, it will be declared a division soon," he said.

The adviser made the comments during a public reception programme in Muradnagar, his birthplace in Cumilla.

He emphasised that although the country has gained independence, every citizen must contribute from their own position to make the country beautiful.

The adviser was given a public reception in Muradnagar, Cumilla, hosted by the residents of Muradnagar at the Muradnagar DR Government High School ground in Cumilla district.

The meeting, chaired by Barrister Nasher Alam, was attended by the adviser's father, Billal Hossain Master, Muradnagar Upazila BNP leader Kazi Junnun Bashari, leaders of BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e-Islami, and family members of those martyred and injured in the July revolution.

Earlier in the afternoon, the adviser held discussions with government officials at the Kabi Nazrul Auditorium of the upazila.​
 

Challenges abound for the interim government, but sound policymaking can help

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FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The interim government of Bangladesh stands at a critical juncture, balancing daunting challenges and unforeseen opportunities akin to navigating a labyrinth—requiring the ingenuity and tact of a Daedalus, not the reckless ambition of an Icarus. Tasked with stabilising essential commodity prices to tackle food insecurity, restoring demoralised law enforcement agencies, keeping businesses and financial institutions operational, and rebooting reforms to dismantle entrenched extractive institutions, it must also organise a free and fair election to secure its legitimacy both prospectively and retrospectively. This election is not merely a procedural milestone to be completed perfunctorily, but rather the litmus test for transferring power judiciously to a legitimate political government.

Unlike its predecessor, which clung to power for more than 15 years before being unceremoniously toppled, this administration must traverse a volatile landscape with tight timelines and limited authority. Its success or failure is contingent on how gracefully it avoids overstaying its welcome with the public, leaving behind a legacy that outlasts its tenure.

By definition, the interim government operates in an environment rife with conflicting demands and entrenched interests. It must chart a path through chaos without succumbing to inertia or overaccommodation. The "Garbage Can Model" (1972) by Michael Cohen, James March, and Johan Olsen offers a lens to understand the unique policymaking challenges the government faces. The model highlights the interplay of problems, solutions, participants and choices in situations where clarity is elusive and decision-making often borders on the chaotic. This resonates with the current reality in Bangladesh, where political fragmentation and institutional inertia exacerbate governance challenges. John Kingdon's "Multiple Streams Framework" (1984), a refinement of the Garbage Can Model, sheds further light on this. Kingdon emphasises the convergence of three streams—problems, politics, and policies—as a critical window of opportunity. For instance, stabilising food prices necessitates aligning public demand, technical expertise, and political will. Without this convergence, even the most well-intentioned policies risk falling flat.

While the Garbage Can Model captures the current disorder, alternative policymaking theories provide additional insights. Charles Lindblom's "Incremental Model" (1959), often summarised as "muddling through," emphasises small, pragmatic adjustments over sweeping reforms. While this approach may suit resource-constrained contexts, it risks perpetuating inefficiencies in extractive institutions.

Similarly, Herbert Simon's concept of "Bounded Rationality" (1957) is highly relevant. Decision-makers often "satisfice"—a portmanteau of "satisfy" and "suffice"—by choosing options that are good enough rather than optimal, constrained by limited information, time, and resources. This is evident in the government's balancing act between controlling inflation and maintaining business confidence. However, while satisficing expedites decisions, it may defer essential structural reforms, leaving deep-seated problems unaddressed and untouched.

Aaron Wildavsky's (1986) focus on the politics of budgeting adds another layer of complexity. The interim administration's ability to prioritise funding for essential commodities, law enforcement, and election logistics will be a decisive factor in its success (World Bank, 2024). Effective resource allocation is not just a matter of economics, but also a political act that reflects the administration's priorities and moral compass.

Organising a credible election remains this government's most significant responsibility. This task transcends procedural obligations; it is a moral and political imperative to restore public faith in the democratic process. The stakes are immense: without a free and fair election, the government risks eroding its legitimacy and perpetuating political instability. Addressing voter education, ensuring electoral transparency, and maintaining neutrality in law enforcement are critical. For example, voter education campaigns can counter misinformation, while transparent ballot management and neutral policing can reinforce trust. Failure in any of these areas could derail the transition process and deepen public cynicism about governance.

Beyond immediate priorities, symbolic reforms play a crucial role in setting the stage for long-term change. Actions such as curbing corruption in procurement or making transparent appointments in key institutions may not transform governance overnight, but they send a message that accountability and reform are priorities. Such steps can serve as confidence-building measures, paving the way for deeper institutional changes under a future political government.

The interim government of Bangladesh is not merely managing a country in transition; it is laying the groundwork for a future anchored in democratic principles, economic stability, and institutional integrity. Stabilising the economy, restoring public trust, and organising a credible election are interconnected imperatives that demand a nuanced balance of chaos and compromise. Drawing from the Garbage Can Model, Multiple Streams Framework, and the concept of Bounded Rationality, this administration must adopt adaptive decision-making to tackle immediate crises while keeping long-term objectives in view. Stabilising the prices of essential commodities, rebooting financial systems, and instituting symbolic reforms may not solve all problems, but they can set the stage for more profound changes under a future political government.

The ultimate litmus test, however, remains the organisation of a free and fair election. By addressing electoral transparency, voter education, and neutrality in law enforcement, the government can redefine public expectations of transitional governance. A successful election would not only validate its legacy but also set a precedent for peaceful power transitions, a cornerstone of resilient democracy.

That said, the path forward requires navigating the delicate balance between paralysis in the face of chaos and overaccommodation in the name of expediency. Drawing upon Daniel Kahneman (2011), one may suggest that the advisers of the interim government should engage both System 1 and System 2 thinking in tandem to integrate "thinking fast and slow." While System 1 provides intuitive, rapid responses to urgent crises, it is through System 2's more deliberate and reflective reasoning that long-term reforms and stability are planned. The two systems, far from being opposites, must be used contrapuntally, with quick, intuitive decisions informed by deeper reflection and vice versa.

In this vein, as Kurt Lewin (1957) aptly puts it, "There is nothing so practical as a good theory." The current administration must embody Lewin's assertion by continuously integrating theory into practice. It must combine strategic foresight with pragmatic decision-making to address the multifaceted challenges it faces. By posing questions, critically examining answers, and adapting its approach as circumstances evolve, it can craft a responsive, adaptable strategy that addresses both immediate needs and long-term aspirations. If successful, it will not merely serve as a bridge between administrations but as a catalyst for a stronger, more accountable, and more equitable Bangladesh.

The stakes could not be higher, but with thoughtful policymaking and a commitment to leaving a credible legacy, this administration has the potential to transform a period of uncertainty into a moment of renewal. Governance under constraint can still serve as a beacon of hope for a better future.

Dr Faridul Alam writes from New York City, US.​
 

Bangladesh at a Crossroads: Can the interim government steer the nation forward?
CAF Dowlah
Published :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25
Updated :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25

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The unfolding events in Bangladesh leave no room for doubt-the nation stands precariously at a perilous crossroads. The interim government, once heralded as a beacon of hope following the ouster of a despotic regime, now faces a rapid and alarming collapse of public confidence. While countless citizens, including this commentator, desperately hope for its success, the government's glaring incompetence and disorganized handling of critical issues have ignited widespread fears of imminent failure, threatening to plunge the nation into deeper turmoil.

The political landscape has been increasingly volatile, with surreal and frightening incidents becoming alarmingly frequent. Lawyers, tasked with upholding the rule of law, disgracefully hurled eggs at a judge in his chambers. Numerous impoverished citizens flocked to Dhaka, duped by false rumors of interest-free loans.

Angry protesters attacked newspapers for their political stances.Unruly students vandalized streets and campuses in the capital with vague demands. Disgruntled rickshaw pullers clashed with police and military personnel. Communal rioters invaded public spaces, and murdered a lawyer who opposed their leader's bail.
These incidents are not isolated aberrations-they are rather symptomatic of a nation unraveling, exposing the interim government's inability to manage even routine governance, let alone the profound crises confronting the country.

The interim government, nearly four months into its tenure, has miserably failed in its most fundamental responsibility-maintaining law and order and ensuring public safety. This failure raises serious questions about the government's ability to implement the wide-ranging reforms it has promised, reforms that are certain to invite fresh waves of opposition. Unlessthe government urgently changes course,its failure may plunge the nation into prolonged chaos.

Recent statements from some government leaders attributing turmoil to external influences, ingrained domestic interests, and other disruptive forces only underscore their inexperience and lack of governance capacity.Given that they assumed power by dislodging a deeply entrenched political regime, they should have anticipated these challenges from the very outset. While the government has engaged with some political parties, it should realize that these actors are clearly pursuing their own agendas, and their cooperation will endure only as long as the government aligns with their interests.

The government must also acknowledge that foreign powers-especially India, China, and the United States-each with significant geopolitical stakes in Bangladesh, are constantly adjusting their strategies to the rapidly changing dynamics. While the recent expressions of support for Professor Yunus by some European diplomats are encouraging, these actors are not the central players in Bangladesh's complex geopolitical landscape.

Perhaps most troubling is the government's failure to grasp the fact that unlike prior caretaker governments, which were the product of negotiation and consensus, they came to power riding on a revolutionary event that overthrew a well-entrenched authoritarian regime. Yet instead of leveraging this revolutionary mandate to dismantle the old power structure, the government has appeared hesitant, disorganized, and ill-prepared for the monumental task at hand.
As a result, the country is in a critical juncture in all practical purposes. The situation-involving both domestic and external forces-is extremely alarming. The government must take decisive and bold action. The alternative is a descent into anarchy that will irreparably harm the nation's prospects for stability and progress.

HERE IS WHAT THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT MUST DO

1. Restore Law and Order Immediately. Easier said than done, no doubt-but ensuring public safety must be the government's absolute, unwavering priority. Law enforcement must be deployed strategically and decisively to contain unrest and violence before it spirals out of control. Acts of lawlessness-be it communal riots, vandalism, or vigilante justice-must be met with a firm yet judicious response that reinforces public trust, not erodes it. Establish rapid-response teams equipped to address flashpoints of disorder with speed, precision, and visible authority, demonstrating the government's firm resolve to restore order and protect citizens.

2. Engage Stakeholders and Address Grievances. Conduct dialogues not only with selected political parties, but also with labor unions, and protest groups to negotiate feasible interim solutions. At the same time, take firm steps to counter misinformation and rebuild public trust through transparent communication campaigns that clarify the government's intentions and dispel damaging rumours spread through social media outlets.

3. Overhaul Governance Mechanisms. Establish a crisis management task force incorporating capable experts in law, public policy, and administration to guide the government's policies and actions. Replace ineffective advisers with competent individuals who can develop and execute strategies to restore order and public confidence. Make transparency and accountability hallmarks of the administration.

4. Clarify Constitutional Mandate. The government has squandered precious time in addressing the glaring constitutional ambiguities that threaten its very legitimacy. It must immediately engage eminent legal and constitutional experts to validate its legal authority, clarify its constitutional position, and chart a transparent, actionable roadmap for governance. Take the bold step of replacing the embattled president, whose continued presence erodes the government's legal and moral authority.

5. Deliver Tangible Results Now. The government must urgently prioritize delivering tangible results to restore public trust and stability. Key actions should include reducing crime and violence, ensuring justice for victims of the previous regime's abuses, and alleviating economic hardships by lowering the prices of essential goods. The government must also remove public officials complicit in the fallen regime's misrule and despotism, while holding corrupt elements accountable.

6. Reignite Revolutionary Zeal. The government must urgently reconnect with the revolutionary spirit that propelled it to power. To sustain its legitimacy, the government must align its policies and actions with the aspirations of those who fought for the change. The government must acknowledge the magnitude of the challenges, rally public support with bold leaderships, and implement a robust and consistent communication strategy.

7. Establish a Clear Transition Timeline. Finally, to reassure the public of its intentions, the government must set a realistic but firm timeline for key milestones, including stabilizing law and order, addressing economic challenges, and transferring power to an elected government through free and fair elections. It must send a clear and credible message about its temporary mandate, and leave long-lasting reforms to the elected governments.

THE CLOCK IS TICKING: The interim government must recognise that the nation stands at a critical juncture, where inaction or wavering is no longer an option. It must act boldly and decisively-not merely to restore stability, but to fulfil the revolutionary mandate entrusted to it. Every day of wavering deepens the crisis, erodes public trust, and threatens the country's future.

To navigate this perilous moment, the government must focus on its core priorities, reshuffle the cabinet with competent individuals, and hold them individually accountable for delivering results. The government must understand that it has a fleeting opportunity to turn the tide. Failure to seize it will condemn the country to chaos, and history will not forgive those who let this moment slip away.

Dr. Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chair and Executive Director of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies www.bipsglobal.org
 

Yunus hints at unveiling reform, election process soon
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 09 December, 2024, 17:22

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Bangladesh interim government chief Professor Muhammad Yunus and foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain pose for a photo with envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka on Monday. | CA press wing

Reiterating that required reforms should be accomplished before holding the next national election, chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday hinted that they could come up with a kind of announcement that month on the reform and election process.

Referring to the election reform commission, he said that there were certain reforms that were required to finish before the election to avoid old-fashioned problems.

In an interactive session with the envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka, professor Yunus said that they had to wait for the reports of the reform commission to incorporate its proposals in the election process.

‘If the government holds the election now, it will be an old-fashioned one and all the old-fashioned problems will come back,’ the chief adviser observed.

He highlighted the interim government’s commitment to building a new Bangladesh that required new policies and new institutional framework. ‘The political parties are very interested in holding the election. We are also interested in holding the election.’

Yunus told the diplomats that he was trying to explain the people about government’s two responsibilities - holding the election and carrying out reforms in various areas.

He said that there were 15 different commissions and the government was expecting reports from these commissions by the end of that month to middle of January.

‘We will be ready for the election if the election process reforms are accomplished. This is the direction we are going....two processes are moving in the same direction towards our goal,’ he said.

‘This is a very exciting moment for Bangladesh as this is the month of Victory. And this is a very special occasion to have you all together. It shows the support to Bangladesh - political, economic and moral support,’ professor Yunus said.

He added that there was a strong sense of unity that existed in Bangladesh despite some propaganda and misinformation campaign against the country.

The chief adviser also presented the initiatives the interim government had taken to reform banking, economy and labour sectors before the European diplomats.​
 

Political parties trying to prove interim government a failure: Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Dec 11, 2024 23:43
Updated :
Dec 11, 2024 23:51

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Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Nahid Islam on Wednesday said the political parties want the reform initiatives to be implemented under them and they are trying to prove the interim government a failure.

“Political parties want the reforms to be under their control, and thus they are trying to prove the current interim government a failure. They are giving more importance to elections than reforms,” he said.

The adviser made the remarks while responding to a question on reform initiatives and national election by Former Chilean Minister of Social Development Giorgio Jackson in a meeting today with a delegation from the British Global Partner’s Governance (GPG) at the ministry, said a press release.

Nahid Islam stated an interim government has taken responsibility in Bangladesh through a Mass uprising. “This is an unprecedented event that has never happened before. I am not aware of any other country where something like this has occurred. We are trying to work in such a situation,” he said.

Replying to another question of former member of the Scottish Parliament Lord Jeremy Purvis on the challenges the interim government faces, the advisor said the main challenges are maintaining law and order, addressing economic issues, advancing reform efforts based on consensus with political parties, and establishing global communication.

When Matt Charter from the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office asked what kind of assistance the interim government expects from them, Nahid said, “Your experience and advice on the post-coup democratic process and the trial of genocide are crucial for us”.

The advisor further said, “Various kinds of propaganda are being spread internationally. Many are unable to correctly interpret the people's coup”.

“People do not understand how such a large dictator fell in such a short time. As a result, there are various conspiracies happening both inside and outside the country. Propaganda is also being spread about minority repression. Many are trying to deny that this movement was a democratic uprising”, said the adviser.

Nahid Islam said Bangladesh has been facing a long-standing human rights crisis. “People could not vote, and thousands of people were forcibly disappeared. The people of the country were in a suffocating situation. Therefore, protecting human rights is one of the primary goals of the interim government”, said Nahid.

The GPG delegation assured full support to the interim government.​
 

July uprising will fail if we cannot build a better country than AL's: Asif Nazrul

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Law Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul has stated that if Bangladesh cannot be built back better than it was under the Awami League government, the July uprising will be considered a failure.

Nazrul made these remarks last evening at a discussion held at the National Museum in Dhaka. The event was organised by the "Bangiya Sahitya Sabha," where he discussed his novel "Ami Abu Bakar."

The law adviser said, "We used to hate the Awami League's politics of victimisation through tagging, and we still oppose it."

He explained that during the previous government's tenure, many students were falsely labelled as belonging to organizations like Jamaat-e-Islami or its student wing, Chhatra Shibir, not based on suspicion, but on a clear understanding. Despite knowing that these students were not involved with such groups, they were tortured under various tags in order to confiscate their laptops, harass them for entertainment, or bolster personal power.

The adviser added, "We have to be much better than the previous government's cruelty, inhumanity, immorality, politics of tagging, vulgarity, and inequality. Otherwise, the loss of so many students and young lives, the mutilation of so many people, will be a gross disrespect to them."

Nazrul further mentioned that under the previous government, there were unwritten rules in Bangladesh prohibiting discussion on three topics: one was about Sheikh Hasina, the second was about India, and the third, which he deemed controversial, would remain unspoken.

At the event, writers including Mahbub Murshed, Andalib Rashdi, Papri Rahman, Mohammad Nazim Uddin, Md Rashed Khan, and Salah Uddin Shubhra, among others, discussed the relevance of Dr Asif Nazrul's novel "Ami Abu Bakar" and his contribution to fighting against injustice.​
 

'How many months does the interim govt need to repair the state?'
Tarique Rahman questions interim govt’s transparency

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File photo

BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman today criticised the interim government for failing to provide a clear electoral roadmap, stating that any unease over transparency would go against public aspirations.

Speaking at a discussion in Dhaka, Tarique said, "If signs of unease emerge in the interim government merely from the mention of action plans and roadmap, it would definitely go against public aspirations."

He emphasised the need for clarity, asking, "What does the current interim government intend to do? How many months or how much time does the interim government need to repair the state? The people have the right to know this."

Tarique highlighted the importance of transparency, adding, "If the government announces its action plans and roadmap to the public, it will ensure transparency and accountability to the people."

He reiterated that citizens deserve to understand the interim government's timeline and strategies for state repair.​
 

'A brilliant lawyer, a defender of rights'
Chief adviser leads tribute to adviser AF Hassan Ariff who died at a Dhaka hospital today

AF Hassan Ariff, adviser to the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism and the Ministry of Land, has passed away at a hospital in the capital. He was 85.

Mohammad Nasir Uddin, his personal secretary, told UNB that Ariff collapsed while having lunch at home today.

He was rushed to the hospital where doctors confirmed he had suffered a cardiac arrest. He was pronounced dead at 3:10 pm.

Ariff's first namaz-e-janaza was held at Baitul Aman Mosque on Dhanmondi Road 7 after the Isha prayers. Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, including other dignitaries, attended it.

Ariff will be buried in the Mirpur Intellectuals' graveyard after another namaz-e-janaza on the High Court premises at 11:00am today, according to a statement from the Civil Aviation and Tourism Ministry's notification.

As the news of death spread, tributes poured in from across the political spectrum.

In his condolence message, President Mohammed Shahabuddin expressed his deep shock over his death and said that his death was an irreparable loss for Bangladesh.

The president prayed for the eternal peace of the deceased's soul and expressed his deepest condolences to his bereaved family.

Condoling his death, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus paid rich tribute to Hassan Ariff's decades-long public service.

"I am deeply shocked at his sudden demise. Adviser Hassan Ariff was a top lawyer who played a very significant role in the interim government," said Prof Yunus, who learnt the news of the adviser's demise as soon as he landed in Dhaka from Dubai after attending the D-8 summit in Egypt.

"He will be remembered as a brilliant lawyer and for his legal activism and defending human rights of dissidents, dissenting voices, and the marginalised people of our society," he added.

Chief Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed also expressed deep shock at the demise of the adviser and conveyed his condolences to the bereaved family.

Meanwhile, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir visited Labaid Specialised Hospital to pay respects to the late adviser.

Describing Hassan Ariff as not only a renowned lawyer but also a man who deeply believed in democracy, Fakhrul said, "I believe he was very much needed during this period of democratic transition."

In separate messages, advisers to the interim government, including Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, Finance Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed, Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain, Environment Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan, Law Adviser Asif Nazrul, also condoled the death of Hassan Ariff, reports BSS and UNB.

Ariff was appointed as an adviser to the interim government on August 8. The following day, he was entrusted with overseeing the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives (LGRD).

On August 27, he took on additional responsibilities as the adviser to the Ministry of Land.

On November 10, he was released from the LGRD Ministry and tasked with managing the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism while continuing to oversee the Land Ministry.

AF Hassan Ariff had a distinguished legal career spanning over five decades. He began his practice at the Calcutta High Court in 1967.

In 1970, he relocated to Dhaka, enrolling in the High Court, and later founded AF Hassan Ariff & Associates, a leading law firm with offices in Dhaka and Chattogram.

He served as Bangladesh's Attorney General from October 2001 to April 2005 and as the Law Adviser (Cabinet Minister) of the Caretaker Government from January 2008 to January 2009.

An authority in constitutional law, commercial arbitration and public procurement, Ariff was a panellist at the Bangladesh International Arbitration Centre (BIAC), SAARC Arbitration Council and Shanghai Arbitration Commission. He also held the position of Court Member at the ICC International Court of Arbitration.

He advised numerous government and corporate entities, including the Roads and Highways Department, Bangladesh Bank, and Chittagong Port Authority, along with telecom giants Robi Axiata and Grameenphone.

Beyond his legal practice, he was a resource person for the Bangladesh Bar Council's Continuing Legal Education and Human Rights Training Program and a prominent member of the International Business Forum of Bangladesh.

In 2010, he led the Election Observer Mission for the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) in Manila, Philippines.​
 
অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের উপদেষ্টা সাবেক অ্যাটর্নি জেনারেল হাসান আরিফ মারা গেছেন

 

Our expectations of this government should match its competence

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Nobel Laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus is sworn in as the chief adviser of the interim government by President Mohammed Shahabuddin in Dhaka on August 8, 2024. FILE PHOTO: PID

However lacklustre the interim government might seem today, it is still the best government one could have hoped for in August. Amid the chaos, an administration was cobbled together and appointments made with only such care and political acumen as an academic and his confidantes could muster under pressure.

Prof Muhammad Yunus was, of course, the right person at the right moment. He brought huge symbolic power, and, more importantly for a mandate, he enjoyed the respect of the student movement that had led the revolution, suffered for it, and had thereby come to define the nation's moral compass. But, even as we fully supported Yunus's leadership, older observers no doubt recalled the professor's abortive attempt 17 years ago to start a party. The hope this time around was that an older and wiser Yunus would enlist enough talent to make up for any shortfall in capability and vision.

The availability and conscription of talent has been an issue. In the first few months, a number of senior appointments were made only for the appointee to withdraw their name within days. And there has been a failure to recruit people with requisite skills into poorly paid government and agency roles relating to finance and economics, such as at the Bangladesh Securities and Exchange Commission.

Moreover, if diaspora associations of Bangladeshis are to be believed, the interim government has failed to avail itself of the country's brain drain of talented Bangladeshis who left for American universities and then went on to develop skills in demanding professional roles abroad, but who, apparently, stood ready to return and provide their services pro bono publico. But quality was never the priority in exigent circumstances. This was and remains an emergency government.

If we grasp that our expectations were unrealistic, a decline in our expectations of the interim government need not entail a sense of disappointment. In a recent interview with the editor of this daily, the chief adviser issued a corrective, again, when he said, "We are not rulers but facilitators." This is hardly the revolutionary rhetoric of radical reform; our expectations should correspond accordingly.

What expectations, then, should we have? Told repeatedly to vest hope in various commissions, we might have looked to their terms of reference. But, despite promises, terms were never published, and it now appears none of the commissions received any.

Mercifully, if promises are kept, we are only two or so weeks from recommendations from key commissions. But, again, we should temper expectations: in the same aforementioned interview, the chief adviser emphasised that recommendations would be acted on if and only so far as consensus among political parties allowed. In recent comments, he added that another commission would be formed, this time to build such consensus. And, in a dramatic turn, he indicated that elections might come as early as the end of 2025, which immediately had many wondering whether anything more than anaemic reforms could achieve sufficient political consensus to be pushed through in under a year.

Change will take time and will require competences yet to come. We can look forward to the imminent recommendations of commissions, we can even hope for great things in the years ahead, but we should temper our expectations of the administration before us now. Unless we shift our horizons and look to the longer term for transformation, the risk of disappointment will loom large. Such disappointment is the breeding ground for the authoritarianism that has swept over so much of the world. Bangladeshis already know what authoritarianism looks like. No one keen to see the nation flourish would want its return.

No sooner had the chief adviser mentioned the prospect of a short timetable than leaders of the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, the Anti-Discrimination Students' Movement, and the Bangladesh Students' Union all demanded that key reforms be completed before holding elections.

It is increasingly apparent that the student movement could emerge next year as the interim government's greatest critics. Driven by a sense of justice, not least to honour the sacrifices of their peers, will students abide anything less than radical reforms? Adviser Nahid Islam, for instance, has scarcely been shy with talk of banning political parties and punishing journalists deemed to have aided the former regime. His public remarks have often been hastily followed by other advisers' efforts to roll back what he said.

The dynamic between the interim government and the student movement may yet decide the former's fate. To some, a full-throated launch of a new student political party might seem slow in coming, but, in fact, both the student movement and the government may regard it as in their respective interests to delay such launch. For one thing, the movement would lose its authority as the nation's independent moral compass above the party fray. For another, since this authority brought Prof Yunus on stage, a fully fledged student political party would deprive the interim government of some of its moral patronage, mandate, and advisers. The prospect is not fanciful of the student movement taking to the streets again, later in the year, this time to demand an ambitious reform programme. It's not even too much of a stretch to imagine the interim government privately welcoming this as a means to overcome institutional sclerosis and break through political resistances to the substantial reform it might wish to carry through.

There are also global reasons to manage our expectations of the interim government. If Bangladesh aspires to have liberal democracy—meaning, broadly speaking, democratic pluralism with the rule of law and protections for the rights of minorities—it will be swimming against the global current. These days, the US, France, Germany, and a host of other countries (such as South Korea) are hardly resounding advertisements for liberal democracy. Liberal democracy is losing or loosening its moorings, in countries where one might once have naively thought a version of liberal democracy had achieved permanence, marking an end to a history of grand, ideological struggles.

The theme throughout is the failure of a global economic order to deliver to most citizens; the majority in the US, the UK, France and elsewhere have seen no real growth in household incomes in decades—in the case of the US, for well over three decades. In a climate of economic insecurity and disappointment, right-wing demagogues have marched in with little more to offer than a pretence of upsetting the applecart.

I mention all this because speaking to the business community has concentrated my attention on economic missteps, as has recognising that it's rare—some would say unheard of—for a country to secure liberal democracy without first finding a firm economic foundation. I can't think of any.

