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[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

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[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions
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Take firm control of ongoing situation
Tarique calls upon interim govt

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Photo: UNB

BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday said the recent events in Dhaka and other parts of the country should not be seen as isolated incidents, but as a part of a conspiracy to destablise the country.

He claimed that a coordinated attempt to create chaos across the nation is becoming increasingly evident, with growing signs of intolerance among the public.

He made the statement in a press release signed by BNP's Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi.

Tarique expressed concern over the growing activities of those who are destabilising the state's stability, calling it alarming.

He also called on the interim government to take firm control of the situation, warning that if the government fails to demonstrate effective leadership, the public may become increasingly intolerant.

Addressing the rising cost of living, Tarique said if the government fails to control the market and bring essential goods within the reach of the people, conspirators may use this issue to destabilise the government.

He pointed to the associates of the fugitive autocrat, claiming they are waiting for an opportunity to capitalise on the situation.

In his statement, Tarique urged the public to remain calm and exercise patience, emphasising the importance of staying vigilant and alert to the situation.​
 

Minority communities more secure under interim govt: VOA survey
Staff Correspondent 29 November, 2024, 20:34

Minority community people are more secure under the incumbent interim government compared with how they lived under the ousted Awami League government, revealed a survey by the Voice of America on Thursday.

A total of