Since August, there have been too many economic errors and missed opportunities. One of the world's leading venture capital operations visited Bangladesh to discuss investment in the country. They were not taken seriously, I'm informed, by that tired old Dhaka elite we're all familiar with, an elite that stands to lose some privileges when or if Bangladesh enters the next phase of economic development, a phase in which, among other things, investment capital must be better able to reach the best and the brightest, and, incidentally, stem the drain of talent.

I reflect more and more on what brought us here in the first place. Against a backdrop of massive and rising youth unemployment and an economy stalling for two years after a long period of growth, students took to the streets protesting a quota system that blocked one of the few routes to a measure of personal economic security.

Change will take time and will require competences yet to come. We can look forward to the imminent recommendations of commissions, we can even hope for great things in the years ahead, but we should temper our expectations of the administration before us now. Unless we shift our horizons and look to the longer term for transformation, the risk of disappointment will loom large. Such disappointment is the breeding ground for the authoritarianism that has swept over so much of the world. Bangladeshis already know what authoritarianism looks like. No one keen to see the nation flourish would want its return.

Zia Haider Rahman, a former international human rights lawyer and head of research at Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), is the author of the novel 'In the Light of What We Know.'​
 

July revolution and Prof Yunus: A winning combination

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Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus is pictured during a press briefing as he arrives at the Hazarat Shahjalal International Airport, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, August 8, 2024. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS

When Prof Yunus was sworn in as the chief adviser of the interim government on August 8 of this year, a feeling of déjà vu consumed me. I was transported back to 2006, when I was a graduate student at a university in California. I was working out at the gym in the morning. The TV right in front of my treadmill flashed Prof Yunus, as the newscaster mentioned that he had won the Nobel Peace Prize. I jumped out of the gym and started running to the office of my course coordinator. Before she could greet me as she suddenly found me next to her chair, I said, "Dr Lynne, a Bangladeshi won the Nobel Peace Prize this year." She smiled and said, "We know Professor Yunus. You are the next." I was so delightfully delusional that I had no idea what she meant. All I knew was that Bangladesh achieved nothing more dignified and desirable than winning the Nobel Peace Prize since our independence in 1971. When I left her office, I realised that Prof Yunus had re-defined Bangladesh, which was off to a new beginning. Unfortunately, nothing apparently has changed since. Politics has swamped everything.

While our political crisis climaxed this past July, Bangladesh has always been politically precarious since its bloody birth in 1971. The lever of political power alternated between demagogues and dictators. Most of them were intellectually half-baked. They understood neither politics, nor economics. All of them were apparently con artists. They attempted to become popular, while their credibility nixed. They rigged elections. They celebrated trumped-up victories. They led without knowing whatsoever how a country runs. The country runs anyway, backward or forward, with or without a leader. A gated community of gonifs (the Hanifs, in our case!) feeds the fantasy of such a leader that she is inevitable and accomplished. While she ensconces herself in power and pride, the carpetbaggers erode the vitals of the country. Mismanagement metastasises. People feel betrayed and vulnerable. What happens when such political paralysis persists? Hasina happens! Fascism happens! Genocide happens! In a political climate such as this, winning a Nobel Prize is apparently criminal. No wonder that they filed 198 court cases against Prof Yunus, as Deutsche Welle claims. Nothing, however, diminishes the fact that Prof Yunus is our one-off achievement. He has the charisma and credibility to help the nation achieve further.

The Hasnats knew it. When the July revolution culminated in Hasina's flight from the country on the August 5, the architects of the revolution (i.e., the student coordinators) realised that it occasioned an extraordinary opportunity to reclaim and reform the country that the Hasinas continue to own and run and ruin for decades. Unless a comprehensive electoral, judicial, financial, bureaucratic, and constitutional reform is enacted, the Hasinas will continue to kill the Abu Syeds. The nation will continue to barrel backward, when crime, corruption, and injustice mount. Under these circumstances, the country didn't need a steward, who could smoothly transition power through an election. The country needed a reformer, who would ensure a fair and participatory election having undertaken some fundamental reforms. The country needed someone, who was authentic and exemplary. Only Prof Yunus seemed to have the sentimental and professional capital to fill the slot. Hasina's government was so disconnected from the people that they didn't realise that the more they disgraced Prof Yunus, the more love and respect and empathy hemmed around him. Add to that his accomplishments, global connections, and reputation. When he consented to become the chief adviser of the interim government, the most critical foundation of the July revolution was laid.

As we started to look forward when the interim government took over, the forces of the fallen regime threatened to push us backward. Movements erupted. Law and order deteriorated. The country seemed volatile and unpredictable. People started to feel hopeless and helpless. The interim government looked severely strained. Such a situation was very unfortunate but was never unexpected. Hasina flooded the country with illegal arms and money. The country was already massively insecure and explosive. The agents of anarchy stalked all around the country. They resisted, as Hasina suddenly sneaked out of the country. And their resistance was not political; it was existential, instead. They stood exposed and felt endangered, as Hasina's regime fizzled. They wanted her back for their survival. Hasina has been a textbook example of a dictator, like the Peruvian dictator, Óscar R Benavides, who famously said, "For my friends everything, for my enemies the law." She changed the political culture and calculus of the country so irreversibly during the last 15 years that a quick-fix is unlikely. However, the "reset button" is already set. As things gradually continue to fall on the right track, we must remember that Prof Yunus is anything but a magician.

A transition from a dictatorial regime to democracy is almost akin to breathing life into a corpse. Dictators are addicted to killing. They kill people. They kill institutions. They kill courage and conviction. Along the way, they massively infiltrate the members of incestuously interconnected families into a system that thrives in isolation, intimidation, and pessimism. Resistance and unity dwindle. Stupidity becomes strength. Arrogance becomes a virtue. In the meantime, some bridges, flyovers, and tunnels happen. The cronies besetting the dictator construct a grand narrative of development claiming, "She has shown us out of pobeti [sic]."

Hasina's Bangladesh was a political circus. She had "LOL" models to rule the country, who were devoid of brainpower, integrity, and patriotism. Prof Yunus exists at the opposite end of such a political spectrum. He is an intellectual, who is worldly. He knows how politics functions. His vision of the world is not romantic or recondite. He wants the political system re-shaped around the economics of zero poverty, zero unemployment, and zero net carbon emissions. He is deeply invested in making the world a better place. Besides, he has aged gracefully. He is never publicly angry or annoyed. He maintains a low-key demeanour. A personality of his stature doesn't fit in the political mess that Hasina's Bangladesh was. It's, however, no longer Sheikh Hasina's Bangladesh, as our Law Adviser Asif Nazrul said.

Therefore, Prof Yunus becomes critical to guiding and transforming the nation to a new height. The nation wants to get out of the politics of bullshitting and blood-shedding. However capable Prof Yunus potentially is, we must not forget that he has inherited bankruptcy. Hasina left the country shattered. Hasina was psychologically unhinged. She was a narcissistic megalomanic. She was always smut and huffy, when she pretended that she was above human follies. She never confessed to have erred. For example, she bragged about her zero-tolerance policy to corruption, when she claimed that her peon scrounged around Tk 400 crores. Citing the governor of Bangladesh Bank, The New York Times reported recently that about $17 billion was syphoned from the country's financial system in the 15 years of Hasina's regime. The country is apparently cash-strapped now. When the country reels under heavy foreign loans incurred by Hasina's government, the interest rates continue to spike, adding further financial burden to the interim government. Inflation increases and the prices of commodities spike. It's a vicious cycle the interim government is trapped in, which seriously threatens its popularity and capacity. Policing would have contributed to streamlining commodity prices to some extent. The police department has crumbled under its own crime and corruption, thanks to Hasina. While considerable improvement is visible on these fronts, I apprehend that these problems might linger a little longer.

Under any circumstances, though, nothing can fracture Prof Yunus's fortitude. He is focused on and heading steadily toward the goals the Tabassums, along with the rest of the people of this country, want him to accomplish. Never before has so much possibility beckoned Bangladesh. Never before have so many problems beset Bangladesh. The country is hollow at the core. Conspiracies and propaganda brew constantly. Neighbourly knavery flares up. We are in an extraordinary phase of our national history. If we don't move ahead cautiously, tomorrow's Bangladesh is anyone's guess. Arundhati Roy reminds us in her Boston Review interview, "How to Think About Empire," what Prof Yunus reiterates since he took over that we must not fool ourselves into believing that the change we want will come with fresh election as the "old *&*&*&*&*&*&*&*&" are out of office. They will bounce in if we renew the politics of voting with the same old system in place. That's not an option for the new Bangladesh that emerged following the July revolution.

It was a goosebump moment for me when Prof Yunus won the Nobel Prize in 2006, and the same feeling renewed in 2024, when he was sworn in as chief adviser. I'm persuaded to think that no one is more poised to embody and draw from the unity and harmony that the July revolution built across Bangladesh. We needed a stalwart, who is above partisan interest and material greed, for Bangladesh to emerge anew. We have it now.

Relax, Bangladesh!

Dr Mohammad Shamsuzzaman is associate professor at the Department of English and Modern Languages in North South University (NSU).​
 

'Interim govt weakest in history', polls should be held by 2025

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BNP Vice President Asaduzzaman Ripon says such a weak govt may put independence and sovereignty at risk, worsen the law and order situation
calls for elections by 2025

Describing the interim government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus as the weakest in the country's history, BNP senior leader Asaduzzaman Ripon today said the next election must be held by 2025 to establish an elected administration.

"The current interim government is the weakest in history. With such a weak government in power, the country's independence and sovereignty could be at risk, the law and order situation may worsen, and economic instability may arise. So, an elected government accountable to the people is essential," he told a discussion.

Zia Shishu-Kishor Mela, a pro-BNP platform, organised the programme at the Jatiya Press Club, marking the 29th death anniversary of late Zahid Hossain Chunnu, former cultural secretary of BNP and former convener of the Jatiyatabadi Samajik Sangskritik Sangstha (Jasas).

Ripon, a BNP vice chairman, said the people of Bangladesh will not accept it if the current government wants to cling to power for years in the name of reforms.

"The election must be arranged by 2025 by completing all the necessary reforms," he asserted.

Ripon, also a former president of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, said the lack of credible elections has created all the crises the country now faces.

"Elections are the cause of all the crises in Bangladesh. A properly elected government can never be an autocrat."

The BNP leader said the interim government, though talks of reforms, has failed to show visible efforts to complete the overhauling of state institutions.

Ripon said despite the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's government, the nation is yet to overcome the crisis.

"We are still in a great crisis. Our leader Tarique Rahman has repeatedly said the upcoming elections will be difficult as conspiracies are being hatched against BNP. So, we must reach out to the people and gain their trust," he said.

The BNP leader also urged everyone to be cautious, as politics before and after August 5 are not the same.

Ripon also called upon everyone, including students, not to create divisions over the roles they played in the July-August uprising.

"We must note one thing the movement can't be divided in any way. The spirit of the movement cannot be divided. If we do so, the fallen dictator will benefit from it. So, we can't allow the autocrats to make political gains," he said.​
 

Govt warns bureaucrats of stern action
Public admin ministry issues directive relating to protests over benefits

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The government yesterday issued a stern warning to the officials of 26 cadres, stating that disciplinary action will be taken for violating the Government Servants (Conduct) Rules-1979.

Referring to recent protests over promotion-related benefits, the public administration ministry said in a circular that the officials must adhere to the rules.

"Those who fail to comply with the rules will face actions under the Discipline and Appeal Rules-2018," the circular reads.

The directive follows protests triggered by a statement from the Administrative Reforms Commission that it was considering a proposal to revise the current promotion ratio for the post of deputy secretary.

Currently, 75 percent of promotions to deputy secretary are allocated to administration cadre officials, with the remaining 25 percent going to other cadres.

The reform commission recently proposed changing this ratio to 50:50, sparking protests from both sides. Administration cadre officers are demanding that 100 percent of promotions be reserved for them, while officials from other cadres are calling for equal opportunities.

The protests have included rallies, work stoppages, human chains, and discussions.

Despite the ministry's warning, officials from the 25 non-administration cadres are planning a discussion at the Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in the capital on January 3.

Mohammad Mofizur Rahman, coordinator of the non-administration cadre officials' movement, said, "We will hold a discussion that will not violate the code of conduct. Therefore, we will proceed with the programme as planned."

In its notice yesterday, the public administration ministry said some government officials had violated the code of conduct through activities such as protests, human chains, and inappropriate social media posts.

The ministry warned that such actions tarnish the image of government employees and emphasised the need to comply with Rule 30 of the code.

The Rule 30 prohibits publicly opposing or obstructing government decisions or orders, directly or indirectly; expressing dissatisfaction or discontentment publicly with government decisions; exerting undue influence to alter, revise, or cancel any government decision; and creating or inciting dissatisfaction or hostility among government employees.

According to the notice, violations of these rules will be considered misconduct under the Government Servants (Discipline and Appeal) Rules, 2018, and the offenders will face disciplinary actions.

MINISTRY FOR ACTION AGAINST SEVEN OFFICIALS

The public administration ministry has recently written to several other ministries urging actions against at least seven cadre officials for violating the rules.

Among the seven, Sadiqur Rahman Sabuj, former regional executive officer (administration cadre) of Gazipur City Corporation, has already been suspended for making inflammatory remarks about other cadres on Facebook.

The six other officials include Emdadul Haque Russell, junior consultant (health cadre) at Munshiganj Upazila Health Complex, Jahangir Alam, livestock officer (livestock cadre) in Panchagarh, Anwar Milon, lecturer (education cadre) at Government Haji Abdul Aziz Khan Degree College in Netrokona, Tanvir Khan, lecturer at Jokiganj Government College in Sylhet, and Rafiqul Jamadar and Ashim Chandra Sarkar, from unspecified cadres.

The public administration ministry has attached copies of the officials' controversial social media posts to the letters. The Daily Star has seen these copies.

Criticising the officials' actions, Firoz Mia, a former additional secretary and public administration expert, said, "They are behaving like trade union [CBA] leaders, which is unacceptable. The government should have taken stricter measures against them earlier."​
 

Uprising victims' families financial security state's responsibility: Yunus

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Photo: CA press wing

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus today said the ensuring financial security of the families of the martyrs and the injured in the students-people's uprising is the state's responsibility.

"It is the responsibility of the state to ensure medical care for the wounded fighters. We will do that. The government will ensure their financial security," he said while inaugurating the distribution of health cards for them at the State Guest House Jamuna.

Dr Yunus said having this health card means that cardholders will get treatment at any government hospital in the country at any time, be it after a year or two. "This card will always be there."

In addition to this, he said, they have to think about the mental and social rehabilitation of the fighters injured in July.

"This needs to be given importance. Appropriate initiatives need to be taken so that these people can live happily and be established in society," said the Chief Adviser.

"In addition to healing physically through treatment, attention must also be paid to their mental health," Prof Yunus said.

The Ministry of Health said that health cards will be distributed to specific districts every week among the fighters injured in the July uprising.

Health Adviser Nurjahan Begum, Special Assistant to the Chief Advisor at the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare Prof Dr Md Sayedur Rahman, Information Adviser Nahid Islam, Health Secretary Md Sayedur Rahman and July Shaheed Smriti Foundation Chief Executive Mir Mahbubur Rahman Snigdha and Secretary Sarjis Alam were, among others, present.​
 

CA press wing debunks Indian Zeenews report on Prof Yunus
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 01 January, 2025, 13:34

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A screenshot of fake news published by Indian Zeenews | BSS photo

A recent report of Indian Zeenews titled ‘DNA Exclusive: Analysing Mohammad Yunus’s Alleged Operation Octopus In Bangladesh’ is completely false and fabricated, says chief adviser’s press wing.

‘The news item published in India’s Zeenews is completely false and fabricated,’ the press wing said in a statement posted on its verified Facebook page – CA Press Wing Facts – yesterday.

It claimed that the news item was a part of a well-calibrated propaganda campaign launched by the Indian media against the Professor Yunus-led interim government of Bangladesh.

‘We categorically deny every content of the story and request all not to pay any attention to such propaganda carried out with ill intentions to destabilise Bangladesh,’ the statement read.

Soon after assuming the leadership of the interim government, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus invited Indian media to visit Bangladesh and report events from the ground.

Unfortunately, the CA press wing said even some of the respected Indian media have decided not to respond and instead kept on inventing stories by conveniently quoting unnamed sources.​
 

Future of the nation depends on interim govt's success
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Jan 05, 2025 22:07
Updated :
Jan 05, 2025 22:07


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Security issues in public life have taken a nosedive in recent months. Financial insecurity of the people at the moment, though, is not of recent origin. In fact, it is a legacy from the past, ousted government. But far from improving, it has only worsened over the past months since the political changeover of August 5 last year. One can produce a hundred and one reasons as to why this is so. In most cases, those reasons may be genuine. But struggling in their day-to-day lives to make both ends meet, the common people who put all their hopes on the present interim government that it would finally be able to end all their miseries in no time has not happened. Some irreversible distortions to market structure already done during the 15 plus years of intervention by party thugs and cronies of the powers that be in the administration and businesses cannot be expected to be fixed overnight. Neither can the vested interests created during all the past years of despotism and firmly ensconced in the system be cleaned within months of the new government however well-intentioned it might be. But the common people with their back to the wall, thanks to unrelenting price hike of basic commodities and their fast-eroding purchasing power under the inflationary pressure that is showing no sign of relenting, cannot also be expected to be consoled with only sweet words. Worse yet, it is not only the growing financial insecurity that is their sole concern. Deterioration of law and order is yet another issue that is threatening the security of their lives. Though providing security in public life rests on the law enforcing agencies, so far, their performance in recent months has been nothing to write home about. Consider the disturbing show of strength reportedly by a juvenile gang of hoodlums, or what they are popularly called, kishore gang (teenage gang) in broad daylight in Cumilla town right under the nose of the police only demonstrates how inefficient and unprepared the police are to respond to any emergency related to law and order in time. Here again, the police authorities have very genuine arguments to justify their failures. In this connection, the home adviser recently spoke acknowledging many shortcomings of the police for reasons well-known to the public. On the issue of, for instance, combating crimes like the rising frequency of muggings and murders in the capital city, he said, the police are yet to be familiar with the nooks and crannies of the city to effectively free the city of petty or serious crimes. That means, due to ongoing restructuring of the police following August 5's mob attacks against them, many members of the Dhaka police are new here. So, it would take time before they are acclimatised with the city to play their expected role in combating city's crime efficiently. Perhaps, the same is the picture elsewhere in the country. The police are also in short supply of essential equipment including transport vehicles, walkie-talkies, etc., required to maintain law and order. When it comes to weapons and ammunition lost including small and light machine guns, pistols, shotguns, gas guns, teargas shells and launchers, stun grenades and so on were destroyed. Notably, a significant portion of those were lost during the violent mass uprising when out of some 664 police stations across the nation, 450 were set on fire. Amid such arson attacks large quantities of the crime-fighting gadgets and equipment were lost, it was informed. According to the police headquarters, during the uprising 5,750 firearms, 651,609 bullets were missing. With a note of reassurance, it was further informed that the process was on to procure those essential weapons and gadgets and get the stock replenished. Meanwhile, between August and November last year, 464 robbery cases were lodged with the police. In comparison, the number of murder cases filed in those months were alarmingly high at around 1937. However, the police headquarters said that cases against most of those incidents of crime as shown in the police records did actually take place during the previous government. Which is why the number (of criminal cases) looks so high. But that is hardly a good excuse because as it usually happens a large number of such criminal incidents often goes unreported. Had those also been reported and duly recorded, the number would be far higher. Now, the question the concerned citizens would like to ask the home adviser is why is the government so slow to address such an emergency like law and order? When it is a matter of physical security of the citizens, the response, however challenging, should have been prompter. As there is a government, the citizens would like to see some of its serious efforts and actions proving to be a deterrent to such crimes.

In fact, they want to see immediate result. The interim government is indeed in a tight spot to deliver in line with the popular expectations. But so far, the progress of the government in meeting the urgent requirements of people--- be it in the sphere of personal security or that of financial one--- is hardly reassuring. Naturally, the public's resentment is growing against the government. Unsurprisingly, the quarters within the system and outside it, who want to see the government fail, are no doubt contributing to make that happen. The situation calls for a unity among all the forces and their support for the interim government to bring about the much sought-after change in society.​
 

HC rejects petition challenging formation of interim govt

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The High Court today summarily rejected a petition that challenged the process for formation and oath of Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government under the Supreme Court opinion which was delivered following the president's reference.

The HC bench of Justice Fatema Najib and Justice Sikder Mahmudur Razi passed the rejection order, saying that the petition is "malicious" and "unacceptable" as the interim government was formed and sworn in under the opinion of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.

The Appellate Division has delivered the opinion following the reference sent by the president of the republic under article 106 of the constitution, and therefore, there should not be any question about the legality of the interim government's formation and taking oath, the HC bench said.

Supreme Court lawyer Mohammad Mohsen Rashid filed the petition with the HC in November last year, saying the reference sent by the president to the SC was not valid as no prior notice was issued to this effect.

He also said in the petition that SC judges haven the opinions under duress.

Additional Attorney General Aneek R Haque told The Daily Star that there is no scope for any debate about legality of the formation of the interim government and its oath taking after the HC order.

On August 9 last year, SC Registrar General Aziz Ahmed Bhuiyan told The Daily Star that the interim government was formed after the full bench of the apex court gave its opinion in favour of considering the country's prevailing situation as President Mohammed Shahabuddin sought an opinion from the Appellate Division of the SC before forming the interim government.

On August 8, President Shahabuddin administered oath to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and the advisers to the interim government.

Aziz Ahmed said the full Appellate Division bench headed by Chief Justice Obaidul Hassan gave the opinion after the president sought it through the law ministry.

The other six judges of the bench are Justice M Enayetur Rahim, Justice Md Ashfaqul Islam, Justice Md Abu Zafor Siddique, Justice Jahangir Hossain Selim, Justice Md Shahinur Islam and Justice Kashefa Hussain.

The Appellate Division in its opinion said that the president can form the interim government during the current situation as there is no parliament now and the prime minister earlier resigned from office, SC Registrar General Bhuiyan said on that day.​
 

Interim government to take nation forward thru unity: Chief Adviser
BSS
Published: 16 Jan 2025, 18: 45

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Chief Adviser professor Muhammad Yunus today reiterated that the interim government would take the nation forward through unity.BSS

"...because the government was born amid unity; it was created through unity. When we work alone and see no one is beside us, we feel weak a bit. And when you all sit together, we get courage in mind that we remain united. We were born amid unity and the unity is our strength," he said while delivering his opening speech at a meeting with political parties here.

The interim government, led by chief adviser Prof Yunus, is holding the all-party conference over the proposed July Proclamation at the Foreign Service Academy.

Mentioning that the government gets rejuvenated through unity, Prof Yunus said one day, the students of the July revolution came to him and told him that they would make a declaration - the July Proclamation.

"I tried to understand what proclamation they are going to make. I told them that it would not happen," he said, adding that he advised the students to make the proclamation involving all stakeholders of the July revolution.

Noting that the aim of the today's meeting is to finalise the July Proclamation in unison, the chief adviser said if it could not be made unitedly, they do not need to announce it.

Stating that the nation remained united, he pledged that he would maintain the unity as long as his interim government would remain in power.

"We must go on this path. Give us this courage. Today, I feel courage by sitting with you again," he added.

Prof Yunus said if the July proclamation could be declared through unity, it would be good for the country and become good internationally too, showing the countrymen and the world that the unity of the nation remains solid.

The all-party meeting began at the Foreign Service Academy aiming to finalise proclamation of the July Revolution.

On 14 January, adviser Mahfuj Alam at a press briefing said that the council of advisers formulated a draft of the July Proclamation and held talks with some political parties, including BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and many stakeholders to get their opinions.

He hoped that an all-party meeting on Thursday would reach a consensus to finalise the document of July Proclamation.​
 

Current dynamics of the economy, reform and elections

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FILE VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

The student-led mass movement in July-August 2024 marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh's sociopolitical and economic history. This movement emerged in response to widespread grievances among people from all walks of life. Unemployment reached alarming levels, leaving millions of youth disenchanted and directionless. Under the false narrative of a growth miracle, economic discrimination further deepened societal divides, with wealth concentrated in the hands of a few while the majority struggled to make ends meet. The absence of democracy was palpable, with limited opportunities for citizens to express their choices through free and fair elections. Fundamental rights, including freedom of speech, were systematically curtailed, fostering an environment of fear and suppression. Corruption was pervasive across all levels of governance, eroding public trust and stifling economic, social, and political progress.

In the wake of the movement, an interim government was formed amid high expectations from all quarters. It was entrusted with the dual responsibilities of steering the nation towards economic stability and implementing political and institutional reforms. However, that journey has been fraught with challenges.

Political parties wholeheartedly supported the interim government and displayed prudence by appreciating its efforts to address the country's accumulated problems over decades. However, as time progresses, some have called for the national election as soon as possible as the reform process continues simultaneously. The students—aspiring to form their political entity and participate in the upcoming national election—favour delaying elections until substantial reforms are implemented. It is widely believed that students desperately need time to organise their parties, which has so far proven to be tough for them. Many citizens, who have had enough of the defective and dysfunctional political system that gave rise to autocracy and rampant corruption undermining all rights, also want the election after substantive reforms.

Several reform commissions were established to chart a path towards a democratic and just society. Their recommendations addressed critical issues, including constitutional, electoral, anti-corruption, and police reforms. Other commissions are also set to place their recommendations to the chief adviser. However, implementing these recommendations requires political consensus and commitment—a daunting task given the divergence of positions on reforms and the interests of political parties.

The proposals of some commissions, particularly those regarding the constitutional reform, have given rise to many discussions as to which proposal recommendations should be included and which should not. Removing secularism as a pillar of the constitution, reducing the minimum age of election candidates to 21 years, and introducing a two-tier parliament with a national assembly and senate are some of the issues that sparked debates, reflecting the diverse perspectives within the nation. Such debates are healthy and can contribute to refining the proposals. Moreover, as reform is a continuous process, there should always be opportunities for improvement.

A close observation of the current discussions of reforms and elections in Bangladesh reveals that some are trying to sequence these two crucial tasks: reforms first, then the election. But in reality, the interplay between reforms and elections cannot be phased. Reform and elections are not mutually exclusive—both can be pursued in parallel. Reform is a prolonged and iterative process. It is also an ongoing endeavour that spans years, even decades. Elections, on the other hand, provide a mechanism for citizens to express their choices and hold leaders accountable. Hence, discussions that implicitly suggest that reforms should only be done after the national election don't hold water. This reminds us of the futile debate by Awami League politicians and some intellectuals about development and democracy, aimed at promoting their corrupt development model and undermining the importance of democracy.

Amid the political complexities, economic challenges have persisted. Inflation remained high at 10.89 percent in December 2024, eroding the ordinary citizens' purchasing power. Private and foreign investment stagnated due to an unfavourable business environment. Investor uncertainty about the political situation remains high. The tax-GDP ratio, a critical indicator of fiscal health, remained dismally low at less than eight percent, while the implementation of the Annual Development Programme (ADP) lagged behind targets. Meanwhile, the World Bank has projected that economic growth during the ongoing FY2024-25 will be 4.1 percent. Even without the World Bank's prediction, economists can say that such low growth is not unexpected during a turbulent year when investment and production were low, and severe floods hampered economic activities.

Although an increase in exports and remittances halted the freefall of foreign exchange reserves, the overall volume of forex reserves remained insufficient to support robust import growth. Depreciation of the taka further compounded economic difficulties, raising the cost of imports and hindering investments and production. Meanwhile, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) struggles to meet its revenue collection targets, exacerbating fiscal constraints. Missing the NBR target has persisted for about a decade due to high tax evasions, a narrow tax net, illicit financial flows, and several undue tax exemptions to specific business groups, organisations, and individuals over several years. The perceived fear among the public of complexities and harassment by the tax department, and the lack of adequate services in return for tax contributions, further discourage compliance. The government's limited fiscal space also curtailed its ability to expand social safety nets for the poor and low-income households, which are most vulnerable to inflationary pressures.

The interim government expanded its responsibilities to encompass a wide array of issues within a limited period. Though, initially, the interim government's tenure was unclear, many felt that an unelected and non-political government consisting of well-meaning but inexperienced people—some of whom ran non-government organisations (NGOs) while others were senior retired bureaucrats—cannot govern the country for long unless backed by the military. Along with political uncertainty and economic challenges, the law and order situation weakened and must be improved to ensure people's safety. Rent-seeking, corruption, bribes, and administrative hassles have not disappeared either.

Although public expectations for the interim government have been initially high, it is evident that patience is waning due to the slow pace of progress on these pressing issues.

Uncertainty about the fate of reform proposals is also a critical issue. A national consensus commission, led by the chief adviser, plans to engage with political parties and stakeholders to identify areas of consensus and recommend actions. This is critical since the reform agenda will have to be implemented by the elected government. However, concerns over the implementation of reform proposals remain. Will the elected government accept reform recommendations fully or partially? What if the elected government sets aside the reform proposals altogether and designs its reform agenda conveniently? What will be the oversight and accountability mechanism for implementing reforms?

While the interim government's intention to tackle political and economic challenges is commendable, the task appears daunting. Striking a balance between the demands of reform, the organisation of a free andfair election, and economic recovery has thus far proven to be a formidable challenge for it.

Dr Fahmida Khatun is executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) and non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.​
 

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

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Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

“The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,” he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, “I hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.”

“That’s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,” he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

“In fact, Awami League is a force against the country’s independence,” he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

“Awami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,” he said.​
 

Interim govt failing to maintain neutrality on some issues: Fakhrul

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File photo

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today urged the interim government to perform its duties impartially, alleging it of failing to maintain neutrality on some issues.

"Yesterday, in an interview, I said if the interim government can't remain impartial, a neutral government will be required during the elections. There is a reason for making this statement. We observe that the interim government is unable to maintain neutrality on several issues," he said while addressing a discussion today.

He urged the interim government to carry out its responsibilities impartially and address the problems the country is currently facing.

The Shaheed Asad Parishad organised the discussion at the Jatiya Press Club to mark the 56th martyrdom anniversary of student leader Asaduzzaman, who became a symbol of resistance during the mass uprising against the then Pakistani autocratic ruler Ayub Khan in 1969.

On January 20, 1969, Asad, a hero of the 1969 mass upsurge, was shot and killed by the Pakistani police during a protest rally near Dhaka Medical College and Hospital (DMCH).

Fakhrul said the government should arrange the election as soon as possible after carrying out the necessary minimum reforms. "The government to be formed through that election would be able to fulfill the commitments made to people and work to meet the public's aspirations."

The BNP leader claimed that his party is seeking the election not merely to go to power, but because he fears that evil forces may exploit the situation if the election is unnecessarily delayed.

He also said all political parties agree on the necessity of holding elections, as it is the gateway to the democratic system.

Fakhrul said some people are saying the government should hold the election only after reforms. "But, should we wait four to five years or until the reforms are completed? People would be deprived of their voting rights for another long period."​
 

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

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Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

“The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,” he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, “I hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.”

“That’s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,” he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

“In fact, Awami League is a force against the country’s independence,” he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

“Awami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,” he said.​
 

A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

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The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Photo: CA Press Wing
History shows that the aftermath of popular revolts—particularly those that overthrow authoritarian regimes—is marked by chaos and uncertainty. What Bangladesh is currently facing—economic instability on pocketbook issues, such as exorbitant prices of essentials, a feeble investment climate, and a war of words among political stakeholders with competing vested interests—is a predictable symptom of a messy but necessary political transition.

In reality, that transition is underway—not through an overhaul of how politics functions in Bangladesh but within the pre-existing paradigm of a flawed system, through gradual, incremental steps towards democracy. Finding the sweet spot that constitutes a liberal, multi-party ecosystem will take decades, not months. It depends on both a good-faith commitment and the implementation of that commitment by political actors through self-reflection, public policies, and rhetoric that differ extensively from what Bangladesh has experienced in the past.

Yunus leads a team that, for all its flaws, has shown a willingness to listen to criticism rather than suppress dissent. However, testing the public's patience is the government's failure to adequately respond to those criticisms by matching words with actions. The public's patience is considerable, but it is not infinite and will inevitably reach its limits. Yunus' announcement that elections will take place sometime between the end of 2025 and mid-2026 has helped calm nerves slightly, offering a skeletal electoral roadmap.

Many segments of society, silenced for 15 years, are voicing their frustrations on a range of issues without the fear of reprisal. This sudden release of anger, while cathartic for some, has added to the government's woes. A vested quarter, still convinced that Hasina's political chapter is far from over, are intent on breeding chaos and disrupting the brittle equilibrium defining the social contract between an anxious population and an inexperienced government.

A government, neither elected nor politically sharp yet burdened with the task of navigating a minefield of expectations, frustrations, and entrenched divisions, is far from ideal. However, the current situation simply reflects the raw, anarchic truth of a nation still trying to figure out its next steps.

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions, a philosopher who has wooed international leaders every time he has travelled abroad since taking the reins of government. At the recent World Economic Forum conference, he was in fine form. In Bangladesh, though, he seems out of his comfort zone, struggling to steer the ship of state—a ship he did not want to captain.

There are many steps that, as chief adviser, Yunus could and should have taken but has not. Critics have examined these shortcomings in depth. But it is the nation's duty to continuously remind itself of the context in which Yunus finds himself in the position he occupies today and why he deserves a fairer assessment.

To begin with, consider how Yunus assumed office. He was preparing either to remain abroad or return to Bangladesh to face imprisonment under a regime that sought retribution. That regime, led by a prime minister with a personal vendetta against Yunus, resented the universal respect he commanded. His stature was an insult to the fragile ego of an autocrat.

In the aftermath of August 5, a group of young student conveners, most in their 20s, approached Yunus with an emotional appeal. They summoned him back to Dhaka from Paris, delivering an unambiguous message: you have to return to take the role of head of government in Bangladesh. And they were right.

Frankly, there was no other option than Yunus. At that moment, and even today, no one else other than him had—or has—the moral legitimacy to unify a fractured Bangladesh. Yunus brought an aura of hope, a balm for a country reeling from weeks of state-sponsored carnage. Mob violence still occurred, but viewed contextually, things could have been much worse. Nonetheless, being a symbol of national unity is one thing. Governing is another matter entirely.

His advisory council has attracted valid criticism due to the underperformance of certain individuals. According to Yunus's own admissions in a candid conversation with New Age editor Nurul Kabir, he was presented with a shortlist of names—likely suggested by the student conveners—and chose individuals he knew personally. Unlike previous chief advisers of caretaker governments, who had the luxury of time to prepare and the clarity of purpose, Yunus inherited a state apparatus with neither.

The caretaker governments of 1991, 1996, and 2001 operated under three-month mandates to organise elections. They benefitted from defined goals, established timelines, and institutional preparation. In contrast, Yunus was tasked with a much broader and less defined mission: to reform a system riddled with corruption, dismantle entrenched authoritarian structures, unite political parties, hold elections, and manage the day-to-day affairs of the state. There was no roadmap, no consensus on priorities, and no clarity on the duration of his administration.

Most members of his advisory council have no experience in government, including Yunus himself, as he often reminds the public. He could not appoint figures closely tied to the Awami League or BNP, nor could he include anyone seen as ideologically extreme to the left or the right. This resulted in a team that lacks administrative skills and ideological cohesion. While these shortcomings are real, they reflect the impossible deck of cards Yunus was dealt.

The politics Yunus must navigate are no less fraught. The BNP demands elections as soon as possible with minimal reforms, pushing the idea that an elected government is urgently needed. Meanwhile, frontline student leaders have begun to display signs of inexperience, veering into unnecessary ideological debates, such as calls to amend Bangladesh's state ideology, rather than focusing on designing a coherent policy vision for the future. Activism, for all its courage and energy, has not translated into the kind of maturity needed post the uprising.

Then there are the religion-based factions, including Jamaat-e-Islami, which seek to steer Bangladesh in a direction likely at odds with a sizeable segment of the country. Considering all this and more, Yunus has become an umbrella shielding a nation from local and international conspiracies, striving to cocoon citizens from conflict with one another to the best of his ability, battered by competing political, ideological, and generational storms.

Compounding these challenges is the bureaucracy. The civil service, entrenched in inefficiency and outdated practices, has become a barrier to both reform and daily administration. Yunus has faced a public service designed to resist change, still bearing the influence of the previous regime. From law enforcement's failure to carry out its responsibilities to the continued dominance of syndicates, the bureaucracy has proven to be an almost insurmountable obstacle.

The greatest challenge lies ahead. The recommendations from various reform commissions must now be either agreed upon, ditched, or left for the elected government to pursue, requiring negotiation among political stakeholders. Yunus has taken on the responsibility of building consensus—an extremely difficult task. He has positioned his government as a facilitator without its own agenda, suggesting that those expected to lead Bangladesh after the elections should take the wheel in determining what is best for the country.

On paper, this approach seems inclusive—some might even call it democratic. The real question, however, is whether an 84-year-old man, who has lived a remarkable life, achieved nearly everything one can aspire to, and brought international recognition to Bangladesh, can rise to meet the moment and what is arguably the biggest test of his life. The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Criticise his government we will, but place our trust in him we must. Good luck, Dr Muhammad Yunus.

Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed is a public policy columnist.​
 

Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12
Updated :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12

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Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and law enforcement agencies.

The concern was expressed in a message sent by Zahid Ahsan, Cell Secretary (Office Sale) of, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement on Monday night, according to local media reports.

On Sunday, Dhaka College and Dhaka University students clashed several times. So far, more than 50 students of both institutions as well as some pedestrians have been injured in the incident.

The message also said that the police brutally attacked the students including Muhammad Rakib, the central executive member of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and seriously injured them.

The anti-discrimination student movement strongly condemns and protests the indiscriminate attack on the students by the police. In the current situation, the government will have to be more active and initiative to maintain an overall fair environment in the educational institutions.​
 

Whom do the bureaucrats serve?
Existing bureaucratic culture is holding the government back

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VISUAL: STAR

When the Awami League government fell on August 5, 2024, following weeks of mass movement, there was a widespread sense of hope that better days lay ahead. The interim government took office on August 8, promising an efficient, pro-people governance system in line with the spirit of the July uprising. Unfortunately, over five and a half months on, it is struggling to even get on the track of that promise, thanks largely to a non-cooperative, past-bound bureaucracy.

According to a recent report by Samakal, several advisers of the interim government have expressed frustration at being unable to carry out their duties properly due to a lack of support from the bureaucrats. Adviser Nahid Islam even spoke about this publicly. As a result, the government has failed to complete 70 percent of the tasks it had set for itself, which is staggering. These unfinished tasks include crucial issues such as the posting of deputy commissioners, withdrawal of politically motivated cases, distribution of free school textbooks, procurement of necessary equipment at various government offices, etc—all matters that needed prompt response.

Apparently, bureaucrats are still being sluggish, resistant, and mostly "strategic" in their work knowing the transient nature of this non-political administration; they are cautious to avoid potential trouble when a political party comes to power through election. Strong resistance is also coming from those who benefited from various perks under the Awami League regime; there are allegations that these officials are intentionally creating bottlenecks for the current administration.

As frustrating as this situation is, it is not entirely unexpected. Bureaucracy in Bangladesh has historically been politicised, used by the ruling party of the day to varying extents. This abuse peaked under the Awami League's rule, which politicised almost every level of government and provided perks and benefits to officials in exchange for loyalty. In return, these officials helped it maintain its authoritarian grip, stifling democratic practices and good governance. This led to a bureaucratic system so entrenched in corruption that any indication of change or reform triggers adverse, almost visceral reactions from bureaucrats fearing they might lose their positions of power and comfort.

Today, some of the old players may have changed, but the old system remains firmly in place. A properly functioning government requires a supportive and efficient bureaucracy. To achieve this, our outdated bureaucratic system must be dismantled to make way for a healthy, accountable system. Bureaucrats must realise that their job is not to pander to the rulers, but the people—the taxpayers. They must check their self-serving attitudes and heed the public demand: to uphold the integrity of their duties.​
 

CA's concern about lawlessness
FE
Published :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22
Updated :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22

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This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social peace and stability in the interest of the nation. But there are elements---political or anti-social--- bad to the bone, who are mentally bent on scoffing at the most fervent appeal. They do not appreciate the language of rationality and change; they need an altogether different kind of treatment. The chief adviser might have to struggle to come to terms with the hard reality and finally he has done. But his urgency also betrayed a sense of something ominous. The threat of sabotage and counterrevolution has often been mentioned by the functionaries of the incumbent government and politicians in their speeches. But when the chief adviser asks security agencies to stay alert, its import is grave and should be taken seriously.

Usually this is an area the home minister, here the home adviser, is in charge of. But in this case, the chief adviser has not only hoisted the danger signal but also instructed to create a command centre for tapping any untoward developments anywhere in the country. In fact, the home ministry itself is responsible for coordinating internal security. Now the chief adviser has intervened, making it clear that the current arrangement for security is not enough. Hence his instruction, it seems, for creation of a command centre for better coordination of monitoring and prompt actions. The chief adviser has made it clear that the advantage of digitisation has to be used to the maximum in this task. In this respect, his suggestion for acceptance of first information report (FIR) filed online by a complainant can facilitate the process.

So far so good. But apart from painting the spectre of a backlash from the deposed forces, the government has not shown its clear intent to deal with some burning issues for their early solution and not allowing those to escalate and create each a precedent for anarchy. The labour unrest and aggressive student agitation for disaffiliation of seven government colleges from the University of Dhaka and elevation of one of those to the status of a university are the two most vexing of many such organised protests. There was no difference between the political government and this interim government in handling the problems and allowing those to mount. Engagement with the aggrieved parties courtesy of astute negotiations could avoid escalation of the anarchic developments infringing on the rights of the general public. There is still time for such negotiations.

Voices of resentment and even opposition to the government's inaction have already been raised, denting its popularity. Some stake-holders seem to be in a hurry to bypass the comprehensive reform process in favour of an election. Riding on popular support, the government could use its good offices for an amicable solution to the most burning issues, thus stemming lawlessness right from the beginning. That would have discouraged insane agitation, on the one hand, and helped avoid public sufferings as well as loss of property and work hours, on the other. Lawlessness would have effectively been discouraged.​
 

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

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The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​
 

‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’
Farhad Mazhar says if students form polls-centric political party, they’ll fail too

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The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

"Dr Yunus is bound to fail. This government, which may have emerged from the mass uprising, is destined to fail as well. This is because the spirit of the uprising is absent within this government, it is not built upon the essence of the movement," he said at an event of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The upazila-level representative meeting of the Dhaka south metropolitan unit of the committee was held at the Institute of Diploma Engineers in Kakrail.

Criticising the members of reform commissions, Mazhar said, "If you form a commission by bringing in elite and privileged individuals, who previously benefited under the Awami League regime or in the international arena, what will you achieve?"

"Bangladesh needs to be rebuilt. The correct term is 'restructuring,' not reform. We haven't even gotten our language right yet," he said.

Addressing the Nagorik Committee and student leaders, he said if they are aiming to build an election-centric party, that will eventually fail.

"Now that you have started the process of forming a party, I must ask -- are you creating another BNP, or are you truly building the revolutionary force needed to complete the mass uprising we could not finish? If you are planning to rise again with full organisational strength to complete the uprising, then you are welcome."

"But if you are merely forming another so-called liberal party, one that exists only for elections... If your goal is only to protect a government or build a new state through elections, it is nothing but a delusion," he added.

Mazhar said it is unfortunate that the Hindus of the country are being labelled as agents of Delhi just for demanding their fundamental rights. "Is this fair? The people have not yet freed themselves from this habit of labeling others," he said.

In the final segment, Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of Nagorik Committee, its member secretary Akhtar Hossain, spokesperson Samanta Shermeen, and chief organiser Sarjis Alam also spoke.

Responding to a question regarding proportional representation in elections, Patwary said they have proposed a hybrid electoral system.

"It can be implemented experimentally in a certain number of constituencies, perhaps 100 or slightly more. This can be tested in the next election through discussions with all parties," he said.

Sarjis said both the Nagorik Committee and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement will hold councils at regular intervals, where representatives will be elected through direct voting by council members.

In response to a question as to why the party is not expanding, Sarjis said, "We already have committees covering half of Bangladesh's administrative regions. By February, we will reach every thana and upazila. A new party will officially be launched within this month."

Akhtar Hossain said they would finalise the party's name, symbol, and core principles through nationwide consultations by late February.

The session was moderated by the committee's joint convener Ariful Islam Adib.​
 

Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser
Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

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Md Touhid Hossain. File photo

Bangladesh has gained the confidence of foreign nations as the country is largely on the right track under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus," Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain said.

"There was a sense of doubt among our foreign friends. They wondered what was happening here and what would follow. I believe we could, by and large, reassure them that Bangladesh is moving in the right direction," he told BSS on completion of the six months of the interim government.

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Touhid, a career diplomat, however, said some "hiccups" were inevitable and widely understood after the political transition Bangladesh went through after the uprising.

"We have managed to overcome those challenges and have received overwhelming global support," he said while replying to a question on the government's achievements regarding foreign relations in the past six months.

Touhid said the country was progressing in the right direction in terms of economy or politics and "we have successfully convinced the international community regarding this".

YUNUS'S LEVERAGE

The adviser said being the head of the interim government, Nobel Laureate Professor Yunus in past six months attended several high-profile international gatherings and drew due respect.

"We have been able to positively leverage Yunus's global image in our diplomatic engagements," he said.

The foreign adviser said things were moving forward in terms of trade and business as well despite fears among many that Bangladesh exports would suffer in the rocky transition period.

Touhid said the government could also handle issues regarding remittances.

"The interim government aims to maintain good relations with every country, and we believe we have successfully done so," he added.

BANGLADESH-PAKISTAN RELATIONS

Touhid said there was no reason to maintain a "strained relationship" with Pakistan.

"There was an intentional effort (during the Awami League regime) to keep relations with Pakistan strained, but we have worked to bring normalcy in bilateral ties. Pakistan took an initiative to improve ties (as well), and we have welcomed it," he said.

The adviser said Bangladesh and Pakistan, both South Asian countries, share mutual interests. He also said the resumption of maritime connectivity between the two countries would bring benefits for both nations.

He said that there were issues which remained unresolved between the two countries even after 53 years of Bangladesh's independence but "if we remain fixated on those issues, neither side will benefit".

"We will, of course, try to protect and recover our interests, but at the same time, we want to view our relations with Pakistan as we do with any other country," the adviser said.

He said by now Bangladesh allowed Pakistani private airline Jinnah Air to resume direct Karachi-Dhaka flights after a decade.

The adviser said Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar was expected to visit Dhaka in April.

BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS

Hossain acknowledged that a sense of unease prevailing in Dhaka-New Delhi relations and "there is no benefit in denying it".

He also acknowledged complexities stemming from deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina's stay in India following her resignation amid a political upheaval.

"A sense of unease has developed in Bangladesh-India relations … from our side, we have made efforts to resolve this discomfort with New Delhi," Touhid said.

But, the adviser said the interim government's objective was to establish a relationship with India that could ensure mutual benefits and secure both nations' interest and "that effort continues".

He said bilateral interactions, including Professor Yunus's telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on the UN General Assembly sidelines set the stage for improved ties.

"There may be a few hiccups -- it's normal. Hiccups happen when there are significant changes. We aim to create a good working relationship by overcoming these issues for the benefit of both sides," he said.

BANGLADESH-CHINA RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka was able to reassure China regarding its policy stance while during his recent visit to Beijing.

He said extensive discussions were held on bilateral matters, development projects, and trade.

"Several key issues were discussed, and we are hopeful that the relationship will remain on the right track and continue progressing," he said.

The adviser said all previous governments maintained good relations with China, and "we aim to continue this".

He said Bangladesh's engagements with Western nations would not affect its ties with Beijing.

China has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthen bilateral cooperation and maintain a policy of non-interference in Bangladesh's internal affairs.

Hossain also announced that China decided to designate two to three hospitals in Kunming, the nearest Chinese city to Dhaka for Bangladeshi patients as they were facing difficulties in obtaining Indian medical visas.

Touhid visited Beijing from January 20-24 at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, during which he held a bilateral meeting and visited Shanghai to engage with Chinese business leaders.

"We discussed all our bilateral matters, including development projects and trade. I requested Beijing to lower interest rates on loans and extend the loan repayment period from 20 years to 30 years," he said.

The adviser said the Chinese foreign minister "assured me of extending the loan repayment period and promised to look into the request for a reduction in interest rates".

BANGLADESH-US RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka does not expect major changes in Bangladesh-US relations due to Donald Trump's assumption of the US presidency following the election of his country.

"We have nothing to speculate," he said, expressing optimism that relations with Washington will remain stable.

Regarding Trump's decision to cut aid, the adviser described it as "expected" and reminded all that USAID's temporary aid suspension was not targeted at any particular country.

"The new US administration has introduced policies that differ significantly from its predecessor. We will have to wait and see the final outcome and adapt accordingly," he said.

The adviser added: "When new challenges arise, we must work strategically to safeguard our national interests."

BALANCED FOREIGN POLICY

The foreign adviser said Bangladesh must maintain balanced relations with India, China, and the United States, as all three nations hold strategic importance for the country.

He highlighted trade ties between India and China despite their geopolitical tensions, as well as India's close relationship with the US, to emphasize Bangladesh's need to maintain good relations with all three nations.

"Our relations with India, China, and the US are very important. We will surely maintain balanced relations with these three countries while protecting our own interests," Touhid said.​
 

Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power
Says law adviser

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File photo

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to "prolong its stay in power" by unnecessarily wasting time.

"We want to move towards the national election after ensuring the urgent, fundamental, and necessary reforms based on political consensus, which are crucial to ensure free and fair election polls," he told a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy.

The briefing was held on the report submissions of six major reform commissions -- constitution, election, judiciary, police, civil service, and anti-corruption commission. The reports were published on the Cabinet Division's website.

He said political parties are suspecting that the reforms are not being made because the interim government is trying to extend its tenure. The necessary reforms can be completed if this suspicion is removed, he said.

Nazrul also said said the government is keen on beginning talks with political parties from mid-February. "If the parties agree, the discussions could continue even during Ramadan.

"We've already said the election could be held between December 2025 and June 2026. Considering monsoon, it might be brought forward to March or April 2026…Everything will be finalised based on political consensus."

About how long it might take to carry out the necessary reforms, the law adviser said, the reform commissions, except that for the constitution, has set a timeline of six months for implementing immediate reforms.

"Some of the proposed reforms -- at least 50 percent -- could even be completed within a month."

Nazrul added that the government has already taken some steps towards reforms even before getting the commissions' reports. "Some issues, such as appointing court officials through a judicial service commission, have already been considered as these are good for all."

He also said that the constitution reform commission has not yet given any timeline for implementing reforms as all it will all be dependent on political consensus.​
 

Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

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Professor Yunus’s dedication to economic and social development has made him a widely respected global icon. PHOTO: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus announced in December last year that the next general election might take place at the end of 2025 or in the first half of 2026, depending on political consensus and reforms. His government, which took over after Sheikh Hasina's ouster on August 5, formed at least 15 reform commissions. However, six months in, the interim government finds itself navigating troubled waters, surrounded by complex socioeconomic, political, and governance challenges that threaten to overshadow its initial promises.

Economic struggle and the crisis of confidence

The interim administration inherited a fragile financial landscape marked by high inflation, a banking sector in crisis, and dwindling foreign exchange reserves. Inflation eased to 9.94 percent in January from 10.89 percent in December, driven by stable food prices due to an influx of winter vegetables. Despite this decline, inflation has remained above nine percent since March 2023, causing hardships for fixed-income and low-income people.

Following criticism over recent hikes, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) revised down VAT and supplementary duty on some items. The VAT adjustments follow IMF recommendations under a $4.7 billion loan programme, pushing for tax reforms at the expense of public well-being to increase revenue collection. The banking sector, long plagued by bad loans and financial mismanagement, has seen some positive steps, such as asset quality reviews and hiring of international auditors to clean up failing banks. The government has worked to curb illicit financial outflows estimated to be $16 billion annually under the previous regime.

Foreign direct investment dropped to a six-year low in the July-September quarter of FY25, reaching only $104.33 million, a 71 percent decline from FY24. Net equity investment fell by 46 percent to $76.79 million, while reinvested earnings dropped by 73 percent to $72.9 million. The decline has been driven by political unrest, labour agitation, inflation, import restrictions, dollar shortages, and weak law and order. Investors remain wary due to uncertainty over political transitions, economic mismanagement, and inconsistent policies.

Law and order, reform and good governance

Law and order remain one of the most critical aspects. While the administration has attempted to restore stability following months of violent protests, crime rates have surged. Sharp rise in political violence, robberies, and extortion has been exacerbated by a weakened police force recovering from the post-uprising trauma and restructuring.

Violent crime, particularly murder and mugging, has created fear, especially in the evenings. Despite increased patrolling and intelligence surveillance, police efforts have not significantly curbed crime rates. Murder cases surged in 2024, with 583 in September, 399 in October, and 337 in November, whereas in the same months in 2023, the numbers were significantly lower at 238, 258, and 227, respectively. Muggings have escalated as armed gangs target victims in alleys and even in broad daylight.

While the interim government has exposed past human rights violations, including enforced disappearances, allegations of politically motivated arrests and reprisals have raised concerns about the government replicating some of the sametendencies. While no significant extrajudicial killings have been reported, the recent death of a BNP youth front activist in the custody of security forces has fuelled fears that old patterns may be re-emerging.

The interim government formed 11 inquiry teams to investigate corruption allegations against the family members of Sheikh Hasina and 10 major industrial groups, including S Alam, Beximco, Bashundhara, and Summit. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is leading the investigation, with support from other agencies like the NBR and CID. There is a lack of transparency on the progress of the investigations, and no timeline or public update on how these investigations are being conducted or their effectiveness.

Though it has aggressively pursued investigations into the previous government's misdeeds, the interim government has been less proactive in tackling corruption and unrest happening under its tenure. The administration's tendency to cherry-pick aspects that require reform has raised concerns on the intent and efficacy of the reform commissions. In absence of any meaningful conversation with political parties, who will ultimately have to agree to implement the proposed reforms, the commission reports will be another academic paper gathering dust.

Protests, gridlock, and disruptions

Since August 5, ongoing traffic disruptions in Dhaka due to relentless protests have brought the city's mobility to a grinding halt, making daily commute a struggle for millions. One such recent disruption came from the students of Government Titumir College, who staged multiple road blockades demanding university status for their institution. On January 30, they obstructed both sides of the road in front of their campus and at the Gulshan 1 intersection, causing hours-long congestion that left commuters helpless. Protests also extended to rickshaw drivers who blocked roads to ban battery-run powered rickshaws, only for battery-run rickshaw drivers to stage counter-protests when a High Court ruling restricted their operations.

Efforts by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), which include deployment of 4,200 officers, have had little impact. Between September and December alone, the DMP issued over 139,000 traffic violation cases and confiscated thousands of illegal rickshaws, yet the gridlock persists. The capital city risks descending into complete chaos, where every day is dictated by yet another protest and another gridlock.

The failure of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) to timely distribute textbooks caused frustration, leaving parents and children bewildered. By mid-January, only 37 percent of 40.15 crore textbooks were delivered, disrupting primary and secondary education. This fiasco places the government in a negative light as the previous government had a good track record of delivering the books on time.

July uprising victims plagued by red tape

Victims of the July uprising continue to suffer as compensation remains caught up in bureaucratic red tape. Although the government pledged Tk 5 lakh for families of martyrs and Tk 1 lakh for the injured, disbursement is hindered by tedious verification procedure. Families are forced to make repeated visits, only to face rejection due to minor discrepancies or the unavailability of officials.

Limited staffing of the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, with only 35 employees, has exacerbated delays, making it difficult for applicants to receive timely support. Inefficiency and slow processing has pushed affected families into financial distress, forcing them to struggle for survival while their applications remain unresolved.

Strained ties with India and scepticism

While India's narrow focus on backing Hasina rather than engaging with Bangladesh's broader political spectrum has been a strategic mistake, the resulting growth of anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh is also worrying and counterproductive as we have to find ways for constructive engagement with our largest neighbour. A stable and cooperative relationship is crucial for regional peace, stability, and prosperity. Unresolved bilateral issues, including water-sharing, border killings, and trade imbalances need to be addressed to maintain long-term cooperation. The Western nations have adopted a guarded attitude towards the interim administration, though the EU and the US have expressed support for democratic reforms.

Electoral uncertainty, regionalism, and moral authority

The primary mandate of the caretaker government is to pave the way for a free and fair election. Six months in, there is still no confirmed election date, with the chief adviser juggling between 2025 and 2026, citing the need for institutional reforms. This has led to growing frustrations among political parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has been demanding elections sooner rather than later. BNP insists electoral reforms be undertaken after a new government is elected, rather than delaying the process indefinitely.

The government's indecisiveness has fuelled speculation that it is prolonging its tenure under the guise of reform, and some have accused that procrastination is for giving time to student leaders to prepare for the elections. These uncertainties, combined with the need for broader political consensus, make it difficult to predict whether the reforms will succeed, especially as the government faces challenges in managing its relations with other political forces, providing a clear date for the election, and navigating the complexities of governance.

Almost one-third of the cabinet members are from a single district, which is not expected from someone who should have been above such regionalism, as moral ground is lost against the much criticised "pro-Gopalganj" bias of the Hasina regime. Some student leaders who played a vital role in the uprising have been included in the government, giving reasons to raise questions about the interim government's impartiality as students are planning to launch a new political party to contest elections.

The heroic and patriotic role of the students should have been recognised by giving them a separate platform to share their legitimate aspirations in education, job, and entrepreneurial ambitions, and to support the same with appropriate policies and programmes. After all, the movement started with the legitimate demand of the student community to have a fair chance to much coveted government jobs by reforming the quota system. If students want to be in politics, it is their democratic right, which they should exercise by being outside the government. Including them in the cabinet, openly supporting their political ambitions, and by referring to them as "appointing authorities," Prof Yunus has undermined his official position and moral authority. This was uncalled for as it is the students who requested him to take the helm of power; hence, there was no need to act otherwise.

Similarly, to introduce one of the student leaders in an international forum as the "mastermind" of the uprising and that "everything was meticulously planned" was unnecessary and has fed into the hands of those who have been propagating that the ouster of Sheikh Hasina was the outcome of a "well-planned conspiracy," as opposed to her fleeing in the face of a popular mass movement led by students and general public.

A government in limbo and the slippery slope ahead

Despite initial optimism, the interim government has failed to deliver a clear political roadmap to elections and reforms. This is not understandable as it is not rocket science as elucidated in the opinion piece by this author published in The Daily Star on January 11 and Prothom Alo on January 15. The uncertainty surrounding elections, prevalence in crime, and economic hardships have eroded the goodwill this government initially enjoyed. While Prof Yunus remains a respected figure internationally, his government's lack of strategic planning, slow decision-making, inefficient management, loose and reckless talks by some advisers and officials at the CA's Office have all led to growing frustration and scepticism.

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government and decide the fate of the people banking on the government for a free, fair, and participatory election, resulting in the return to democratic governance and rule of law. To have credibility and retain trust, the interim government must commit to a clear election timeline with a concrete date, address law enforcement inefficiencies, and ensure that economic policies do not burden ordinary citizens to meet requirements set by the likes of IMF.

If this state of weak leadership, poor governance and resulting chaos and confusion, disorder and disruption, instability and uncertainty continue for another six months, we will be treading an unchartered territory. A slippery slope which not only risks plunging the country into an abyss and civil strife, but also a predicament that can be more ominous than the one we got rid of. The clock is ticking.

Prof Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of the Institute for Policy, Advocacy, and Governance (IPAG), an international think tank.​
 

In fragile trust, economy falters

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Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

By this time, the previous Sheikh Hasina government was toppled in a popular mass uprising in August last year and an interim administration took charge in the same month.

But Ahsan's struggle continues, and so does the erosion of his family's living standards, even though inflation eased for the second consecutive month in January.

"I have not seen any real change in my life," he said, while making an assessment of the interim government's six months in power.

"The only thing that has become cheaper is potatoes, but the prices of all other essentials have gone up," said the father of four children.

Ahsan, who does not have a second name, is the sole breadwinner for his six-member family. He earns roughly Tk 700 a day, which is insufficient to cover all essential expenses, including house rent.

"How am I supposed to provide three meals a day for my family with my meagre income?"

The rickshaw puller lives in Kamrangirchar, home to thousands of low-income people reliant on Dhaka, the metropolis that serves as the major engine of Bangladesh's economy.

He said he used to buy rice for less than Tk 50 per kilogramme. Now, like millions of Bangladeshis, he has to pay more than Tk 50 for the food staple.

Besides, people like Ahsan have to pay more for edible oil recently amid reduced supply from refiners. This further deepens the hardships of commoners who have endured over 9 percent inflation for 23 consecutive months till January this year.

Moving on to the bigger macro picture, economists and businesspeople also see uncertainty heavily clouding the economic outlook.

"The economy is yet to emerge from the risks it faced six months ago, though there has been some relief in the form of improvements in certain indicators and containment from further deterioration," said Mustafizur Rahman, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).

Although inflation eased slightly in December and January, consumer prices still remained elevated. There has been a slowdown in investment and the generation of new jobs.

Over the past several years, private investment has remained stagnant at 23-24 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Besides, the recent trend of private sector credit growth offers no light at the end of the tunnel.

For the fifth consecutive month, loan flows to private firms have slowed due to uncertainty in the investment environment following the August political changeover.

In December, private sector credit growth decelerated to 7.28 percent year-on-year -- the slowest since at least 2015, according to data from the Bangladesh Bank.

Rahman, an economist who has closely followed Bangladesh's economy for decades, said the sluggishness drags on. "It appears that the economy has fallen into a vicious cycle," he said.

He cited the authorities' pursuit of a contractionary monetary policy, which has increased the cost of funds, inhibiting private investment.

The government's decision to raise value-added tax (VAT) on nearly 100 goods and services has stoked inflation and further eroded the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. Meanwhile, in the financial sector, default loans have continued to pile up, according to Rahman.

Taskeen Ahmed, president of the Dhaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI), said the interim government took up key measures, including easing import restrictions and initiating reforms in critical areas such as banking, taxation and administration, in response to pressing economic challenges.

According to Ahmed, the economy has shown signs of turning around over the past six months, largely because of the resilience of people and the private sector.

"Despite these efforts, persistent challenges hinder progress," he said, citing GDP growth dropping to 1.81 percent in the first quarter of FY25, the lowest in four years, due to slowed investment and industrial stagnation.

Fiscal pressures, including a Tk 58,000 crore revenue shortfall from the target and weak credit growth further strain recovery, he said, adding that high inflation, supply chain disruptions, limited foreign direct investment (FDI) and a rising trend in non-performing loans continue to uncertainties.

"Business confidence is low," said the DCCI president.

Selim Raihan, executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modelling (Sanem), said the interim government inherited many economic challenges, including stubbornly high inflation and stagnation in investment.

"We hoped for a recovery. Except for some areas, we have not seen that," he said, noting increased export receipts, remittances and the containment of reserves.

However, he added, "Because of the government's failure to ensure law and order, there is a confidence deficit across the economy. The confidence crisis prevails among both investors and consumers."

He emphasised coordination among government agencies and coherence among advisers to steer the troubled economy and overall socio-political situation towards stabilisation.

"We have rather seen contradictory comments and positions among advisers," he said.

The recent vandalism at Dhanmondi-32 and across the country has had a negative impact, said Raihan.

"There are concerns that the fault lines in the economy may widen if the law and order situation does not improve. Given the current situation, I do not see any prospect for the economy to significantly turn around during the rest of the fiscal year," he concluded.

Mohammad Zaved Akhtar, president of the Foreign Investors' Chamber of Commerce & Industry (FICCI), said the business environment over the past few months has remained challenging due to sustained high inflation, deteriorating law and order and rising energy costs.

He said the devaluation of the local currency has further compounded the situation, increasing cost pressures for companies with foreign currency exposure.

Meanwhile, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) are struggling to operate as the cost of funds continues to rise amid climbing interest rates.

"While the reform initiatives undertaken so far offer some hope, what remains missing is any tangible change on the ground," said Akhtar, who is also the chairman and managing director of Unilever Bangladesh, the largest consumer goods maker in the country.

"If we fail to bring about necessary changes, the existing inadequacies will lead to a huge loss of investor confidence in the country," he noted.

To Asif Ibrahim, former president of the DCCI, major economic indicators over the past six months have been somewhat "bittersweet."

He cited improvements in some indicators, such as the current account balance, which turned positive, reaching $1.93 billion by the end of December last year -- an encouraging return from earlier deficits.

"Despite this improvement, concerns remain as private sector investments have declined remarkably due to ongoing uncertainty. If investor confidence is not restored, industrial production may suffer in the coming months," said Ibrahim.

For rickshaw puller Ahsan, the issue remains the same: improving law and order.

As he made his way from the capital's Banglamotor area to Farmgate, his voice carried both exhaustion and helplessness over the chaotic situation on the streets.

"Without a clear direction from the authorities, chaos rules the streets. Every day feels like a struggle, not just to earn a living, but to survive," he said.​
 

CA’s response should have come earlier
Everyone must respect the rule of law

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We endorse the chief adviser's recent statement urging all citizens to restore complete law and order and to ensure that there are no further attacks on properties associated with Sheikh Hasina, her family, others associated with the Awami League, or any citizen. We support his appeal to the citizens to abide by the law and to show the world that Bangladesh is a nation that respects the rule of law—this is what should differentiate the "new Bangladesh" from the autocratic regime it has now freed itself from. While empathising with people's pent-up anger against Hasina's tyrannical rule, he urged them not to undermine Bangladeshis' sense of security and stability and stated that disregarding the law endangers the lives and property of citizens.

All that he said in this statement can only be considered wise, sensible, and befitting of the head of government. However, it is a statement that has come after the fact, when it should have come long before, accompanied by strong preventive steps. We are baffled that the government did not take adequate measures to stop the attacks when it was quite clear from announcements on social media that they were imminent. What we saw unfold on our screens was a well-orchestrated series of attacks on properties all over Bangladesh, starting, of course, with Dhanmondi 32. Those who took part in this violence were no doubt provoked by Sheikh Hasina's call to her supporters to mobilise and march towards Road 32, as well as by another one of her regular hate speeches from Delhi, where she has taken refuge.

However, that this should result in such violent reactions in the form of vandalism and arson is unacceptable. These acts have only served to increase people's insecurity in an environment where incidents of lawlessness are occurring with a sense of impunity among those who want to indulge in violent acts and crime. They have also provided fodder for Indian media propaganda, portraying the country as one where militancy is being allowed to thrive. Most of all, it serves Sheikh Hasina's agenda to show the world that without her, the country has fallen into lawlessness and mayhem.

This is the last thing we, the people, or the interim government would want. Rights organisations and noted citizens have expressed their concern over the attacks and criticised the government for its failure to take preventive measures. The government has now stated that it will firmly resist attempts by individuals and groups to vandalise and set fire to establishments across the country. We hope these are not empty words and that the government's forces will take the necessary measures to ensure that no one feels emboldened to carry out attacks on any piece of property, regardless of who it is associated with.​
 

Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on
Says Mahfuj Alam

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Photo: Collected

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

"If you support the mass uprising, stop engaging in mob actions. If you engage in mob actions, you will also be treated as a devil. After today's incident, no further requests will be made. It is not your job to take the law into your own hands," he wrote on his verified Facebook account today.

"From now on, we will firmly confront so-called movements and mob demonstrations. Any attempt to render the state ineffective and prove it to be a failure will not be tolerated in the slightest," the post read.

"Touhidi Janata! After a decade and a half, you have got the opportunity to practice your religion and culture in peace. Your recklessness or extremism is about to destroy that peace," reads his post.

Asking all to refrain from oppression, he wrote, "Refrain from oppression; otherwise, oppression against you will be inevitable."

He also shared a verse from the Quran that reads, "Do not oppress and do not be subjected to oppression."

"This is our final request to you!" concluded his post.​
 

Yunus calls for reconciliation
Pledges fair trial for those linked to fascist regime, says there will be no injustice

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Photo: BSS

"The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?"— Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

Yunus said the people linked to the ousted fascist government were still here. "They did not go anywhere… They will have to change to merge with us," he said while speaking at a meeting with the family members of July uprising victims at the Chief Adviser's Office.

He said if the elements of the ousted regime continue to demonstrate the same behaviour, it would not be tolerated.

"We will not indulge in injustice. Those who have broken the law will face the consequences. But to those who have not, we will tell them that 'you have caused me a lot of pain, but I will not do the same to you. This is your country too. The country belongs to all of us. We are all children of this soil'," he said.

Yunus went on to say, "They need to be brought to the right path. They need to be told that what you have done was wrong. You have to make them understand that their path is wrong and they should apologise for what they have done. This is how our country should move forward. Constant conflict will only hold us back."

"We have to win them over. If you think that you will hit them and they will hit back, then there will be no end to this. You have demanded justice and the government will complete the trial," he said, adding that justice cannot be served in hurry.


"The main thing about a trial is that it should be fair... There should be no injustice... The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?

Family members of July uprising martyrs and victims, who received financial assistance yesterday, pose for a photo with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office. Before that, the chief adviser inaugurated a programme for providing state help to the families of uprising victims. Photo: PID
"Our country's future depends on our ability to overcome conflict. We must find a way forward together," he said.

At the programme, the chief adviser reassured the families of the victims that all killings and enforced disappearances would be investigated, and the perpetrators would be brought to justice. He also urged them to be aware of any moves to perpetrate violence or cause bloodshed.

He inaugurated a government programme for providing state financial assistance to families of July uprising victims and martyrs by handing over 21 cheques.

Members of three families of martyrs and three protesters of the July uprising spoke at the meeting. They broke down in tears while describing their experiences.

They raised various issues, including receiving state honours, financial assistance, and rehabilitation.

The chief adviser said, "I think that the sacrifices of those, for which I can call my country a new Bangladesh, cannot be measured by any scale.

"You are living history. I am grateful to you … A nation that cannot remember its history, has no future. This recognition is my gratitude to you on behalf of the nation.

At the meeting, the injured and families of the martyred were informed about the government's programme.

"From today, the state has formally taken the responsibility of you," Yunus said.

The martyrs of the July uprising will be called "July shaheed" and the injured will be called "July joddha". Identity cards would be issued for them.

The family of each July shaheed would receive one-time financial assistance of Tk 30 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 10 lakh would be provided in national savings bonds in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 20 lakh would be given in the bonds in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each July shaheed's family would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000. The shaheed's family members would get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

The July joddhas would get medical benefits in two categories.

The seriously injured ones would be given a one-time aid of Tk 5 lakh as per the "Category A".

Of the amount, Tk 2 lakh would be provided in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and Tk 3 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each seriously injured July joddha would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000.

They would receive medical treatment at various government hospitals all their lives. They would also be able to get medical services at domestic and foreign hospitals on the recommendation of their medical boards.

In "Category B", the July joddhas would be given a one-time aid of Tk 3 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 1 lakh would be given in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 2 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

They would receive a monthly allowance of Tk 15,000.

July joddhas would also get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

So far, the government has published a list of 834 July shaheeds. The list of the injured will be published soon.

At the programme, Adviser Nahid Islam apologised for the delay in recognising the July shaheeds and July joddhas. He said the delay happened despite them being sincere about the issue.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam and Health Adviser Nurjahan Begum were present on the occasion.​
 

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house at Dhanmondi 32 has been razed to the ground with a bulldozer Prothom Alo

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the tasks that should have been their priority.

Our concern lies in the fact that in certain instances it seems that the government does not exist in the country. The government that has emerged from the mass uprising has authority as well as responsibilities. But the government's activities display a discrepancy between its authority and its responsibilities. This was also evident in the destruction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house on Dhanmondi Road 32 and similar incidents all over the country.

We saw the destruction began with an announcement. Similar demolition took place in different places throughout the country. Initially the government said nothing. The manner in which bulldozers and other tools were used for the demolition, it was evident that government organisations were involved. The army has been given magistracy power, but they remained silent.

Many of those who called for the structures to be destroyed, are involved with various organisations of the government. After the damage was done, the chief advisor issued a statement calling for the destruction to stop. Three matters come to light in this entire incident. There was inattention on one hand, inaction and mystery. The mystery was , who is actually taking decisions in the government, how and why?

The justification being offered on Facebook by supporters of the government, the manner in which the advisors are speaking, sometimes create conflict. The consequence of this is that these actions which are being taken to, as announced, wipe out Awami League's existence from the country, are actually facilitating Awami League's rehabilitation or return.

The government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination.

The incidents that are taking place are creating questions on an international level concerning the credibility of the present government. We are also concerned. In which direction is Bangladesh being led? There are assaults and attacks on baul songs, mazars (shrines) and sculptures. Who are the ones launching these attacks? What is the government doing to stop them?

The mass uprising took place with the aspiration for a Bangladesh free of discrimination, but is this being reflected in the interim government's performance? Quite contrary to the aspirations of the mass uprising, there are visible trends pointing to politics of discrimination and suppression, use of force and fear, creating alarm and attacks against creativity.

Had the Sheikh Hasina government, which was toppled in the mass uprising, been elected and democratic, then India would not have been able to enforce its dominance over Bangladesh in this manner. This was only possible due to the autocratic rule. This autocracy was a huge blessing for India. Giving shelter to Sheikh Hasina in New Delhi and carrying out all sorts of anti-Bangladesh propaganda is an outward expression of their fear that the dominance India had established over Bangladesh, will come crashing down. The more the anarchy and violence is unleashed in Bangladesh, the more effective will these be as tools for the BJP government.

From the statements and actions of Sheikh Hasina and the beneficiaries of her rule, it is evident that they do not have an iota of regret or remorse. If they take up a conspiracy, then the people of Bangladesh must thwart that. It is the interim government that has the main responsibility in this regard. But if the government's inattention leads to an increase in politics of violence and discrimination, if the people's security is at stake, then it will not be possible to tackle their conspiracies.

The government is not taking any palpable action regarding matters that required priority attention such as controlling the price of essentials. Had the government taken initiative and yet failed, even then people would have some understanding of the situation. The law and order situation, attacks, destruction, nothing is being controlled. This has led to a prevailing sense of insecurity. And as a result, there has been a significant wane in public support for the interim government.

An important point here is that it is being said that the angered public are carrying out these attacks. But the angered public has not done anything on its own. Certain persons and groups are deliberately provoking the public. Local and foreign elements could well be behind this politics and instigating this violence. It is the responsibility of the government to pinpoint this, resist this and clarify things to the people. The government's inaction in this area is a cause of concern.

Operation Devil Hunt naturally brings to mind past roles of the joint forces. The record of such operations by the joint forces under various governments is not very good.

During Awami League times, there was a formula to use the courts, the police and the joint forces and we are seeing a repetition of this now. Even the language being used is the same. The contradictory statements being made by the government remind us of the past government. They should have broken away from the mould. But this government seems to be reinforcing the mould.

The people may have certain specific demands from the government. Firstly, the government must make clear what they want to do. A consensus among those in the government must be made clear. Secondly, the various political quarters, the political parties are none too pleased with the interim government. The government should take this matter seriously. No political party is supporting the recent spate of violence. The chief advisor of the interim government is not supporting it either. That means these things are happening in face of the inefficiency or inattentiveness of those in power. The shortcomings must be identified and action taken accordingly.

Thirdly, the government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination. There are indications of things that happened in the past like extrajudicial action, harassment, DB picking up persons and concocting stories.

If the government takes the decision that we will not follow the old ways, then half the problem is solved. The persons and institutions concerned must keep in mind the circumstances under which the government took over power and what responsibility has been bestowed on them.

The government must carry out the responsibility of coming up with reports for reforms. Given the emerging situation, it seems that the government's main task should be to go towards holding a credible election as soon as possible. The sooner they have hold a credible election, the sooner we will be saved from the prevailing state of uncertainty.

* Anu Muhammad is a teacher and editor of the quarterly journal Sarbajankatha

* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​
 

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

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The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.
 

The honeymoon period of the interim government is over

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Visual: ANWAR SOHEl

Six months into the tenure of Bangladesh's interim government, led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, the country finds itself at a crossroads. What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform. While the government has made strides in establishing reform commissions and investigating past human rights abuses, the promises of democracy, stability, and prosperity remain unfulfilled. In this critical moment, it is time to ask: can the interim government truly deliver, or will it fall victim to the same pitfalls that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for decades?

The government came to power with lofty promises of change, yet six months later, much of that optimism has begun to fade. While some proposed reforms including limits on the prime minister's tenure and a bicameral parliament could pave the way for stronger democratic institutions, these reforms are yet to materialise. Besides, the public is growing frustrated because of the lack of a clear roadmap for the future.

The greatest test for the interim government remains the economy. With inflation continuing to rise and essential goods becoming increasingly unaffordable, many Bangladeshis are questioning whether the government truly has a handle on the economic crisis. Despite some signs of stabilisation in certain sectors, the majority of the population still feels the weight of economic hardship. The absence of real relief for the people, coupled with continued market manipulation by syndicates, has only deepened the distrust in the government's ability to address the crisis. Moreover, imposing VAT on some goods and services added salt to the wounds, further burdening ordinary citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet.

Political instability remains another pressing issue. The question of when the next general election will take place has become a political flashpoint. Dr Yunus's suggestion of holding elections between late 2025 and early 2026 may seem reasonable from a reform standpoint, but the opposition—led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party—demands a vote by mid-2025. With no clear consensus on the election timeline, political uncertainty continues to fester. Moreover, allegations of government favouritism towards certain political groups have only deepened divisions, raising concerns about the neutrality of the administration.

If the interim government is to survive, it must address these challenges head-on. The lack of a concrete election roadmap is a major source of instability, and it must be resolved as quickly as possible. Similarly, the government must take decisive action to stabilise the economy, curb inflation, and rein in market manipulation. These are not easy tasks, but they are necessary for the long-term health of the country.

Equally pressing is the issue of law and order. The reluctance of the police force to take action, fuelled by fear of retaliation for their role in suppressing the July-August protests, has left a dangerous security vacuum. Crime and mob violence are on the rise, and the public is losing confidence in the ability of law enforcement to protect them. The government must take immediate steps to restore law and order, ensuring that the police are held accountable while also protecting the rights of the people.

However, perhaps the most daunting challenge the interim government faces lies within its own bureaucracy. Bangladesh's bureaucratic system is notorious for inefficiency, corruption, and an ingrained culture of authoritarianism. These issues are not easily addressed, and the government's struggle to reform the civil service is becoming increasingly apparent. The red tape and lack of accountability in public sector have often hindered progress on numerous fronts.

Despite the government's call for reform, many citizens still find themselves entangled in a web of bureaucracy that stifles action and delays change. Long-standing issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and the disregard for citizens' rights persist within the civil service. Public servants often prioritise loyalty to political figures over their duty to the people, and many bureaucrats seem more focused on maintaining the status quo than implementing much-needed reforms. The situation has become so dire that even simple requests for services often result in frustration, delays, and, at times, exploitation.

The reform of this bureaucratic system is crucial if Bangladesh is to break free from its cycle of inefficiency and corruption. However, the government has been slow to tackle these deep-rooted problems. The failure to reform the civil service is not just an administrative issue—it's a political one. Without addressing these systemic issues, the government will continue to be undermined by the very institutions it seeks to change. Reforming the bureaucracy is not a matter of tinkering with policies; it requires a fundamental shift in the culture and operations of the civil service.

Finally, the government must confront the spectre of past crimes and human rights abuses. The previous regime, led by the Awami League, is guilty of numerous atrocities, and many of its members have yet to be held accountable. The investigation process has been slow, and many ask whether those responsible will ever face justice. The interim government must ensure the judicial process remains independent and transparent, allowing for true accountability without political interference.

The time for empty promises and political gamesmanship is over. If the interim government is to succeed, it must act swiftly and decisively. The people of Bangladesh deserve a government that will put their needs first, not one that is bogged down by bureaucracy, political favouritism, and economic mismanagement. True reform will require more than just words—it will require action, accountability, and a clear vision for the future.

In the coming months, the government will face a crucial test: can it overcome the challenges that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for so long, or will it become just another failed experiment in transitional rule? The answer will determine not only the future of this government but the future of Bangladesh itself.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star.​
 

Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.

"We have no chance to fail (over reforms). We don't want to fail," he told the National Consensus Commission's first meeting with the Foreign Service Academy's political parties here this afternoon.

Prof Yunus said all countries -- small, medium and big ones -- have support the Bangladesh interim government.

"Once we talk to them (global leaders), they ask what you seek, we will give all...we do not want to leave this opportunity," he said.

Calling the reform proposals of the six reform commissions as valuable assets, the chief adviser said all should help the interim government implement the reform proposals.

Prof Yunus also said the recent UN Fact-Finding report has revealed the atrocities of the ousted government.

Referring to his recent visit to Aynaghar, the secret torture cells, he said the Commission on the Inquiry of Enforced Disappearance has presented the experiences of the victims of the enforced disappearance in its report.

He stressed the need to implement the reform proposals so that no one could raise questions about the next elected government.

Keeping that in mind, the chief adviser said decisions on reform proposals should be taken as soon as possible to start work on those.

A BNP delegation, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir participated in the meeting. Representatives from other political parties and the chiefs of the six reform commissions were present at the meeting, too.

On Thursday, the interim government formed the seven-member 'National Consensus Commission', led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to discuss with the political parties the recommendations of the six commissions aimed at reaching a consensus on a number of political, constitutional and electoral reform agendas.

The other members of the commission are Prof Ali Riaz, head of the Constitutional Reform Commission; Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, head of Public Administration Reform Commission; Safar Raj Hossain, head of Police Reform Commission; Badiul Alam Majumder, head of Election Reform Commission; Justice Emdadul Haque, head of Judiciary Reform Commission; and Dr Iftekharuzzaman, head of Anti-Corruption Reform Commission.​
 
সরকারের প্রথম অধ্যায় শেষ, দ্বিতীয় পর্ব শুরু: ড. ইউনূস

 

No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser

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Education and Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud has said that no establishment will be named after the members of interim government.

"Those in government will not even go anywhere to lay foundation stone," he told reporters after the working session of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning on the first day of the District Commissioners' Conference at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium today.

He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands.

The adviser added that an election is coming and the main job of the interim government is pave the path for a good election and work on how to make that election fair. "District commissioners can be our most powerful tool in achieving a fair election," he added.

He also advised commissioners to leave a lasting legacy in their cities, such as creating a pond, stadium, school, or park, so that people would remember them.

He noted that while many projects were once attributed to district commissioners, today everything is done in the name of politicians.​
 

Challenges interim govt faces
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Updated :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19

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Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame, vicariously though, for anything going wrong with the economy. Since economy is not an island functioning independently of politics, it cannot be expected to do well unless the traditional parties that were in favour of the change but not at the forefront of the uprising and the student-led political force that spearheaded the political upheaval are able to see eye to eye in the post-changeover dispensation. Undeniably, the violent political change of August 5, 2024 was not a run-of-the-mill event like election through which governments in democracies change hands.

The people took part in the bloody revolutionary political events with the hope that it would finally put an end to the old way of politics. They expect that there will be some radical changes in the political system so that they may not again be trapped in the kind of political nightmare they experienced during the last 15 plus years. Obviously, the post-uprising interim government has to meet the expectations of the people who want radical reforms to the prevailing political order. But for it to do so would require cooperation from all the political entities who want change. In this connection, some political analysts and traditional political parties are questioning if the interim government has the mandate in the first place to take up the task of, say, reforming the constitution, the election commission, anti-corruption commission, human rights commission and different departments of the administration.

Well, one cannot deny that the war of independence was a revolutionary event. So, the government that took power after the independence war was a revolutionary one, not an elected one. The members of that government comprised parliamentarians from a pre-independence legislature whose election was held in 1970 under a legal framework created by the order of the then-military dictator of Pakistan,Yahiya Khan. So, though post-Independence force of political change was not an elected one, it still had the legitimacy to form a government, frame constitution and do all other functions of a government and no one questioned it. Who gave that mandate to the post-liberation government? It is the people who fought the revolutionary independence war that gave it the legitimacy to rule and the mandate to bring about the expected changes in the administration and society.

So, it is not true that election is the only source of popular mandate to govern a country and effect necessary reforms. Question may also be raised about the duration of the revolutionary struggle as an argument for earning the right to or legitimacy of assuming political power. History provides ample evidence of short-lived revolutionary events putting a political force in power with massive popular support. Revolutionary change of August 5 of 2024, too, has given the incumbent interim government the popular mandate to carry out the reforms and other tasks based on which future elected governments will be able to present the people with a political order that is not old wine in a new bottle. That is why a consensus among all the existing political forces supporting the change and the new political force emerging from the July-August uprising is necessary to bring about the political change for which so many people laid down their lives. The sooner such political understanding is reached, the better would it be for the interim government to perform its task of creating the platform for the future elected government to carry further forward the undertakings of the sanguinary July-August revolt. To that end, the incumbent government should be enabled to lay the groundwork for building the longed-for changes. But at the same time, along with political order, the economy needs also to be rebuilt virtually from scratch as it suffered the mindless depredations of the forces that the authoritarian regime unleashed. So, of the many multifaceted challenges the interim government has been grappling with are a legacy of the past that include high inflation, hollowed out banks, precariously shrunken foreign exchange reserve, to mention but a few. How is then the economy faring in the new year under the interim government? Going by what the central bank stated following presentation of its monetary policy statement, there are still multiple hurdles to face in the second half of the current fiscal year (2024-25). The GDP growth will continue to plod along within 4.0 to 5.0 percent range.

It is yet to recover the output losses due to natural calamities immediately after political changeover, the social instability attributable to the post-uprising jolt society received. Then comes the issues of labour unrest, supply chain disruptions, shortage in gas supply slowing down industrial production and worsening unemployment situation. The government is also to continue the work of balancing fiscal and monetary reforms, restore confidence in the financial system to pave the way for sustained stability and growth. Meanwhile, export and remittance, the two main sources of the country's hard currency earning, seem to have been looking up. In the first half of FY25, export grew by 12.8 per cent, thanks to the impressive performance of the knitwear and womenswear. The inward remittance, too, grew by 24 per cent during the first half of FY25. No doubt, these developments indicate a sign of confidence both in the government and the economy.

However, there is still a long way to go for attaining a semblance of stability and growth. There is hardly any reason to be optimistic about the prospects of the economy for the second half of the FY25. Time is short for the interim government to get the economy back on track and carry out the reforms. So, it deserves the required cooperation and support from all stakeholders to complete the reforms it is tasked with.​
 

When will the home adviser wake up?

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Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury called for a press briefing at 3:00am today. Unprecedented as it was, the alert sent shockwaves through the newsrooms.

But when the home adviser began the briefing at his DOHS Baridhara home, it turned out to be nothing more than routine.

He said the government was aware of the law-and-order situation. Cohorts of the Awami League regime are trying to destabilise the country, the adviser said. "But we will not let it happen. All forces will resist it."

"I instructed law enforcement agencies to beef up their patrolling so that no such incidents happen from tomorrow [today] onwards. If the law enforcement agencies do not execute my order, we will take action against the officers concerned.

"Law and order situation will not further deteriorate, rather it will improve," he said.

Was this really something that warranted a press briefing at three o'clock?

This press briefing came following calls for his resignation from a number of demonstrations yesterday. Women were on the streets under a banner that said '17 rapes in 24 hours'. Eden College students took to the streets, saying they did not feel safe on the roads.

The same evening, a mosque at Shankar in Dhaka announced in the evening that a gang wielding sharp weapons was roaming the streets. At least two video clips went viral. One showed muggers hacking and shooting a man and snatching a bag full of cash and gold. While mugging has become unremarkable around Dhaka's residential neighbourhoods, thefts and highway robberies are fast becoming commonplace. Fed up, Dhaka University campus erupted in protests. Students demanded that the home adviser resigns.

It was in this context that the home adviser called his briefing only to accuse Awami League cohorts of the crimes, which was reminiscent of how the previous regime would blame Jamaat-e-Islami for anything that went wrong in this country.

He said law and order had improved from before and would improve even further. And with that reassurance, the home boss went back to his house.

Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press. He seldom takes questions, let alone sit for interviews, where he might be held accountable. He has hardly shown any initiative since he took office and even yesterday, it dawned on him to call for a press conference in the middle of the night only to say that there was nothing to fear.

That the home adviser is incapable of grasping the seriousness of the matter could not be more evident than what he had to say to the press earlier today.​
 

Real action needed to curb crime in Bangladesh
The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity

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VISUAL: STAR

We are quite worried about the deteriorating law and order situation in Dhaka and across the country. The severity of the crisis was evident on Sunday night when multiple serious crimes were reported in different parts of the capital within just a few hours. In recent times, there has been a noticeable increase in criminal activities in the city, prompting public outrage both online and offline. The situation outside Dhaka is equally dire. All this has created an environment of fear where citizens no longer feel safe going out alone.

Sunday night's incidents justified this growing insecurity. For example, a 43-year-old jewellery shop owner was attacked right in front of his house by miscreants who shot him in both legs when he tried to stop them from snatching away his belongings. Elsewhere, muggers robbed two women on a rickshaw just after midnight, the video footage of which went viral.

Naturally, public outrage is mounting, and most of it is directed at the home adviser now. The measures he has taken to improve security seem to have largely failed. Even the much-publicised Operation Devil Hunt—resulting in 8,664 arrests in 16 days—has not made a noticeable difference. Against this backdrop, the home adviser called a sudden press conference at three in the morning on Monday, where he claimed that the law and order situation had "largely improved" since he assumed office, and would continue to do so. He also alleged that cohorts of the ousted Awami League were behind the present security crisis.

However, while his warning about Awami League is one shared by many, his optimistic assessment about law and order does not reflect reality. We are also baffled by his decision to hold a press conference in the middle of the night—an unprecedented move—just to offer routine assurances without providing any concrete plans for tackling crime. This came across as particularly tone-deaf given that, just hours earlier, hundreds of protesters at Dhaka University were demanding his resignation for his failure to ensure public safety. Even on Monday, protesters demanding the same staged a sit-in in front of Shikkha Bhaban after police blocked their march towards the home ministry.

Rather than addressing these concerns with transparency and accountability—which the interim government vowed to uphold when it first took over—the adviser instead put all eggs in the basket of faceless conspirators. This does little to inspire public confidence. Perhaps it is time for a performance evaluation of top government officials. If Awami League's cohorts are indeed behind rising crime, this is not just a law and order issue but a political one as well. The government should deal with it accordingly, along with its political stakeholders. But at the same time, it must take more effective steps to curb crime in Dhaka and elsewhere.​
 

Mahfuj Alam new info adviser

Adviser Mahfuj Alam has been given the portfolio of the information ministry to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Nahid Islam.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday made the decision after Nahid resigned as adviser to posts, telecommunications, and information technology, as well as information and broadcasting.

Nahid stepped down from the advisory council on Tuesday, almost certainly to lead a new political party.

Following the portfolio redistribution, Prof Yunus will now oversee the posts, telecommunications, and ICT ministry, in addition to five other ministries.

Mahfuj, who graduated from Dhaka University's law department, was the coordinator of the liaison committee of the Students Against Discrimination, which spearheaded a movement that toppled the Awami League-led government on August 5 last year.

He was appointed as the special assistant to the chief adviser with the status of secretary on August 28, about three weeks after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina.

Mahfuj was later made an adviser on November 10, and since then, he had been serving as an adviser without portfolio.​
 
অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের নতুন তথ্য উপদেষ্টা হলেন মাহফুজ আলম

 

'Interim govt failed to deliver justice for Taqi'
Allege speakers at seminar

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Photo: Star

Despite being in power for the last seven months, the interim government has yet to initiate legal proceedings in the case filed over the murder of Tanwir Muhammad Taqi in Narayanganj, said speakers at a rally yesterday.

They also alleged that ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina had deliberately stalled the investigation and trial for her own interests.

The Santras Nirmul Taqi Mancha organised the event at the Central Shaheed Minar in the city.

They said the Awami League-led government was ousted in August last year following a mass uprising, and a non-partisan interim government was formed, giving new hope for justice.

However, that did not happen, they added.

Speaking at the rally, Prof Anu Muhammad said despite the fall of the Awami League government, trials for murders -- including Taqi's -- that were stalled under its rule remain unresolved, fuelling public frustration.

"We all know who killed Taqi and how the former prime minister protected the murderers. Under her patronage, a mafia system flourished across the country. She shielded Taqi's killers, obstructing justice. This was not an isolated incident -- disappearances and killings became rampant during her tenure," he said.

He further questioned why Taqi's killers had fled the country and were now leading luxurious lives abroad while the interim government remained silent.

He emphasised that one of the interim government's top priorities should have been ensuring justice for high-profile murder cases like Taqi, Tanu, Sagar-Runi, and Munia, as people have long awaited their resolution.

Accusing the previous government of sheltering Taqi's killers, particularly individuals linked to former MP Shamim Osman and his family, Rafiur Rabbi said, "The interim government's advisers initially spoke about the case, and Rab made some progress. They arrested six people, and one even gave a confessional statement before the court. But nothing has moved forward since then."

Rabbi also recalled that in 2014, a year after the murder, Rab announced that the investigation was nearly complete, and a draft charge sheet was prepared. However, the investigating authorities have yet to finalise and submit it to the court.

He criticised the decision to issue a travel ban on Shamim Osman and his family members when they had already left the country.

Following the rally, a protest procession was carried out in the city.

Taqi went missing after he left his Shaista Khan Road home in Narayanganj for Sudhijon Pathagar, a local library, around 4:00pm on March 6, 2013.

A day after his body was found, his A-level results were out, which showed he got the world's highest mark in physics in that exam, obtaining 297 out of 300.​
 

Yunus keeps the flickering flame of hope alive

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Under Yunus’s leadership, in his own narration, it is on the cusp of something new. VISUAL: MAHIYA TABASSUM

Since assuming leadership, Prof Muhammad Yunus has given countless interviews, both at home and abroad. Domestically, his responses have grown predictable, his tone occasionally weary. But to foreign leaders and media, he sounds different—more confident, more assured. He speaks of a Bangladesh poised for transformation, powered by its students and young citizens. It was their demand that pulled him into this role.

At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Yunus sat down with Gideon Rachman of the Financial Times. Bangladeshi newspapers covered the interview, but what I feel they missed is its core: optimism. To Yunus, Bangladesh's revolution against dictatorship was historic—a movement led by young people who refused to back down. Their story, he insists, must be told.

One moment from the conversation lingered. Yunus recounted a letter from a 12-year-old boy to his mother—the last he would ever write:

"Mother, you'd have been stopping me from going to the demonstration. My friends are there demonstrating, and some of them were killed. I feel guilty. I'm sitting home because you would not allow me to go. I don't want to be a coward. I want to stand up for my country. So, I'm leaving. I seek your blessing. In case something happened to me, if I don't come back, please forgive me."

The boy never came back.

Dr Yunus's voice did not break as he recounted it, but his grief was unmistakable. Anyone listening could tell—this is a man who is more than a statesman. He is the chronicler of a revolution.

Yet revolutions do not guarantee stability. Sceptics, both at home and abroad, question its power to stay. Some quietly hope for a return of the deposed regime. But Dr Yunus is clear: this is Bangladesh's moment of reckoning. The dictatorship's fall has opened a path for reform—but the window is narrow. The country must seize it, and seize it now.

The biggest hurdle? The economy. Fifteen years of mismanagement have left the treasury depleted. An estimated $16 billion vanished abroad annually. Foreign reserves are precarious, and debt payments are mounting. Yet, in an irony of fate, a surge in remittances from Bangladeshi workers abroad provided an unexpected lifeline. The country was saved at the brink. Yunus's voice shifts between despair and hope, mirroring Bangladesh's fragile reality.

Beyond economics, the challenge of political reform looms large. Elections must be held. But first, national unity is needed. The July Charter, which the students have been demanding to be drafted, could be a blueprint.

As we know, the student leaders have already formed their own political party—the National Citizen Party (NCP). When Rachman, during the talks, asked if students could form their own political party, Yunus seemed to encourage it. That raises uncomfortable questions, as some student leaders were part of his government. Can an interim administration remain neutral if its members later contest elections? Rachman didn't press, but the debate grows in Dhaka.

Then, there is the spectre of Islamist politics. India, the unhappy giant neighbour, and Western governments are watching closely. Dr Yunus, however, dismissed the concern outright. There is no risk of an Islamist takeover, he said. Perhaps. But the growing visibility of religion-based parties, the shrinking space for women, and the erosion of cultural freedoms suggest a more complex reality—one Yunus chose not to address.

The interview was not about dissecting Bangladesh's political culture. It was about sending a message—Bangladesh is breaking free from its past.

Under Yunus's leadership, in his own narration, it is on the cusp of something new. "We are a nation of young, tech-savvy people with global aspirations. Just give them the chance," he urged.

Prof Yunus is not just leading a government. He is crafting a story. He is asking Bangladeshis to believe in a different future and inviting foreign friends to be part of it. For that, he deserves our attention—and perhaps, our gratitude.

Enayetullah Khan is founder of WildTeam and editor-in-chief of the United News of Bangladesh (UNB) and Dhaka Courier.​
 

CR Abrar ‘next education adviser’
Advisory council of interim govt to expand

The size of the interim government is set to expand for the third time since it took charge in August last year.

The oath-taking ceremony is scheduled for 11:00am today at the Bangabhaban.

Chowdhury Rafiqul Abrar, also known as CR Abrar, will be sworn in as an adviser and is expected to take charge of the education ministry, said Shafiqul Alam, the chief adviser's press secretary, during a briefing at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital yesterday.

Abrar is a former professor of the University of Dhaka's international relations department and the president of Odhikar, the human rights organisation founded by Adilur Rahman Khan, the adviser for the ministries of industries and housing and public works.

Abrar is also the executive director of the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit founded by his wife Tasneem Siddiqui, a member of the committee formed by the interim government to prepare a white paper report on the Bangladesh economy.

He will take over from Wahiduddin Mahmud as the education adviser.

"Wahiduddin Mahmud has long expressed that managing two ministries simultaneously has been challenging for him. Given his advanced age and the heavy responsibilities at the planning ministry, CR Abrar is being added to the advisory council," Shafiqul said.

However, the exact number of new advisers who would be sworn in today remains uncertain.

The expansion follows the passing of adviser Hasan Ariff and the resignation of adviser Nahid Islam, which have left Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus with additional ministerial responsibilities.

Since he prefers not to handle too many portfolios himself, new appointments are being made to redistribute the workload, The Daily Star has learnt from people involved in the proceedings.

Prof Yunus's advisory council expanded twice after the interim government took office on August 8 last year. He also reshuffled council responsibilities multiple times.

At present, the advisory council consists of 22 members, including the chief adviser.

Additionally, three special envoys and special assistants hold advisory ranks, while three deputy minister-ranked special assistants assist the advisers of three ministries.​
 
আবারো সংখ্যা বাড়ছে উপদেষ্টা পরিষদে, আসছে নতুন শিক্ষা উপদেষ্টা

 

This is a highly politically motivated govt: Mahfuj Alam
Victorious forces of uprising running state affairs, says the info adviser

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Photo: PID

Information Adviser Mahfuj Alam today said the interim government is not an "apolitical" government rather it is a political government based on a political victory that defeated Awami League politically.

"The forces that triumphed the mass uprising, the victorious, are the ones running the country. This is a highly politically motivated government...," said Mahfuj.

The information adviser made these remarks while speaking to journalists, officials and employees of Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) at its office this afternoon after inspecting its activities.

Mahfuj said many people have been saying why the interim government is not leaving quickly by just conducting an election. "However, what many have forgotten is that this government is one that has been established through the blood of many martyrs of uprising."

"The government may seem 'apolitical' due to the presence of technocrats and many other people, but in reality, it is a political one because it stands on a political victory. We are here following the political defeat of Awami League."

"In general, the goal of any political government is to serve its party, but we are fortunate here that this government does not have to serve any particular party rather it serves all the people regardless of their beliefs, ideologies and religions," said Mahfuj.

Addressing the current challenges faced by the government, the adviser said, "We are facing an 'information war' both from within the country and from external sources, including India. We are in a state of war."

"Many of us may think we are relaxed, but those who were defeated are not relaxed -- especially in terms of fighting through information," he said.

BSS, as the national news agency, is not only responsible for providing information to local media but it also serves as a benchmark for news dissemination, with global media outlets often quoting its reports.

"So, how BSS presents news actually represents Bangladesh," said the information adviser expecting the agency's responsible role in portraying the country accurately on the global stage.

The adviser assured the BSS authority of providing all-out support to develop its quality as a news agency. "Another point of my visit to ministry's affiliated institutions is to hear your needs... What kind of work you want to do that may be held back by bureaucratic complexities," he added.

"People recognise BSS as the government's spokesperson, and thus, like other countries' agencies, it is expected that BSS will be quoted as news source by international media," said the adviser.

"At least in South Asia, BSS should be an agency worthy of being used as reference. As a government entity, it should maintain the standard," he added.

Mahbub Morshed said the agency has news exchange agreement with major global news agencies, including AFP and Xinhua.

The agency has been working relentlessly to improve its quality in line with global practice and hopes to make more agreements with other renowned news agencies, said the BSS chief editor.

BSS Managing Editor Fazlul Huq, Chief News Editor (English) Morshadur Rahman, Chief News Editor (Bangla) Md Aktaruzzaman, Chief Reporter (English) Md Manikul Azad, Chief Reporter (Bangla) Didarul Alam, journalists, officials and employees were also present at the time.​
 

We're lucky to have a sea: CA
Chief Adviser Yunus visiting China and Japan

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File photo

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today said the people of Bangladesh are lucky to be connected by the Bay, which helps promote trade with different countries.

"We are lucky enough as we have a sea [Bay of Bengal]. The sea is very crucial for business," he said while exchanging views with local people at BIAM auditorium in Cox's Bazar.

Highlighting the marine potential, the chief adviser said Bangladesh has a long coastline and it is quite possible to build seaports anywhere along the coastline of Chattogram.

He said a massive change has been brought to Cox's Bazar. It is not only a tourist town but also a centre of economy.

Noting that Nepal and the seven sister states of India have no connectivity via sea, Yunus stressed the need for using Bangladesh seaports for mutual benefit.

"We can do business... The fates of all will change," he said.

He asked salt producers to find out whether foreign importers show any interest in importing salt from Bangladesh as the country now has the capacity to export salt that the farmers produce in Cox's Bazar.

He inquired about the potential of wind energy as power is being generated using windmills in Cox's Bazar on pilot basis.

Asking locals to utilise all available opportunities, Yunus said Cox's Bazar is a big part of the economy and it could be an ICT town as well.

He wanted to know from locals the impact of Rohingya influx on local community.

During the meeting, people from all walks of life gave different proposals and demands before the chief adviser for the development of Cox's Bazar.​
 

Professor Yunus’s government: Are we blaming the victim?

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Muhammad Yunus, chief adviser of Bangladesh interim government, gestures to the Rohingya people as he attends Ramadan Solidarity Iftar with them at the Rohingya refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, March 14, 2025. PHOTO: REUTERS

Never have I been more hopeful about Bangladesh—Professor Yunus is at the country's helm. When enlightenment, accomplishment, and diligence culminate, a Professor Yunus comes along. His potential to transform the nation is undisputed. Never have I been more upset about Bangladesh, either—Professor Yunus has replaced Sheikh Hasina, who was a dictator and left the country in a mess. What cancer does to the human body, dictatorship does the same to a country. Cancer disrupts the regular functioning of the human body until it becomes completely dysfunctional. Dictatorship, likewise, cracks every code of economic, judicial, electoral, and bureaucratic conduct, when a country is primed to crumble under its own weight. When Hasina fled to India on August 5, 2024, she left behind a wasteland of mismanagement and miseries that Professor Yunus inherited. Whatever his government did—and does—doesn't seem adequate. People complain. That's understandable.

The law and order situation, for example, seems to have deteriorated since Professor Yunus's government took over. Statistics corroborate such a claim, too. Attributing the failure entirely to this government is simplistic. Dictatorship thrives on accruing and abusing absolute power, as Hasina did. The country was already reeling under three sham elections, enforced disappearances, mindless extrajudicial killings, and co-opted judges in pliant courts. Justice was a commodity on sale, and anyone with money and political connections could buy his version of it. Hasina's police were ruthless to the core. The shooting in July and August last year that killed and crippled thousands of people across the country was the final nail in the coffin of the police. Police have been plagued by a deficit of trust and an erasure of authority since. They are still not fully functional. Under such circumstances, Professor Yunus's government faced logistical nightmares in establishing discipline, as it took over on August 8, 2024. The context that has created the current disorder is more complex than a leadership failure of a government having inherited a failing state.

Responsibility yet rested on the current government to restore law and order destroyed by the dictatorship of 15 years. The army swung into action with magistracy. Police and paramilitary joined hands as they gained confidence and credibility. Crime and violence didn't disappear altogether, as they never do in any functional society. Bangladesh suddenly didn't shift from a safety haven to a brutal hell, either. Yet panic and paranoia seemed to have gripped the whole country, especially following February 17, when a bus traveling from Dhaka to Rajshahi faced robbery, followed by the alleged rape of at least one woman, on the Dhaka-Tangail highway. As the news surfaced on electronic and print portals, the nation cringed in fear and repulsion. BBC (Bangla) followed up on the news immediately, as it claimed that no one saw anyone being raped. A passenger onboard the bus informed BBC that a woman may have been raped, as they heard her screaming. Prothom Alo published an investigative report on the news on February 27, having talked to the lady, who was apparently the rape victim. She was not raped on the bus that night, she confirmed. She blamed the media for spreading false news. The government had to bear the brunt of carefully crafted propaganda, anyway.

Why did our media go gaga on this piece of news, when they knew that misinformation from and beyond Bangladesh by the agents of the fallen regime smacked of the renewal of fascism? Our press apparently seems free following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. Unfiltered news, along with misleading and sensational headlines even from frontline news portals, have also been alarmingly on the rise recently. What gets printed and telecast contributes to manufacturing consent. Some news portals, for example, have already attempted to prove that Professor Yunus's government is Islamist, so the frequency of attacks on the people of the minority has increased during his tenure.

Subho Basu, an associate professor of History and Classical Studies at McGill University, discredited such a complaint upfront, as he claimed in his interview with The New Yorker in August 2024, "he [Professor Yunus] had nothing to do with Islamism." He further claimed that minorities are always targeted in South Asia, when there is upheaval. Because the Sheikh Hasina regime was identified with India, and a significant percentage of the minority are the supporters of the fallen regime that also had leaders at the local levels from the minority community, targeting supporters and leaders of the fallen regime has gained a communal slant, which some right-wing media in India have magnified, he claims. This government is not complicit in minority repression whatsoever, but the governments that preceded it were.

Any attempt to whitewash a government, including Professor Yunus's government, is infantile—angels and prophets have never run a government. Blaming the government for everything is impulsive, too. This government is the outcome of a revolution. Following a revolution, as history teaches us, people's expectations soar. Chaos erupts. Uncertainties loom. Pessimism grips. And a post-revolution government totters. Professor Yunus's government has been through this typical phase. It's not a weak government, as it is popularly dubbed. Its strength is fortitude. Its skill is negotiation. Almost everyone seems to have a demand following Hasina's departure (I have a demand, too. Where is a commission on education, Professor Yunus?), and they want their demand fulfilled immediately. They reach the government following protests and road blockades. The government negotiates and settles. However disruptive the hundreds of protests the government has had to face already, this is democracy in action. Suppressing it is fascistic. Attendant chaos towards democracy is inevitable, as Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci famously said, "The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: Now is the time of monsters." If we are frightened by the monsters around us, it's not pathological. Most of them are, however, the harbingers of hope and healing for the reformed Bangladesh in the times ahead.

Some of these monsters are not agents of hope and healing, unfortunately. Dictators depart and die, but their legacy lingers. The more chronic a dictatorship is, the more expansive and intractable it is. Having ruled for 15 years, Hasina left the country upended. Hasina was psychologically deranged. Leading a country was not her call. In the worst-case scenario, someone of Hasina's class and calibre could have been someone else's personal problem. She must never have been allowed to become a national problem. Because she was, the crisis is intergenerational and transnational. A family, for example, that lost someone or had someone with life-altering injuries in the July Revolution (approximately 1,400 people were killed and thousands were injured, the UN Fact-Finding Report, published in February 2025, confirmed) will have to endure the loss for generations. Our relationship with India is a political bloody shirt that triggers statements and actions from both sides as if we are eternal enemies. It's apparently clear that our ties with India during Hasina's regime were lopsided and un-examined to create an impression that Bangladesh was India's vassal state. Some monsters use these fault lines to destabilise Bangladesh, which is not yet on an even keel since Hasina's departure. False-flag movements and mobs are Hasina's ghost re-surfaced. Professor Yunus's government is more helpless than responsible in such situations.

Bangladesh has been through a phase of transition, so the situations are often volatile—sometimes, even dispiriting. Frustrated, we forget that Professor Yunus's government has been through hell already, but it's still active and advancing. He is focused on his agendas, mainly the reforms. His clean-up crew (who we euphemistically call the advisers) are honest and diligent. I'm not convinced we would run from this crisis to a catastrophe. What distracts me is that some zombie politicians remind us—every day, after every nanosecond—that this is not an elected government. It is! The uprising was the election. Blood was the vote. Thinking otherwise is suicidal, for it undermines the government and belies the spirit of the uprising, along with causing tensions for the people to own the government and the government to own the people. This is NOT a placeholder government. It is a government as independent and empowered as any elected government is. While nitpicking on Professor Yunus's government is rational, cooperating with it is ethical and patriotic. His faults and failures are often not the results of his decisions and actions. He is a victim, as we all are—were—because of the buggers and muggers Hasina left the country with.

Believing in Professor Yunus's abilities, therefore, seems sensible. That's what Professor Amartya Sen reminds us in his recent interview with the PTI, "I have great confidence in Yunus' abilities." So do we!

Dr Mohammad Shamsuzzaman is associate professor at the Department of English and Modern Languages in North South University (NSU).​
 

Anyone now can criticise govt without fear: Touhid

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Photo: BSS/File

Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain yesterday said that one of the successes of the interim government is that anyone can now criticize it freely.

He acknowledged that the government frequently faces criticism regarding its performance.

"Could you have criticised the government in power a year ago or even eight months ago as freely as you can today? If nothing else, this government has achieved at least this: anyone can criticise without fear. This is the essence of democracy," said Touhid.

He was speaking at the 27th anniversary celebration of the Diplomatic Correspondents' Association, Bangladesh (DCAB) at a city hotel yesterday.

Foreign diplomats, political leaders, and journalists attended the event.

Touhid said that Bangladesh is currently undergoing a critical phase. In line with the people's aspirations, the government is striving to implement reforms.

While he could not guarantee that the interim government would fulfill all the people's aspirations, he noted that it is working to establish a path toward a democratic and discrimination-free society.

He further explained that some reforms must be completed before the elections, while others will continue after. The government is committed to implementing these reforms swiftly to ensure timely elections and the smooth transfer of power to the elected government.

The event was attended by Foreign Secretary Jashim Uddin, BNP Standing Committee member Amir Khhasru Mahmud Chowdhury, BIMSTEC Secretary General Indra Mani Pandey, Indian High Commissioner Pranay Verma, Chinese Ambassador Yao Wen, EU Ambassador Michael Miller, UN Resident Coordinator Gwyn Lewis, senior journalists, officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Chief Adviser's Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder, and DCAB members.

DCAB President AKM Moinuddin and General Secretary Arifuzzaman Mamun also addressed the event.​
 

How concerned should interim govt be about Tulsi’s remarks on 'minority persecution'?
Hasan Ferdous
New York
Published: 22 Mar 2025, 20: 30

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Tulsi Gabbard Reuters

US National Security Director Tulsi Gabbard made comments about the persecution of minorities and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh during a journalist’s question in Delhi. These remarks have sparked significant discussion in the media of both countries.

Indian media has long portrayed Bangladesh as a fundamentalist and pro-Pakistan state, aligning with the Indian administration’s stance on Professor Muhammad Yunus’ government. For them, Tulsi’s comments are like striking gold. One newspaper even commented that Professor Yunus’ government is trembling with fear due to Tulsi's remarks.

However, Tulsi Gabbard did not say anything that President Trump or a White House spokesperson hadn’t stated before. In a written comment to Prothom Alo, Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at Washington’s Wilson Center, described Tulsi’s comments as "familiar and old."

"Tulsi Gabbard herself stated that the issue of religious minorities in Bangladesh has been a longstanding concern. The key word here is 'longstanding' (Tulsi’s own term). Yet critics of Bangladesh’s interim government have used her remarks to condemn this government," Kugelman explained.

For a long time, the US has criticised Bangladesh for human rights violations against minorities. Just a week before leaving office, former President Joe Biden expressed not just concern but warned that the Yunus government would be held accountable for any violence against minorities.

Kugelman told Prothom Alo, "US concern over minorities in Bangladesh is not new. During Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, the US has expressed this concern on multiple occasions. Over a decade ago, the US administration expressed worry over how rising religious extremism under Hasina’s rule endangered minorities and progressive groups."

In 2015, during Sheikh Hasina’s government, at least five 'secular bloggers' and publishers were killed in attacks by extremists. The US condemned these incidents and announced plans to offer political asylum to bloggers facing threats.

Kugelman believes, "Some may conclude that the Trump administration will align with India’s stance on Bangladesh, based on Tulsi Gabbard’s remarks. However, I think Tulsi’s comments are not just about the Yunus government but also refer to multiple governments in Bangladesh’s history, including India’s favored Awami League government."

Sheikh Hasina and her supporters abroad had hoped that Donald Trump would take action against Professor Yunus’ interim government. Previously, Trump had expressed concern over reports of minority persecution in Bangladesh in a comment on his 'X' handle. Indian media at the time amplified this statement with equally sensational coverage.

Supporters of the past Sheikh Hasina government, living abroad, were most excited by this Indian media coverage. During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s mid-February visit to Washington, these supporters welcomed him with large placards and banners, expecting Modi to help secure US sanctions against Bangladesh during his meeting with Trump.

However, this did not happen. Instead, President Trump directly dismissed claims by an Indian journalist that the US 'deep state' played any role in Hasina’s government’s fall.

Tulsi Gabbard’s comments have also stirred excitement among US-based Awami League leaders and supporters. An Awami League leader told a New York-based Bengali television channel, "The Trump administration will soon arrest Professor Yunus, similar to how former Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega was captured and imprisoned."

Two days ago, during a routine briefing at the US State Department, a spokesperson stated that the US government is satisfied with the measures the Yunus government has taken to ensure the safety of minorities.​
 

What could have been better than the Yunus government?
Sohrab Hassan
Published: 22 Mar 2025, 17: 58

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Chief Adviser professor Muhammad Yunus File photo

Professor Muhammad Yunus took over responsibility as chief advisor of the interim government on 8 August 2024 at a juncture when extreme disorder prevailed all around -- the administration had come to a standstill, the law and order forces were inactive, educational institutions were besieged by unrest and public life had been pitched into uncertainty.

Muhammad Yunus had been undergoing treatment at a hospital in Paris on 5 August when the Awami League government fell in face of a student-mass uprising. He had no idea that he would be taking over responsibility of running the country. The student leaders contacted him for the first time that evening.

Could there have been any alternative to Muhammad Yunus as chief advisor? Could anyone else bring the conflicting parties to one table?

After repeated requests from the student leaders he finally acquiesced to take over responsibility of the government. A detailed description of the interaction with Professor Yunus from Dhaka appears in Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain's book, 'July: Matribhumi Othoba Mrityu', published by Prothoma Prokashon.

The student leaders had made a right move that day. At that moment of uncertainty, the country needed a person who had the trust of the majority of the people in the country and who also had unquestionable credibility on an international level. It is also doubtful whether the political parties, who had an active role in the movement, would have accepted anyone else other than Professor Yunus.

Now seven months on, we have to review the success and failures of the interim government in context of our socioeconomic and political realities. We also have to keep in mind what our elected and unelected governments did in the past.

Bangladesh is the world's most densely populated country. No other country has around 180 million people living in an area of 56,000 square miles. The poverty rate here is 18 per cent, 30 per cent of the people are deprived of education, the number of landless and homeless is on a steady rise, and the gap between the rich and the poor is widening.

An elected government comes to power for a five-year term. It is easy for them to take up short, mid and long-term plans. That is not possible on the part of an interim government. And on top of that, when the Yunus government took over power, law and order was in shambles.

Under the circumstances, the first and foremost responsibility of the interim government was to normalise the law and order situation. The second task was to restore order to the economy and take control of the market. The government has been somewhat successful in the latter. It has been possible to restore order to the banking sector which the previous government had taken to the brink of disaster.

Muhammad Yunus formed his government mostly with persons who had been outside politics and the administration. Naturally they met with obstacles at every step in running the administration and they are still struggling. Due to age and experience, the performance of all the members of the advisory council is not the same. While some are active in running their ministries, others have shortcomings, it is felt.

Muhammad Yunus has admitted that he and most of the advisors in his government have no experience in running the country. If any ministry functions well, the concerned advisor can take credit, and is doing so too. But if any ministry is not up to the mark, the responsibility falls on the government, to be more precise, on the chief advisor.

Many quarters complain that the government is not running the country properly. That is not a baseless contention. The inactivity of certain advisors is irksome. But the question is, could there have been any alternative to Muhammad Yunus as chief advisor? Could anyone else bring the conflicting parties to one table?

The big challenge for the interim government was to bring the various parties and quarters who had taken part in the movement, to one table. They have managed to do so more or else successfully. Albeit late, the national consensus commission has begun talks with the political parties.
The armed forces had a role to play, directly or indirectly, in the previous political changes that transpired in Bangladesh. The difference is, while the army had a positive role in the 5 August changeover, they did not interfere in the civil administration.

Chief of army staff Waker-Uz-Zaman repeatedly said they had no wish to come to power. It is also doubtful whether the civil government would get this continued support from the army had Muhammad Yunus not ben there. Even so, there are all sorts of propaganda and provocations aimed at the army and the army chief. Some are attempting to place the army and the interim government in confrontation. Such moves can push the country towards further instability.

The Nobel laureate for peace Muhammad Yunus had caught international attention too. In September last year, while joining the UN General Assembly, Professor Muhammad Yunus met with the heads of government and states of 12 countries, including the US president at the time Joe Biden, and the heads of various international agencies. He also took part in 40 high level meetings. The visit of UN secretary general to Bangladesh Antonio Guterres will hopefully play a positive role in bringing the nearly obscured Rohingya problem back to the attention of the world.

After coming to power, the interim government had to face several unwarranted situations. One was the floods in the eastern region of the country that wiped out vast expanses of crops. The market had been restive for quite a few months and now things are normalising. The prices of essentials during Ramzan are in control, unlike the previous years. The food stock is satisfactory too.

Despite these successes, the law and order situation remains a matter of public concern. There are incidents of robbery, mugging, killing and rape. Mob violence is a new phenomenon since after 5 August.

During the rule of Awami League, innocent people would be tagged with the BNP-Jamaat label and oppressed. After the uprising, the ire of the students and the common people was directed towards many ministers, MPs and leaders of the fallen Awami League government and their homes were attacked and damaged. And many innocent people were tagged as accomplices of the autocrats and their houses, offices and business establishments were attacked. In some places the religious minorities were victimised too. If anyone commits a crime, it is the duty of a citizen to hand him over to the law enforcement. But if that is not done and law is taken into one's own hands in the name of student leadership or anyone else, extreme disorder breaks out in society. I feel it is a failure of the government not to be able to take firm action in this regard.

The interim government had delineated three broad objectives -- the trial of the killings and torture that took place during the July uprising, state reforms to prevent a return of an autocratic system, and free and fair elections to establish democratic governance. But unless they can fix the law and order situation and if mob violence continues, it is not likely that any of these objectives can be reached.

So the government must be sterner in protecting the lives and property of each and every citizen. They have to change the old manner of responding to the exaggerations of foreign quarters about security of the minorities. The government must create an environment where no one can find scope for complaint. They must also remain alert against communal instigators within and outside the country.

Despite many limitations, there are two positive aspects of the Muhammad Yunus government that need to be mentioned. One is, teamwork or integrated programmes. Almost all the previous governments were individual-centric -- nothing would move without the head of the government. The advisors of the interim government run their ministries independently. Secondly, no matter what criticism there may be against the advisors of this government, till date there have been no allegations of corruption against them. That is of colossal importance in the socioeconomic structure of Bangladesh.

* Sohrab Hassan is joint editor of Prothom Alo and a poet

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​
 

Interim government takes 4 legal steps to stop administrations from blocking internet access again
Published :
Apr 07, 2025 23:20
Updated :
Apr 07, 2025 23:20

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The interim government is taking legal steps to prevent any future administration from shutting down internet services in Bangladesh, said Faiz Ahmad Taiyeb, the chief advisor’s special assistant on posts, telecommunications and ICT affairs, reports bdnews24.com.

Speaking to reporters at a briefing on Monday, following the first day of the investment summit, he said four specific measures were being implemented in response to concerns raised by young entrepreneurs and investors.

“In response to a question about internet shutdowns, we have stated our clear position,” Faiz said.

“The chief advisor has instructed that internet access must never be suspended. We’ve learnt from the July Uprising, when the shutdown affected freelancers and businesspeople, and even led to a downgrade in Bangladesh’s banking credit rating.”

He continued: “Based on that experience, the interim government has decided it will never impose an internet shutdown. We are also implementing safeguards so that future governments cannot do so either. We’ve outlined four such steps.”

The first step, according to Faiz, is to recognise internet access as a citizen’s right in the upcoming Cyber Safety Ordinance.

“We’re planning to pass the ordinance this week or next, and it will include internet access as a recognised right of the people — which was a major demand from our investors,” he said.

As the second step, Faiz announced the cancellation of the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) that allowed the ministry to initiate shutdowns.

The third step relates to the government’s new non-geostationary orbit (NGSO) guidelines, drawn up during Starlink’s registration process.

“There is no provision in that framework for the government to suspend internet access,” Faiz said.

The final step, he said, involves amending the Telecommunications Act to remove the power to shut down internet or gateway services.

“The clause in the 2001 Telecommunications Act that allowed such actions is being revised. Once amended, it will no longer be legally possible for any future government to suspend internet access.”

He added: “We’ve tried to present investor and business concerns around internet shutdowns in the clearest possible terms.”

PERSONAL DATA PROTECTION LAW DRAFT DUE IN MAY

Faiz also addressed concerns about the Personal Data Protection Act, assuring that a full draft would be made public by May.

“There were questions about the Data Protection Act. We clarified that any business group which hasn’t received the draft yet will get it by April,” he said.

“You know it has been available online over the past two weeks, and we have sent it to select business communities, including the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) and financial law professionals,” he added.

Their feedback is now being reviewed.

“The law will be updated based on their opinions, and the draft will be published online again by the end of April,” Faiz said.

“We have made a preliminary commitment to the young entrepreneurs and investors that the draft will be fully open for public consultation by May.”​
 

Khalilur Rahman appointed as National Security Adviser
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Apr 09, 2025 21:22
Updated :
Apr 09, 2025 22:09

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Chief Adviser’s High Representative on Rohingya and Priority Issues Dr Khalilur Rahman has been appointed as the National Security Adviser.

The Cabinet Division issued a notification on Wednesday in this regard, according to local news portals.

Dr Khalilur Rahman will perform as National Security Adviser by assisting the chief adviser in accomplishing duties related to the Ministry of Defence along with his existing responsibilities as the chief adviser’s high representative.

Through the notification, the designation of Khalilur Rahman has been revised to ‘National Security Adviser and High Representative on Rohingya Issues.’​
 

Global confidence in Bangladesh growing, says Prof Yunus
UNB
Published :
May 20, 2025 21:57
Updated :
May 20, 2025 21:57

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Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Tuesday said global confidence in Bangladesh is growing as top companies from around the world visited the country to assess the situation first-hand.

"At the recent BIDA Summit, the world's top companies came to see our situation first-hand, including some from Norway. They came not out of obligation, but out of curiosity and belief in what's possible here," he said.

Prof Yunus made the remarks when State Secretary for International Development of the government of Norway Stine Renate Haheim called on him at the State Guest House Jamuna who reaffirmed Norway's continued support for Bangladesh.

The Chief Adviser spoke about the challenges the nation has faced in recent months. "Many lives were lost during the July uprising, and our economy suffered immense damage. The previous regime enabled the laundering of an estimated $16 billion annually. Loans were treated like gifts, and we inherited a staggering pile of unpaid bills," he said.

During the meeting, the Norwegian State Secretary conveyed warm greetings from Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store and highlighted Norway's longstanding relationship with Bangladesh. "You are a well-known figure in Norway," she told the Chief Adviser.

"Our Prime Minister often speaks of you with great admiration. You have been friends for a long time," she said.

Prof Yunus reflected on the deep and historic ties between the two countries. "Norway has always stood by Bangladesh during critical moments. Your role in our development journey is undeniable," the Chief Adviser said.

Haheim emphasised Norway's commitment to multilateral cooperation and democratic transitions. "We came here to show our support for the democratisation of Bangladesh," she said.

"The responsibility on your shoulders is immense, and expectations are high among the people of Bangladesh."

The Chief Adviser also urged Norway to continue supporting Bangladesh on humanitarian fronts, particularly in regard to the forcibly displaced Rohingya population.

"These are real people with real aspirations. The young people of the Rohingya community need hope," he said.

"Many of them came as children, aged 7 or 10, and are now teenagers. They've grown up in camps. Every day, more children are born into a future with no certainty. They want to go back home, but they're stuck in limbo. We must not forget them."

Haheim acknowledged the scale of the humanitarian challenge and reiterated Norway's commitment. "We deeply appreciate how Bangladesh has taken the lead in addressing this crisis. We want to expand our relationship beyond development assistance toward a broader, dynamic partnership."

The meeting was also attended by Senior Secretary and SDGs Affairs Principal Coordinator Lamiya Morshed, as well as Director General at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Md Mosharaf Hossain.​
 

Ambassador to US Siam likely to be new foreign secy
Secy Jashim quit of his own accord, says Touhid

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Md Touhid Hossain. Photo: File


Bangladesh Ambassador to the United States Asad Alam Siam is likely to be appointed the new foreign secretary, as Jashim Uddin is to step down from the post within a day or two.

Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain has clarified that Jashim leaving the post has no government involvement and the decision was his own.

A ministry official confirmed that Siam was instructed to return to the country and assume his new position by June 20.

Asad Alam Siam was appointed ambassador to the US on December 5, 2024.

Earlier, Siam served as the ambassador to Austria and was also the Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the International Organizations in Vienna.

Until Siam's appointment as foreign secretary, Ruhul Alam Siddique, a secretary to the foreign ministry, will serve as the acting foreign secretary.

Sources said Jashim Uddin will be going on a 45-day leave.

He is stepping down from the post within a day or two of his own accord, and the government is not removing him, the foreign adviser told reporters at the foreign ministry yesterday.

"He [Jashim] wants to leave the post for various reasons on his own. He will leave in a day or two … He will still very much remain in the job [foreign service]. Just his responsibilities will change."

"It isn't something to explain. Someone can discontinue their duties for various factors … There might be some factors."

According to foreign ministry officials, the decision to change the foreign secretary was taken early this month. They said Jashim was given several options -- including being appointed ambassador to a country of his choice or rector of the Foreign Service Academy.

Following a social media campaign against the foreign secretary, a sense of unease has been prevailing within the ministry, with some officials reportedly also aggrieved by him, ministry sources said.

Meanwhile, the government in April appointed Mohammad Sufiur Rahman, former permanent representative of Bangladesh to the UN offices in Geneva and Ambassador to Switzerland, as special assistant for foreign affairs to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus, with the rank and status of a state minister.

Asked why he has not yet joined office, Touhid said, "He will join when the government decides … There are some issues that have come into consideration."​
 

Chief Adviser considering resignation amid political tensions: Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 23, 2025 00:25
Updated :
May 23, 2025 00:25

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National Citizens' Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam met with Bangladesh’s Interim Government Chief Adviser Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus on Thursday evening following reports that Yunus may step down from his position.

The meeting took place at the state guest house, Jamuna, where the Chief Adviser currently resides.

Speaking to BBC Bangla, Nahid Islam confirmed the meeting, stating, “We’ve been hearing rumors since this morning about Sir’s possible resignation. I met him to discuss the situation.”

According to Nahid, Dr. Yunus expressed concerns over his ability to continue working under the current political climate. “He said, ‘You brought me in after a mass uprising for change and reform, but I feel like I’m being held hostage. How can I function like this?’” Nahid quoted the Chief Adviser as saying.

Nahid further urged Dr. Yunus not to resign and to remain firm in his leadership. “I told him that the hopes of the mass uprising, national security, and the country’s future depend on his leadership. He should stay strong and continue building unity among all parties.”

However, the NCP leader admitted that Dr. Yunus is seriously considering stepping down. “Yes, he said if he cannot work effectively, then what’s the point of staying?” Nahid told the BBC.

Dr. Yunus reportedly told Nahid that unless political parties show trust and provide assurance, continuing in his role may not be feasible.

Earlier today, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) demanded the resignation or dismissal of two advisers and the National Security Adviser. The call came during ongoing protests demanding the swearing-in of BNP leader Ishraque Hossain as Mayor of Dhaka South City Corporation.

In a subsequent press conference, the BNP called for the removal of advisers Mahfuz Alam and Asif Mahmud, as well as National Security Adviser Khalilur Rahman.

In a counter-response, a senior leader of the NCP warned that unless reform recommendations are implemented, three other advisers—Law Adviser Prof. Asif Nazrul, Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed, and Planning Adviser Dr. Wahiduddin Mahmud—may be forced to resign, labeling them as “BNP spokespersons.”

Meanwhile, Information Adviser Mahfuz Alam issued a Facebook post on Thursday apologizing for any divisive remarks or language used in the past.

As tensions mount within the interim administration, questions remain about the future leadership and direction of the transitional government in a politically polarized Bangladesh.​
 

Criticism of government tarnishes country’s image abroad: finance adviser
Published :
May 23, 2025 19:03
Updated :
May 23, 2025 19:36

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Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed believes that excessive criticism of the government does not leave a good impression internationally and can harm the country's image, reports bdnews24.com.

Speaking as the chief guest at the national round of the Bangladesh Economics Olympiad 2025 at Dhaka Residential Model College on Friday, he said: “Many people criticise us. Some even call us incompetent. Criticism is fine, but such remarks don’t create a good impression abroad. They damage the country's image.”

The advisor also highlighted the "considerable pressure" he faces, not just from the Ministry of Finance but from various quarters ahead of the upcoming budget.

“There are all kinds of suggestions coming in regarding the budget. Some want tax exemptions in certain sectors, others are pushing to increase taxes in some areas. But the International Monetary Fund (IMF) could not impose any conditions this time. We’ve reached a solution.”

He emphasised spreading knowledge in society through platforms like the Math Olympiad, saying that knowledge is a lasting process and should be used for the betterment of society.

“True learning actually begins after earning a degree. You can’t learn everything in class. Most of life’s lessons come from life itself. And you can’t go far by tripping others up.”​
 

Salehuddin urges all to work together to overcome challenges of economy

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Finance Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed today urged all to work together for overcoming all challenges of the country's economy.

"We are in the midst of all sorts of challenges," he said while speaking as the chief guest at the national finals of the Bangladesh Economics Olympiad 2025, held at Dhaka Residential Model College in the city.

The event was presided over by Chairman of the organising committee of Bangladesh Economics Olympiad 2025 and former caretaker government adviser Hossain Zillur Rahman.

Also present at the event were Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) Fahmida Khatun, Managing Director of City Bank Masrur Arefin, Dhaka Bank MD Sheikh Mohammad Maruf, and Pubali Bank MD Mohammad Ali, among others.

Hossain Zillur Rahman said economics is an applied science.

"That's why we are trying to make economics popular from the school and college levels. This year, there were 20,000 participants. Bangladesh Economics Olympiad is increasingly becoming a focal point of attention each year," he added.

Fahmida Khatun said Bangladesh's growth rate has increased by 1% per decade.

"But not everyone has benefited from this growth. As a result, inequality has widened. This growth has not been adequate in creating employment. Youth unemployment has increased. For the past two and a half years, people have been suffering from high inflation. When the economy is driven in a one-sided political direction, society regresses," she added.

While presenting the keynote, Masrur Arefin said, during the last nine months, corruption and irregularities in the banks have come to a halt.

"Money laundering has stooped. That is a big achievement. But political unrest is on the rise again," he added.

In this seventh edition of the event, five participants were awarded at the national level from among 20,000 competitors across the country.

They were presented with smartphones and laptops as gifts. These five will represent Bangladesh at the International Economics Olympiad in Azerbaijan.​
 

Eight Islamist and opposition parties to meet CA for urgent political talks

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 24, 2025 23:04
Updated :
May 24, 2025 23:04

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A coalition of eight political parties and Islamist organisations, including Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Gono Odhikar Parishad, is scheduled to meet with the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Professor Muhammad Yunus, on Sunday evening.

According to a press release issued by Islami Andolan Bangladesh on Saturday, the meeting will take place at the Chief Adviser’s official residence, Jamuna, at 5:45 PM. Islami Andolan’s Ameer and Charmonai Pir, Mufti Syed Muhammad Rezaul Karim, will represent his party at the high-level discussion.

The statement confirmed that leaders of other participating parties will include representatives from Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis, Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, Khilafat Majlis, Gono Odhikar Parishad, Nezam-e-Islami Party, and Hefazat-e-Islam, according to local media.

The meeting will focus on the role of the interim government in ensuring institutional reform, holding credible elections, and initiating legal action against individuals associated with autocratic governance. The parties are expected to provide recommendations on how to achieve these objectives.

This upcoming meeting follows a delegation from the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) meeting with Professor Yunus on Saturday evening. Further meetings with Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizens' Party (NCP) are also scheduled to take place later tonight.

The surge in political engagement comes amid ongoing speculation about Dr Yunus’s possible resignation, adding urgency to consultations with key political stakeholders.​
 

'If discharge of duties made impossible, government will take decisions with people'

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 24, 2025 18:18
Updated :
May 24, 2025 18:18

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The interim government has warned that if foreign conspiracies or instigations by defeated forces render it impossible to fulfil its constitutional duties, it will present all relevant reasons to the public before taking necessary decisions.

In a statement issued by the Press Wing of the Chief Adviser following an unscheduled meeting of the Advisory Council on Saturday afternoon, the government expressed its deep concern over actions that are impeding its ability to operate effectively.

The meeting was held at the Planning Commission in Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, Dhaka, following a session of the National Economic Council.

It was chaired by the Chief Adviser, Professor Muhammad Yunus, according to local media.

The council extensively discussed the three principal responsibilities assigned to the interim government — the conduct of elections, implementation of reforms, and upholding the rule of law. The meeting also addressed the growing challenges posed by various unreasonable demands, intentional misinformation, and activities that fall beyond lawful jurisdiction, which are obstructing the normal functioning of the administration and creating confusion and mistrust among the public.

The Advisory Council emphasised the need for broader national unity to ensure stability in the country, progress with the reform agenda, uphold the judicial process, conduct fair elections, and permanently prevent the return of autocratic rule in Bangladesh.

The interim government affirmed its commitment to listening to the views of political parties on the matter and to clarifying its position transparently.

Despite numerous challenges, the government stated that it has been discharging its duties in line with the expectations of the people following the July uprising, and reiterated that it would not be deterred by group interests or undue influence.​
 

We’re in war-like situation: Yunus
At talks with parties, organisations, CA cites plots at home, abroad since AL ban

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"There have been relentless efforts to destabilise the situation. We must protect ourselves from this."— Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday said the country had been in a state of war since imposing the ban on the activities of the Awami League.

"A war-like situation emerged both inside and outside the country, preventing us from moving forward, causing everything to collapse, and pushing us back into subservience," Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam quoted Prof Yunus as saying last night.

The CA said this at meetings with political parties yesterday, according to Shafiqul.

Prof Yunus met 20 leaders of different political parties and organisations in two separate sessions at state guest house Jamuna.

The talks follow reports that Prof Yunus on Thursday expressed frustrations over some recent developments and expressed his desire to step down. BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and National Citizen Party leaders met separately with Yunus on Saturday.

The CA observed that the 2024 mass uprising gave the country a great opportunity to turn around, Shafiqul said.

"Since the Awami League's activities were banned [on May 12], there have been relentless efforts to destabilise the situation. We must protect ourselves from this," Yunus said.

He urged everyone to be confident that he would not do anything that may harm the country.

"I felt confident as we all sat together. If I fail to hold a fair election, I will feel guilty."

Shafiqul said party leaders reaffirmed their support to the interim government, its reform initiatives, approach to the trials of July killings, and efforts to hold a national election.

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Photo: PID

The CA once again stated that he would hold the election between this December and June next year. The election will be held before June 30 and "everyone expressed their satisfaction" on the matter, Shafiqul said.

The political parties that met the CA demanded a clear roadmap to reforms, the election and trial for the July atrocities.

The leaders also said the interim government should hold trials of Awami League leaders' role in mass killings during the July uprising.

Mujahidul Islam Selim, former president of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, said the reform process should engage people and the interim government might not have enough time to implement the reform proposals.

"The election can take place after making the necessary reforms and the interim government can leave fundamental issues to the people. Unnecessary delays can further worsen the already unstable situation."

There are conspiracies at home and abroad to destroy the national unity seen during the July uprising.

Nagarik Oikya President Mahmudur Rahman Manna said "The chief adviser has said that due to Indian hegemony, the country is facing a major crisis. Therefore, he believes that the entire nation needs to be united.

"We will remain united leaving behind differences of opinion. The nation doesn't want Yunus to resign," Manna said after the meeting.

Saiful Haque, secretary of the Biplobi Workers Party, said, "This government's main mandate is to make reforms, hold the trials for the July killings and the election. The government should give clear-cut roadmaps for these tasks."

He pointed out that there was a lack of coordination among the advisers.

The decision to establish a humanitarian corridor [to provide aid to the people in Rakhine State] and hand over the operations of the Chattogram port to a foreign party should not be made by the interim government without discussions and consultations with political parties, he said.

"Prof Yunus did not make any straight comment regarding the humanitarian corridor and Chattogram port," he said.

Mojibur Rahman Monju, chairman of Amar Bangladesh Party, also emphasised the need for roadmap for reforms, trials and elections.

There is no alternative to unity among the July uprising forces, Monju added.

Rashtro Songskar Andolon Chief Coordinator Hasnat Quaiyum said the trial, reforms and elections should not be pitted against each other.

The election should be held without further delay, strictly following the announced roadmap, Hasnat said.

Ganosamhati Andolon Chief Coordinator Zonayed Saki said the controversy surrounding the advisers is undesirable.

If the two advisers of the Students Against Discrimination have political plans for the future, then a question of their resignation arises.

A specific roadmap for the election will help the political parties prepare for that.

Islami Andolon Bangladesh Ameer Rezaul Karim said, "If necessary reforms are not implemented, the nation's hope for a fair election will be jeopardised."

Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis Ameer Mamunul Haque urged the government to involve all political parties before making decisions on sensitive international matters.

Hefazat-e-Islam Secretary General Sajidur Rahman said that they informed CA that no law can be enacted contradicting the Quran and Sunnah.​
 

Government committed to ensuring religious freedom, Chief Advisor Yunus says
bdnews24.com
Published :
May 26, 2025 23:55
Updated :
May 26, 2025 23:55

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Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus has reaffirmed the interim government’s commitment to safeguarding religious freedom in Bangladesh.

During a meeting with Stephen Schneck, chair of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) at the State Guest House Jamuna on Monday, he said: “The government is committed to upholding religious harmony in this country of 171 million people. We are determined to safeguard the religious freedom of every citizen.”

The Chief Adviser’s Office later said in a press release that the head of the government had invited journalists from around the world to visit Bangladesh and assess the situation firsthand following allegations of violence against minorities.

The statement quoted him as saying: “Any journalist can visit Bangladesh at any time. Many have already visited the country after the mass uprising.”

Yunus expressed concern over alleged “disinformation campaigns” under the guise of undermining minority rights and aimed at discrediting the July Uprising.

He highlighted massive efforts from external sources, including media from the South Asia region, to portray the uprising as an “Islamist extremist movement”.

The chief advisor noted that the government is striving hard to build religious harmony in the country, adding that violence targeting the minorities in the South Asia region and the genocide in Palestine have exacerbated tensions domestically.

Alongside religious freedom, the meeting focused on the government’s reform plans, constitutional amendments and the Rohingya crisis.

Schneck enquired about the activities of the reform commissions and the proposed constitutional amendments.

In response, Yunus said any constitutional changes would uphold religious freedom and minority rights and the discussion in this respect is underway with the political parties.

“Minorities will continue to enjoy the same rights as the majority Muslim population," he assured.

The chief advisor sought support from the USCIRF to highlight the plight of the Rohingya people and their prolonged persecution in Myanmar's Rakhine State.

He said the United Nations is scheduled to hold a special session on the Rohingya issue in September, following his request.

"We need to resolve the crisis. The sooner, the better, he said.

“A young generation, frustrated with anger, is growing up in the Rohingya camps. We must offer them a glimmer of hope.”​
 

People of Bangladesh enjoying full religious freedom: Mahfuj
BSS
Published :
May 26, 2025 21:11
Updated :
May 26, 2025 21:11

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Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam on Monday said that the people of Bangladesh are enjoying the highest level of religious freedom.

He made the remark during a meeting with a delegation from the US Commission on International Religious Freedom at the Industries Ministry.

Highlighting the historical context of long-standing Muslim-Hindu coexistence in the region, Mahfuj said, “Currently, no citizen in Bangladesh is being discriminated on the basis of religion. People of all faiths are enjoying equal rights.”

The adviser said the government is extending full support to ensure the smooth celebration of religious festivals across different communities.

Stating that there has been no incident of minority oppression in recent months, Mahfuj said the government has taken a firm stance to prevent such occurrences. “A vested quarter is always spreading propaganda that minority oppression is happening in Bangladesh. Everyone must raise their voice against such propaganda,” he added.

Mahfuj Alam also noted that some minority communities consider themselves allies of the Awami League (AL) and continue to work in favour of the party.

Chairman of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom Stephen Schneck, US Embassy in Dhaka Charg, d’Affaires Megan Boldin, Political Economic Counselor Eric Gillan, and Senior Policy Analyst of the Commission Sima Hasan were present at the event.​
 

How far is the interim govt able to win confidence?

Kallol Mustafa
Updated: 26 May 2025, 15: 52

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A wave of concern swept over the political arena recently when speculations spread that the chief advisor may resign out of anger and frustration.

According to a Prothom Alo report in this connection, a meeting of the advisory council held on 22 May discussed the matters of demonstrations blocking Dhaka city's roads every day, the political parties failing to reach a consensus on reforms and other issues, various quarters not cooperating with the government, and so on. At one point of the discussions the chief advisor raised the issue of not being able to work. He said, nothing tangible has been done about reforms and so what was the point of his staying on.

The chief advisor eventually didn't resign, but the issue remains hanging in the air. It has been over nine months, but no progress has been made regarding reforms. Four months have passed since the first six reforms commissions submitted their reports, but implementation has not begun. The political parties have differing stances on the question of certain fundamental reforms. But the responsibility of bringing out a consensus of the issue of reforms lies with the interim government.

If the political parties do not cooperate in this regard, the government should clarify the matter and try to mobilise public opinion on important reforms. But does the government have any initiative to take these reforms to the general public and explain their pros and cons? If not, then how will pressure be created on the unwilling political parties regarding fundamental reforms?

Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny.

Apart from the disunity among political parties on the issue of reforms, another major problem is that the actions of the government and its supporters give no indication of reforms. The bureaucracy, police, and judiciary are all functioning as before. Mass lawsuits are still being filed against people. Mass arrests have not stopped. The judiciary is not functioning independently.

Meanwhile, there has been no significant improvement in law and order. Highway robberies happen regularly. Mobs are attacking individuals and institutions. Extortion has not stopped. Along with the non-cooperation of various parties, there is also failure on the part of the government.

Take street protests, for example. It is natural for people from different classes and professions to have demands. If the government paid proper attention to these demands in a timely manner and tried to resolve them through dialogue, then these groups would not have had to take to the streets, or lay siege to Shahbagh or Jamuna.

But the fact is that until and unless there is a sit-in at Shahbagh or Jamuna, the attention of the government is not caught. Political governments have all sorts of mechanisms to listen to these demands and resolve them. But the interim government, even in nine months, has been unable to come up with any such mechanism and so the street blockades continue unabated. The government, rather, is seen to display a biased attitude in many instances.

When the National Citizens Party attempted to lay siege to Jamuna, the police behaved tolerantly. However, in the case of others, their behaviour has been aggressive. Such bias erodes public trust in the government. Arrests and baton charges are still being carried out as before to suppress labour movements. On one hand, mobs are being mobilised and achieving their demands with minimal effort, while on the other hand, people from various classes and professions are protesting day after day without receiving any attention from the government. Criminals are being released on bail, while innocent individuals, including women and children from the Bawm community, are being denied bail.

There are other problems too. The chief advisor feels that the government does not have full control over the administration, police and the election commission. There are pro-BNP elements everywhere. It is not possible to carry out a fair election under such circumstances. Professor Yunus does not want to take responsibility for such a situation. (Various parties active, advisors silent, Samakal, 24 May 2025)

The question is, who made the appointments to the police and the election commission. Without following any transparent and acceptable process, it as the government itself that made the appointments, transfers and promotions in the secretariat and all government institutions, at the behest of BNP, Jamaat, NCP and the Nagorik Committee. So they cannot shirk the responsibility.

Before the report of the electoral reform commission was even released, the election commission was formed by the current interim government. At the time, many, including the electoral reform commission itself, had said that the reform recommendations should come first, and only then should the election commission be formed in accordance with those recommendations. But instead, the government went ahead and formed the election commission following the old model, including individuals recommended by the BNP and Jamaat.

Immediately after the formation of the interim government, there were widespread transfers and promotions in various positions of the administration. Several organisations had influence behind these decisions. Did the government say at that time that it would not make appointments or transfers in the administration or police based on the preferences of different parties? You can’t plant a tree following the suggestions of the BNP, Jamaat, and NCP, and then expect to reap fruit of your own choosing. The fruit will grow according to the way the tree was planted. Therefore, whatever the administration, judiciary, or election commission does now, the responsibility will ultimately fall on the interim government.

Questions are also being raised about whether the interim government is an NCP government or one that represents people of all views and affiliations. The neutrality of the two student advisors in the government has come under scrutiny. BNP has demanded their resignation. In response, NCP has accused the government of favouring BNP and has called for the resignation of three other advisors.

Meanwhile, it appears that the far-right groups consider the interim government to be their own. Perhaps it’s not surprising that they think that way. Ever since the government came to power, they have been vandalising shrines, harassing women in public spaces, shutting down fairs, festivals, music and theater events, attacking libraries, and carrying out violence and oppression against various minority and marginalised communities. But the government has taken no strong action to stop these acts. It’s as if there’s a free-for-all going on.

It is against this backdrop that BNP and several other political parties are putting pressure on the government regarding the election. Many of them believe that this government represents a specific group. There is a perception that the government shows partiality towards NCP. When it comes to reforms, there is a disconnect between the words and actions of the government and its ally, NCP. The excessive enthusiasm of some government figures over corridors and ports has also raised suspicions.

To overcome the current situation, the government must become more sincere about reforms and justice, and that sincerity must be visible to the public. Reforms should not be limited to rhetoric. This must be reflected in the government’s actions. A election date should be announced, and attention must be focused on reforms. The interim government must become, through its actions, not a government for any particular party or group, but a government for all democratic-minded people of the country.

* Kallol Mustafa is a writer on power, energy, environment and development economics.​
 

Govt seeks help from political parties to withdraw false cases

BSS Dhaka
Published: 28 May 2025, 16: 03

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Logo of law, justice, and parliamentary affairs ministry

The law, justice and parliamentary affairs ministry has sought help from the political parties’ for withdrawing the cases filed with the intent to harass the opposition political leaders and workers during the fascist regime.

The ministry made the call on Wednesday, in the backdrop of allegations from different political parties of dilly dallying by the government in withdrawing the political cases.

“The allegation has no objectivity”, a press release of the ministry said, adding the inter-ministerial committee headed by law adviser Asif Nazrul is holding regular meetings since its inception on 22 September, 2024 last.

The committee in 16 meetings so far has proposed to withdraw 11,448 political cases and further work in this connection is ongoing, it said.

The committee is recommending withdrawal of the political cases after reviewing the lists and related documents sent by district-level committees and solicitor wing of the law ministry, it pointed out.

It also said political parties’ too may send list of political cases to the inter-ministerial committee to expedite the process, it said.

“In view of this, BNP has sent a list of around 16,000 cases by 14 January, 2025, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has sent a list of 1,200 cases by 27 April, 2025,” the press release noted.

The inter-ministerial committee, however, acting on its own initiative already recommended withdrawing around half of those cases,” the release said.

The ministry also blamed two political parties for not sending relevant documents like first information reports (FIR) and charge-sheets (where applicable) with their case lists saying it’s the main reason for delaying the withdrawal of the cases.

“Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, on the other hand, filed a list of 44 cases just on May 20, 2025. Speedy action is being taken after reviewing the documents of the cases,” it added.

The law ministry reiterated its call to the political parties for submitting the FIR and charge-sheets along with their list of the cases for their quick disposal.​
 

CA to hold next round of talks with political parties Monday

Published :
Jun 01, 2025 18:05
Updated :
Jun 01, 2025 18:05

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Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus will hold the next phase of talks with political parties on Monday afternoon.

The talks are scheduled to be held at the Foreign Service Academy at 4:30 pm, Chief Adviser’s Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder told a media briefing on Sunday, UNB reports.

Azad said all political parties engaged in the ongoing reform discussions have been invited to attend it.

He said the Chief Adviser will inaugurate the talks on Monday, and the discussions will continue thereafter. More talks are likely to be held both before and after Eid-ul-Azha, Azad added.

The National Consensus Commission has initiated its second round of discussions with political parties.

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam and Senior Assistant Press Secretary Ahmmad Foyez were also present.​
 

Govt working sincerely to fulfil people's expectations: Asif Nazrul

Published :
Jun 03, 2025 23:01
Updated :
Jun 03, 2025 23:01

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Law Affairs Adviser Asif Nazrul on Tuesday said the government is making sincere efforts to meet the people's expectations, mentioning that the core objective of all reform initiatives is to establish good governance and the rule of law in the country.



“The government is working to ensure that future rulers cannot endanger lives through abuse of power….so that people do not become destitute due to legal complexities, that personal freedoms are not compromised in the name of civic benefits, and that citizens can live under a well-defined legal system,” he said while speaking at a views-exchange meeting on the Code of Criminal Procedure (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025 held at the Judicial Administration Training Institute in Dhaka, UNB reports.

Regarding the implementation of reform proposals submitted by various commissions, Asif Nazrul said more than a hundred recommendations have already been identified as ready for immediate implementation, and work has begun to execute them.

He expressed the hope that these reforms would be completed by August this year.

“The government has already amended several laws, including the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC), Cyber Security Act, Women and Children Repression Prevention Act, and the Power of Attorney Act,” he said, adding that amendments to the Judicial Service Recruitment Rules and the National Legal Aid Services Act are also in the pipeline.

“Two separate consultation meetings have been held regarding the enactment of a law to prevent enforced disappearances, and the process is expected to be completed within the next month,” he added.

The adviser also noted that the finance and home ministries have made several legal amendments. “The reform process is already underway."

He, however, pointed out that some major reforms, especially those requiring constitutional amendments, demand political consensus.

“In such cases, we are waiting for the July Charter. Once this charter is formulated in July, it will provide the foundation for undertaking broader reforms,” he explained.

Asif Nazrul acknowledged that the nature and structure of the current government are not entirely conducive to the scale of reforms expected by society, which is why the administration is having to work extra hard to deliver.

“The government will not attempt to amend the Constitution bypassing all political parties’ consensus,” he assured.

At the meeting, Attorney General Md Asaduzzaman, Chief Prosecutor of the International Crimes Tribunal Tajul Islam, Professor of Law Department of Dhaka University Mahbubur Rahman, Supreme Court lawyer Advocate Mahbub Uddin Khokon and others expressed their opinions on various sections and sub-sections of the draft ordinance.​
 

Chief adviser doesn’t answer, only smiles: Manna
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 03 Jun 2025, 19: 34

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Mahmudur Rahman Manna speaks at a discussion at the Dhaka Reporters' Unity (DRU) auditorium in Dhaka on 3 June, 2025. Prothom ALo

The president of Nagorik Oikya, Mahmudur Rahman Manna, has alleged that chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus does not respond even if he is asked about any issues directly.

“He hasn’t provided any explanation about his comment that only one political party wants elections. Professor Yunus doesn’t answer to anyone. Even when asked questions directly, he often avoids answering, instead bids farewell with a sweet smile or remains silent totally,” Manna said.

He made the statements while addressing a discussion on trial of mass killings, state reforms, and roadmap to election at the Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU) on Tuesday. Gono Odhikar Parishad hosted the programme.

Raising a question, Manna said, “Only one party wants elections before December – was it appropriate for Professor Yunus to make such a claim? Does it suit his stature? Is it possible he made a mistake? Did he not know that more than one, in fact nearly 29 political parties, have already demanded elections before December? This isn’t a mistake he should be making. Yet he hasn’t offered any explanation.”

The Nagorik Oikya president noted that the chief adviser met political leaders four or five times. He often begins meetings by saying he feels optimistic after speaking with politicians. “But he does not speak about state reforms, democracy, or elections in those meetings.”

He further said even Jamaat-e-Islami wants elections in February, not June. “No major party is talking about an election in June. Then, why are they pushing for holding the election in a hostile environment in June?”

Mahmudur Rahman Manna described the ambiguity amid ongoing political tensions as highly disappointing. He also pointed out inconsistencies between the government’s statement over the much-discussed corridor and the foreign consultants’ perspective, saying that it is only creating confusion.​
 

Govt should carry out reforms, trial, BNP should also step in
15 June, 2025, 00:00

THE problem of confidence that earlier surfaced between the government and political parties centring on the time frame for the next general elections appears to have been resolved for the time being at a meeting between the chief adviser to the interim government, Muhammad Yunus, and Tarique Rahman, the acting chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, in London on June 13. Both the government, which had stood its ground for the elections in the first fortnight of April 2026 — earlier, in fact, sometime between this December and June 2026 — and the political parties, majorly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which stood their ground for the elections by this December, have made welcome concessions. The government and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party have now resolved that the elections could be held in mid-February 2026, before Ramadan, the month of fasting for the Muslims, would begin in the second fortnight of the month. This is a welcome development in view of the uncertainties that had been persistent on the political front a couple of weeks ago.

Whilst the Bangladesh Nationalist Party appears happy about the time frame for the elections, there are still some ifs and buts. The joint statement of London suggests that the elections could take place in the week before Ramadan in 2026 provided all preparations were made by then and sufficient progress were made in the democratic reforms of the state and in the justice and accountability of the crimes committed by the Awami League government, toppled on August 5, 2024, and its people during the July–August 2024 uprising. The planned reforms of the state, initiated soon after the installation of the interim government, for a sustainable democratic transition and the trial of the people involved in crimes against humanity during the 2024 student-mass uprising for justice and accountability and effective reparations, setting out a situation for no recurrence of such crimes, are of utmost importance. The government, which earlier talked with political parties on the home ground on the time frame for the elections that caused the problem of confidence, should, meanwhile, again talk with the other political parties on the latest time frame for the general elections having been agreed on at the meeting with the acting chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in London. The Election Commission, which also talked with political parties on the issue, should talk with the parties again before it announces the election schedule.​
 

Unemployment in Bangladesh, root cause of Uprising, persists, says Advisor Asif Mahmud

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jul 17, 2025 21:24
Updated :
Jul 17, 2025 21:24

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Unemployment was at the core of the July Uprising that toppled the Awami League regime, but Bangladesh has not been able to deal with the problem, Youth Advisor Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain has said.

On Thursday, Asif, a former representative of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, said though employment issues cannot be resolved overnight, not much progress has been made.

“Given that 63 percent of our population is under the age of 35, an unprecedented figure, very few countries face a similar demographic challenge.”

Speaking at a workshop in the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA), he acknowledged that unemployment remains “Bangladesh’s biggest challenge”, yet admitted the state has been unable to take sufficient action due to structural and capacity limitations.

“We are perhaps not being able to work at the scale and volume that is necessary, due to limitations in capacity,” said Asif.

“Still, we are trying to work efficiently and are focusing on shaping our future responses accordingly.”

While managing ministerial responsibilities, Asif also identified himself as part of the youth cohort.

“I said 63 percent of our population is youth. If we fail to properly utilise this youth segment—I am also one of them—then we can’t expect great outcomes.”

He added that current employment capacities are insufficient and urged greater support for young entrepreneurs.

“Given our real employment capacity, we must help our entrepreneurs far more than we currently do.”

Asif also stressed the need for stronger coordination across government departments and agencies to enable this support.​
 

Another govt exists inside interim govt: Debapriya Bhattacharya
Staff CorrespondentDhaka
Updated: 23 Jul 2025, 17: 53

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Debapriya Bhattacharya, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), addresses a roundtable at the Prothom Alo office in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025.Sazid Hossain

Debapriya Bhattacharya, a distinguished fellow at the private research organisation Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), has said there is another government inside the incumbent interim government.

He said, “The question regarding the neutrality of the government, especially from the perspective of party allegiance, has become very important now. Because it has somewhat been clear now that, in fact, there is another government inside those who we officially see as the government. It is an open secret. The government must prove its neutrality now.”

Debapriya Bhattacharya made these remarks while addressing a roundtable at the Prothom Alo office in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on Wednesday. Prothom Alo organised the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’.

A one-minute silence was observed at the beginning of the event to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in Uttara.

A one-minute silence is observed at the beginning of the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’ organised by Prothom Alo in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025 to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in the capital’s Uttara.

A one-minute silence is observed at the beginning of the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’ organised by Prothom Alo in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025 to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in the capital’s Uttara.Sazid Hossain

He said, “We brought a new government to power in the spirit of anti-discrimination, but they could not reflect the spirit of anti-discrimination in economic management and reform process. The government maintains no clear moral stance.”

“The government is mulling economic expansion and standing for the weak communities on the basis of the universal human rights, but they are yet to take measures to identify that weak community to stand beside them. Since there is a possibility of reform, this did not even cover the manufacturing entrepreneur class let alone the poor class,” he added.

Debapriya Bhattacharya said that two fundamental questions have now come to the fore. One is the issue of an interim government—meaning it has a beginning and, it must also end after a clearly defined and limited period. It is time to bring this point forward: that this is not an eternal government, but an interim one. If it is indeed an interim government, then two questions, which are unsettling everyone—at least unsettling him—must be addressed. The first is the government’s neutrality. The neutrality of the interim government has now come to the fore as a major issue.

When the issue of a government’s neutrality is spoken of, it does not refer to the fundamental ideological neutrality, because a government will stand with marginalised people. A crisis has arisen in this regard because disadvantaged communities are feeling even more vulnerable and endangered. Much like during the regime of an authoritarian government, women, religious minorities, ethnic minorities—let alone people with gender diversity—are being pushed to the margins. This has become another concern, he added.

Debapriya further said the question of the government's neutrality has now become especially important from the perspective of party allegiance.

"This issue has gained importance because it has become fairly clear that the people we formally see as the government are not the only ones running it; there is another government within it. It is an open secret now that there is another government within government," he added.

Debapriya said the core power within the government is now so influential that the formal government cannot always act even within its desired jurisdiction.

So the need to reestablish the government's neutrality has become urgent, the CPD distinguished pointed out.

Raising a question on whether the interim government can even hold a fair election, Debapriya Bhattacharya said, “A real election is essential—not an election based on compromises, backroom deals, or seat-sharing, where people will live in peace after casting vote, as well the days after election. This leads to the second major concern: maintaining peace and security during the election. We have understood very well that this cannot be achieved through just administrative power or existing law enforcement agencies. This will not be possible without a significant role for the military. I simply understand the military would need to be deployed for three to four months and must begin by recovering illegal arms. Similarly, the military may need to work jointly with the local administration in other ways.”

In that case, the military will require a little more direct and active role going beyond the traditional roles of ‘in aid to civil administration’ or as a ‘striking force’, Debapriya said adding, the relationship between the government and the military has become a cause for public concern. As a result, the government’s neutrality and capability are now the two biggest questions.

“Since this is an interim government, the government should now prepare a desk-clearing list. If the honourable chief adviser delivers a speech to the nation, I expect that he will clarify how he intends to conclude his role. The chief adviser should clearly outline which reform initiatives he plans to complete, and where he expects to contribute or participate,” he added.

Debapriya further said that reform is an ongoing process. Political leaders must now present their election manifestos. Civil society, media, and entrepreneurs should engage in discussion or even protest on those manifestos, if necessary. The country will remain, the people will remain, but governments will come and go. With that mindset, the nation must move from this current transitional phase to the next stage.

“I feel it was more important to focus on the next year’s exit strategy —what it should be and what is needed to make it happen, rather than reviewing the past year,” he added.

Writer and thinker Farhad Mazhar; Hossain Zillur Rahman, executive chairman of Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC); Anu Muhammad, member of Ganatantrik Odhikar Committee and former professor of Jahangirnagar University; senior Supreme Court lawyer Sara Hossain; writer and researcher Altaf Parvez; professor Saeed Ferdous; filmmaker Kamar Ahmad Saimon; writer and political analyst Zahed Ur Rahman; writer and researcher Maha Mirza; and research specialist at Press Institute of Bangladesh Sahul Ahmed, among others, participated in the event.​
 

Interim govt committed to restoring state power to people: Prof Yunus

UNB
Published :
Aug 04, 2025 17:51
Updated :
Aug 04, 2025 17:51

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Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday said the interim government is committed to restoring the state power to people through a peaceful, fair and transparent election, as part of a sustainable political solution.

In a message on the occasion of the July Uprising Day, he also said, “To accelerate our democratic journey, dialogue continues with political parties and stakeholders on necessary reforms, including the political and electoral systems.”

The Chief Adviser called upon all to stand united beyond all divisions to confront and defeat all threats to the nation. “Together, we will build a Bangladesh where tyranny will never rise again.”

He said July rekindled the nation’s hope, a hope for a just, equal and corruption-free Bangladesh.

Prof Yunus said the sacrifice of thousands has gifted the country’s people this rare opportunity for national reform, and it must be protected at any cost.

He also warned that the fallen autocrats and their self-serving allies remain active, conspiring to derail the country’s progress.

“Today marks an unforgettable chapter in the history of Bangladesh. It was on this very day, one year ago, that the July Uprising reached its triumph, liberating our beloved nation from the grip of long-standing fascist rule,” the Chief Adviser said.

He extended his heartfelt congratulations to the people of Bangladesh whose united struggle brought about this historic achievement.

“On this solemn day, I remember with deep reverence the brave youth, workers, labourers and professionals who sacrificed their lives while confronting the fascist forces. My profound respect goes to every martyr of the uprising,” Prof Yunus said.

He also remembered with deep gratitude all the July warriors who were injured, permanently disabled and even lost their eyesight. “The nation shall forever honour their sacrifices.”

Stating that the July Uprising was a collective eruption against sixteen years of oppressive authoritarian misrule, the Chief Adviser said, “At its core, it was a fight to establish a new system free from discrimination, corruption and tyranny. The goal was to restore democracy and return the country to the hands of its people.”

Since assuming responsibility, he said the interim government has undertaken extensive reform efforts across all sectors of the state to fulfill these aspirations.

“The trials related to the July killings are progressing swiftly. Measures have been initiated to preserve the memory of the July martyrs and rehabilitate the injured July fighters,” the Chief adviser added.​
 

Interim government: How can it meet its commitment?
Syed Hasibuddin Hussain
Published: 04 Aug 2025, 08: 34

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Chief advisor of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus

Awami League loyalists who have fled and are in hiding, continue to claim that the Yunus government is unelected and illegal, and that they do not even have the authority to declare the date for the forthcoming election.

On the other hand, some intellectuals and many from the more impassioned ranks of the movement, argue that since a revolution has taken place and the current government is the outcome of a collective popular will, it is not only legitimate but is in fact duty-bound to discard the old system entirely and rebuild the country with a new constitution.

Our experience, however, suggests that this government itself does not believe it has the authority to start from scratch or to make any bold decisions. Foreign agencies and investors have sensed this weakness and are refraining from entering into any agreements until an elected government is in place.

Meanwhile, they too understand that an interim government lacks the clear-cut legitimacy to sign binding deals. Even when this government receives proposals from reform commissions it has formed itself, it makes no effort to implement them. Instead, it shelves them for the next government. That indicates it does not consider itself authorised to carry out reforms either.

When Hasina fled, the public was relieved when army chief Wakar-Uz-Zaman stepped in to take control of the situation, because a power vacuum at the heart of the state threatens national stability. Later, when Prof Yunus assumed charge under the stewardship of President Shahabuddin Chuppu, people felt reassured to see a legitimate civilian government in power.

The problem remains that even if a constituent assembly is elected, that alone may not be enough to prevent the return of autocracy, because the elected representatives in that assembly may choose not to prioritise that.

The legitimacy of this interim government stemmed from the continuity of the existing constitution. Yet, although that continuity was preserved, the Yunus government’s authority ultimately derived from the uprising itself. And since the uprising was not merely about changing power but about ensuring that autocracy could never return, the Yunus government’s legitimacy lay in its mandate to prevent the restoration of dictatorship.

The question is: what are the limits of this interim government's legitimate authority? Since the interim government was formed within the continuity of the existing constitution, it does not have the authority to amend that constitution. And because it has no legislature or parliament, it also lacks the power to make laws. However, as the executive head of the state, the interim government does have the authority to issue decrees.

The question is, can they use decrees to carry out the necessary reforms to ensure that autocracy does not return? The answer is, no. Without constitutional and legal reforms, they cannot prevent the return of authoritarianism.

To change laws, a parliament is required. Since this government does not have an elected parliament, it can attempt to organise parliamentary elections and, through that elected body, enact the necessary legislation. But changing laws alone will not be enough to prevent a return to dictatorship. Fundamental constitutional reform is required to restore a balance of power.

It is under the current constitution that members of parliament take their oath, and therefore, they do not have the mandate to alter the constitution fundamentally. Their power extends only to amendments. Fundamental reforms to the constitution can only be made by an especially empowered body of elected representatives, what is known as a constituent assembly.

Since it is not drafting an entirely new constitution, we may also refer to this body as a constitutional reform assembly. The purpose of electing a constituent assembly is either to draft a new constitution or to carry out fundamental reforms of the existing one.

That means if the interim government merely holds an election to transfer power, it does not fulfill its full mandate. But if it holds an election for a constituent assembly to reform the constitution, then it sets the path toward fulfilling its responsibility.

However, the problem remains that even if a constituent assembly is elected, that alone may not be enough to prevent the return of autocracy, because the elected representatives in that assembly may choose not to prioritise that goal.

The solution to this problem can be found in the history of our own region. After the fall of Ayub Khan, the need to resolve the constitutional imbalance between West and East Pakistan became urgent. That’s why, when Yahya Khan announced the 1970 election, he issued the Legal Framework Order (LFO), under which the election was intended to form a constituent assembly. The objectives of that constituent assembly were clearly outlined in the LFO.

That means the way for this interim government to fulfill its promise is to formulate a new Legal Framework Order and hold elections for a constituent assembly. Fortunately, the July Charter being drafted by the Consensus Commission reflects a consensus among all political parties.

This charter could serve as today’s Legal Framework Order. A constituent assembly formed on the basis of this charter would be obligated to implement all the reforms outlined in the July Charter. And if that happens, the interim government’s pledge would be fulfilled and it would be able to step down with dignity by transferring power to an elected government under the newly reformed constitution.

* Syed Hasibuddin Hossain is an activist of the Rasthra Sangskar Anodolan​
 

Interview: Asif Nazrul
Conscious effort is made not to take sides with any party
Law Adviser Asif Nazrul during an interview with Prothom Alo

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Professor Asif Nazrul is the law adviser to the interim government. In an interview with Prothom Alo, he speaks on a range of issues, including the government’s successes and failures over the past year, justice for the July killings, indiscriminate cases and arrests, mob violence, allegations of political bias, social inequality, the Pay Commission for public servants, elections, and the ban on Awami League activities. The interview was taken by Rajib Ahmed on 1 August at the official residence of the Law Adviser. Today we present the second part of the interview.

Prothom Alo: The government will complete one year at the helm on 8 August. Is there any possibility of reshuffling based on performance? You would perhaps agree that some advisers have done well, while others have not quite measured up.

Asif Nazrul
We face a lot of criticism, often quite harsh. But when I look at everyone individually, many among us are doing a very good job. Our economic adviser, Salehuddin Ahmed bhai, energy adviser, Fouzul Kabir bhai, and trade adviser, Sheikh Bashiruddin bhai are all doing well. Our religious affairs adviser AFM Khalid Hossain bhai has done an excellent job with Hajj management. I could name others too.

As for failures, it would not be appropriate for me to name names, that is for you to judge.

But we all have a sense, from Sir’s (Professor Yunus’) body language and his way of working, how much he values each of our contributions.

Prothom Alo: Let me ask a follow-up question. During the previous government’s tenure, we saw that no matter how much criticism there was, Sheikh Hasina never replaced anyone. She didn’t take heed of any criticism. Will this government follow the same path?

Asif Nazrul
No, but then some of the criticism is extremely harsh. If someone is to be removed on the basis of that kind of criticism, then criticism could start against everyone.

Prothom Alo : But isn’t there also reasonable, valid criticism?

Asif Nazrul
In such cases, things have to be considered in totality. For instance, something may seem like reasonable criticism, but if Sir (Professor Yunus) is not convinced, based on intelligence reports or other information, then taking action might discourage the concerned persons.
Some of us may have shortcomings, or be accused of inexperience. But have you heard of any allegations of corruption? There may be some campaigns against one or two individuals, but those aren’t based on proven facts. Do you hear accusations that we don’t show up to work? That we engage in nepotism? You don’t.

Prothom Alo: We've heard that some advisers show up at the office after 2 PM. We're only talking about one or two individuals, no one is saying the entire advisory council should go.

Asif Nazrul
I'm not quite aware of that.

Prothom Alo : When it comes to decision-making and discussions in the advisory council, is there ever a concern that outsiders might get to know what's being discussed?

Asif Nazrul
I don’t think so. There is no gap between the army and the government. It is for the election commission to decide if during the election more responsibility needs to be given to the army.

Prothom Alo : Given concerns about law and order and possible disruptions to the election, do you believe you will be able to deliver a free and fair election?

Asif Nazrul
Absolutely, we will.

Prothom Alo : Some say that without a more active role by the army, it won’t be possible to hold a fair election. There's also talk of a distance between the military and the government.

Asif Nazrul
There is absolutely no distance, rest assured. These are simply far-fetched speculations. In fact, some external forces have unfairly tried to blame the army in certain situations. Speaking as someone who was on the ground during the mass uprising, I can say that although the army is a branch of the government, it played a supportive role in the uprising as a whole. Sadly, some segments of society do not respect that. Yes, it’s possible that, in isolated cases, some individuals within the army may have engaged in reprehensive acts, but overall, their role was highly commendable. What I’m saying is, there is no gap between the army and the government. It is for the election commission to decide if during the election more responsibility needs to be given to the army.

Prothom Alo: Does the government have any partiality towards the new party, National Citizen Party (NCP)? Many say two government advisers are affiliated with them.

Asif Nazrul
At the decisive moment of the mass uprising, it was undoubtedly led by students, no one can deny that. When our government was formed, I remember hearing criticism about why there were so few student advisers. So when some friends of those student advisers formed a party, it may have seemed in some instances that the government was giving NCP special privileges. But in reality, that is not so.

Because of their leading role in the uprising, NCP is highly vulnerable. That is why they’ve been given extra security in places like Gopalganj and a few other areas. BNP and Jamaat are long-established, well-organised parties. NCP is not. If something happens to them, if they’re attacked anywhere, will the public forgive us?

Prothom Alo : From the way NCP leaders speak, they hardly seem vulnerable.

Asif Nazrul
In my view, a newly formed party can have many supporters, but they still don’t have many organisers or much experience. There’s another reason they need protection: NCP leaders are likely to be the first targets of the fallen Awami League.

We have intelligence reports indicating that Awami League instigated several protests against the government, including unrest involving Ansar personnel. There is credible evidence supporting this.

Prothom Alo: What would you say in response to the claim that you are distant from BNP but close to the religion-based parties? BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has expressed concern about the rise of right-wing forces.

Asif Nazrul
During the 15 years of Awami League rule, the religion-based parties were subjected to severe injustice and repression.

Prothom Alo : BNP too has been a victim of injustice and repression.

Asif Nazrul
Among centrist parties, it’s BNP. But in terms of numbers, the religion-based parties are greater. They have endured extreme persecution, arrests, disappearances, and they played a significant role during the July uprising. Naturally, we have to engage with them.

Prothom Alo : Engagement is expected. But the question is, are you closer to them than to the BNP?

Asif Nazrul
Some say we’re close to NCP, others say to the religious parties. After the London meeting between Professor Yunus and BNP’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman, some even claimed that the government is close to BNP. But when it comes to decision-making, we consciously and deliberately avoid taking the side of any party.

Prothom Alo : In some rallies, there were threats made to behead members of civil society. Yet no action was taken. Why?

Asif Nazrul
I think the police, who were supposed to take action, thought this was just political rhetoric. Taking action might provoke extremism further, and it might not be good for the safety of those involved. From what I’ve seen, the people who were threatened haven’t really reduced their public engagement. When running the state, you sometimes have to consider whether taking action might escalate things further.

Prothom Alo: Awami League's activities are now banned. Many people support the ban remaining in effect until the trials are over. But some are asking whether an executive order preventing Awami League from contesting the elections might raise questions abroad.

Asif Nazrul Those who want to raise questions will raise them anyway. But just look, there is no remorse within Awami League. On the contrary, their leader and other senior figures are claiming we committed the massacre and are openly declaring that if they return to power, they will take revenge and hang us.

Can you run a country while allowing political activities by a party that talks like this and tries to create chaos whenever it gets the chance? Can you bring them to justice under such conditions? It would create a completely unmanageable situation, plunging the country into violence and bloodshed. That would open the door for other destructive forces in Bangladesh to interfere. This concern is very real and, I believe, entirely justified.

Prothom Alo : Some people are saying that instead of banning the Awami League through executive orders, it would be more effective to let the people reject them themselves.

Asif Nazrul
That’s true, being rejected by the people carries even more impact. But we genuinely fear that if Awami League remains active, not just in elections but in politics more broadly, it will become impossible to hold elections or even govern the country. We have intelligence reports indicating that Awami League instigated several protests against the government, including unrest involving Ansar personnel. There is credible evidence supporting this.

Prothom Alo: The government sent mangoes to India, and dispatched physicians after the Indian fighter jet crash. We're seeing fewer anti-India statements from the advisers these days. How are relations with India?

Asif Nazrul
We do not want to be India’s enemy, but we don’t want to be its servant either. We want a relationship based on mutual respect and equality.

To be continued.................
 
Prothom Alo : The government has reportedly written to India about carrying out the Teesta project with Chinese funding. Was this discussed in the Advisory Council?

Asif Nazrul
Sometimes such issues are discussed in the Advisory Council, sometimes in the “kitchen cabinet” of a few advisers, and sometimes Sir (Professor Yunus) calls us individually to consult. No such major decision is made by any adviser alone.

Prothom Alo : Do you or your government ever feel pressured or influenced by Facebook users or YouTubers? You yourself once said that if such pressure is ignored, smear campaigns begin.

Asif Nazrul
Social media pressure exists everywhere in the world to some extent. These days, people can write whatever they want. There's no enforcement of the Digital Security Act, no fear of arrest or threats. But I personally do not make decisions based on Facebook or YouTube. It's possible that one or two individuals might be troubled by a specific campaign online and may try to act, or avoid acting, accordingly. But that’s not how decisions should be made.

Prothom Alo: The UN Human Rights Office is opening a mission in Dhaka. Yet, under your ministry, the National Human Rights Commission has been without a chairman for eight months.

Asif Nazrul
That’s a fair criticism. The current Human Rights Commission is almost toothless, you could say. There are serious problems in the law itself. With so many other reforms underway, we haven’t yet been able to reform the Commission. A major overhaul of the law is necessary before appointing anyone. There’s no point appointing someone just to fill a seat. But we will act on this very soon.

Prothom Alo : Some say what Bangladesh really needs is reconciliation. You’ve spoken about a Reconciliation Commission. You and the Chief Justice recently visited South Africa. There, justice was served, and people asked each other for forgiveness. Will we move toward reconciliation or remain trapped in endless division and conflict?

Asif Nazrul
In South Africa, the white population was genuinely remorseful. That remorse led them to seek reconciliation. But do you see any remorse among our perpetrators? How can you reconcile with those who show no regret?

Prothom Alo: Those you refer to will come under the purview of justice. But beyond them, there are countless Awami League leaders, workers, and supporters.

Asif Nazrul
Action is not being taken against the entire population. Reconciliation involves several concepts. One is truth-seeking, which we are doing. Second, memorialisation, for that, we are establishing the July Museum. Third, reparation. That is being provided. And fourth, justice. Reconciliation comes after these four processes. The justice process has begun. If, after that, the environment for reconciliation emerges, if not under this government, then perhaps under the next, such possibilities can be considered.

Prothom Alo: Without reconciliation, are we doomed to remain trapped in a cycle of division and revenge?
Asif Nazrul
Reconciliation is a truly valuable concept in any context. We needed reconciliation right after the Liberation War. We needed it after the pro-democracy movement of the 1990s. But reconciliation requires a favourable environment. How can you build goodwill with those who harmed you if they show no remorse?

Prothom Alo : We need a Nelson Mandela. Who besides Professor Yunus could be that leader?

Asif Nazrul
Opposite Mandela, there was also a leader like De Klerk. Look at the role De Klerk played. Mandela didn’t bring about reconciliation and the end of apartheid alone.

We’ve been studying reconciliation efforts in South Africa, Sri Lanka, and other countries. A formal initiative may later come from the Chief Justice. Let the discussion continue among the people.

Prothom Alo : Thank you.

Asif Nazrul
Thank you too.​
 

Govt ready to hand over power to elected representatives: CA

Published :
Aug 12, 2025 21:03
Updated :
Aug 12, 2025 21:03

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Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Tuesday said the government is now ready to hand over power to the elected representatives, as it has already announced the election timeframe.

“We are now ready to hand over power to the elected representatives. I have already announced the election time,” he said while exchanging views with Bangladeshi expatriates in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

The Chief Adviser said the government is working to ensure the voting rights of expatriates in this election, reports BSS.

“I hope this time you will have a new experience. You will all be voters and will be able to vote. We have discussed this issue with the Election Commission. They are taking preparations,” he added.

Prof Yunus expressed gratitude to the Bangladeshi expatriates in Malaysia for their important contribution to the economy of Bangladesh.

“You are making a huge contribution to the economy. We have to recognise your contribution. We have to ensure the voting rights of expatriates in the next election.”

Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain and Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment Adviser Professor Asif Nazrul were also present at the meeting.

The Chief Adviser said since assuming office, the government tried to discuss with the expatriates and listen to their words.

“You have many complaints, some of which are fair. We are continuously trying to resolve these problems. We are trying to reduce the complications,” he said.

He also said the government has taken very quick measures to resolve the passport-related complications and the ‘Nagorik Seba Bangladesh’ initiative is being taken to provide all government services to the expatriates.

In addition, work is underway to create a special app for expatriates so that all Bangladeshi expatriates living in different countries of the world can stay connected on one platform, the Chief Adviser said.

Referring to the role of expatriates in Bangladesh’s economic recovery from the devastating situation, he said the situation in the country has now returned to a comfortable state. “You have made a big contribution to the recovery of the economy.”

Several problems of Bangladeshi expatriates in Malaysia were discussed in the meeting.

Among those, discussions have been held with Malaysian authorities on increasing manpower at the embassy, granting Graduate Plus visas to Bangladeshi students, regularising those who have become irregular, and cooperation in the trade and industry sectors, said Expatriate Welfare Adviser Asif Nazrul.

Representatives from different professions, classes, organisations, and businesses participated in the meeting.​
 

One year of interim govt
Govt diplomacy plagued by indecision and lack of coordination

Raheed Ejaz Dhaka
Published: 14 Aug 2025, 08: 09

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Logo of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

The foreign ministry has been largely sidelined in its diplomatic efforts to maintain a balanced relationship with major foreign actors over the past year since the student-people's mass uprising on 5 August 2024 after which Bangladesh stood at a critical juncture.

In this unprecedented situation, attempts to bring balance to international relations became visible. Maintaining balanced diplomacy is always a challenge — and over the past year, that challenge has only intensified.

Under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus, the interim government assumed office on 8 August last year. Less than a month later, Lutfey Siddiqi was appointed as the Chief Adviser’s Special Envoy for international affairs.

In November, Khalilur Rahman was named High Representative for Rohingya issues and other priority matters. By April of this year, he was appointed national security adviser.

These overlapping appointments in handling the country's international affairs have naturally raised questions. Over the past year, there has been ongoing debate — both at home and abroad — over who is actually shaping the foreign policy of the interim government. On critical issues, such as the proposed establishment of a UN human rights mission in Dhaka, other advisers — not the foreign adviser — have played leading roles.

Bangladesh’s relationship with neighbouring India has not always been smooth, and there have been periods of tension under various governments. However, over the past 15 years, ties had grown exceptionally close. In contrast, following the 5 August uprising, Dhaka–Delhi relations have reached a new low — unprecedented since independence. For nearly four months, India has been pushing people across the border into Bangladesh on an almost daily basis — an act considered without precedent.

Bangladesh has repeatedly emphasised its desire for a “positive relationship” with India — one based on mutual respect and shared interests, in light of changing realities and public sentiment.

In September last year, during the UN General Assembly, foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain met with Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar.
During that meeting, he proposed the need for talks at the official level, specifically suggesting a meeting between the two foreign secretaries.

That meeting was held in Dhaka in December. Later, in April, chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus met Indian prime minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC Summit.

Amid this strain relations, China has taken significant initiatives over the past year to strengthen ties with Bangladesh. In light of the upcoming 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries, China has ramped up engagement with the Bangladeshi government, political parties, and civil society — more than at any previous time.

Despite these efforts, tensions have not eased. India has made it clear that the relationship will not return to normal until an elected government is in place in Bangladesh.

Amid this strain relations, China has taken significant initiatives over the past year to strengthen ties with Bangladesh. In light of the upcoming 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries, China has ramped up engagement with the Bangladeshi government, political parties, and civil society — more than at any previous time.

In March, chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus made his first bilateral visit to China. Earlier, in January, foreign adviser Touhid Hossain also made his first official visit to Beijing.

Notably, there was a strategic connection between the high-level meeting in Beijing between president Xi Jinping and Professor Muhammad Yunus and the Yunus-Modi meeting in Bangkok.

In March, China had invited Professor Yunus to the Boao Forum for Asia, an international development-focused conference. The Bangladeshi government made it clear that the chief adviser would only attend if a formal bilateral meeting with president Xi was scheduled.

China eventually agreed to this condition, leading to the high-level Yunus-Xi meeting in March. Following that, in April, India responded by arranging a meeting between Professor Yunus and prime minister Narendra Modi.

This growing tension with India, paired with increasing closeness to China, has posed a significant challenge to the interim government's attempt to maintain a balanced foreign policy over the past year. Similar challenges have also emerged in managing relations with the United States.

Continuing its efforts to deepen ties with Bangladesh, China invited Bangladesh to a trilateral meeting in May. This 'informal' meeting, held at the foreign secretary level, took place in Kunming. However, the foreign ministry initially expressed reluctance to attend, as the meeting was convened suddenly and lacked a clear objective or agenda. In response, the Chinese ambassador in Dhaka engaged with high-level government officials to secure Bangladesh’s participation.

On 19 June, after attending the Kunming meeting, Bangladesh realised that China and Pakistan had already been preparing for this trilateral initiative. Even without Bangladesh's consent, Pakistan and China announced the formation of a Joint Working Group during the trilateral meeting.

Following the meeting, the foreign adviser clarified that Bangladesh did not agree to the formation of any working group and reiterated that Bangladesh is not joining any alliance. Nevertheless, since then, China has continued to pressure Bangladesh to take an active role in the trilateral initiative.

As a follow-up, China is now pushing to hold the first Joint Working Group meeting in Islamabad. Pakistan has also recently invited Bangladesh to attend the meeting, scheduled for September.

Bangladesh's sudden decision to join the Kunming meeting—without involving the Foreign Ministry—did not align with geopolitical considerations or the country’s broader policy of diplomatic balance. There are doubts about the long-term viability of a trilateral cooperation initiative focused solely on Bangladesh and Pakistan within South Asia.

Meanwhile, the United States has, since late last year—particularly in the run-up to the US presidential election—been expressing concern about Bangladesh’s increasing closeness with China.

Since the political transition on 5 August last year, the interim government’s cooperation with the United States has grown deeper than at any previous time. Within this context, Washington has made it clear from the outset that it wants Bangladesh to keep its defense and security cooperation with China limited. This message has been delivered directly to the highest levels of the Bangladeshi government.

As in many other parts of the world, China's growing presence and influence in Bangladesh and the surrounding region has caused discomfort for the United States. This became evident in the tough negotiations over tariffs. Ultimately, the US agreed to a tariff rate that brought temporary relief for Bangladesh. However, balancing its expanding cooperation with the US while maintaining relations with China will remain a long-term challenge for Bangladesh's foreign policy.

The foreign ministry’s input was overlooked regarding Bangladesh’s participation in China’s trilateral initiative, and a similar pattern of exclusion was repeated during the counter-tariff negotiations. While the foreign ministry had limited involvement until April, from the second half of June onward, it was excluded entirely from discussions with the United States on tariff issues.

Yet, in April—immediately after president Donald Trump announced the counter-tariff decision—the foreign ministry had clearly stated that to retain access to the US market, the government should not merely make promises but must directly communicate, with private sector involvement, what Bangladesh would import from the US.

Despite holding talks, the government struggled with indecision. Initially, the private sector was also left out of the process. Eventually, in the final round of discussions, business leaders were brought in, leading to announcements of various purchases and contracts, which helped resolve the situation.

Around the same time in April, a separate controversy erupted over the issue of a humanitarian corridor in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. In response to journalists' questions at the end of April, foreign adviser Touhid Hossain said, "I can tell you this much — in principle, we are supportive, as it would be a humanitarian passage. However, we have conditions. If those are met, we will certainly cooperate under UN supervision."

These contradictory statements from two senior policy figures within a span of two weeks sparked debate in political and civil circles. Particularly on such a sensitive matter as a “humanitarian corridor,” questions were raised: why were decisions being made without national-level discussion, in whose interest, and for what purpose? Ultimately, the matter did not progress further.

In stark contrast, national security adviser Khalilur Rahman made a completely different statement during a seminar at the Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP).

He said, "We have not held any discussions on a humanitarian corridor. Nor have we made any agreements on this or any related matter with relevant parties."

These contradictory statements from two senior policy figures within a span of two weeks sparked debate in political and civil circles. Particularly on such a sensitive matter as a “humanitarian corridor,” questions were raised: why were decisions being made without national-level discussion, in whose interest, and for what purpose? Ultimately, the matter did not progress further. One wing of the government had reportedly held preliminary talks with the United Nations and the Arakan Army, although the government officially denied any such discussions.

Overall, over the past year, the interim government's diplomacy appears to have been trapped in a cycle of indecision and lack of coordination. Right after assuming power, the appointment of multiple individuals to manage international relations revealed the government’s ambiguity and lack of clarity. As time went on, the Foreign Ministry’s role was increasingly marginalised in handling multidimensional, challenging, and high-stakes international issues. Whether the diminishing role of the foreign ministry in a country’s diplomacy is desirable or not — time will tell.​
 

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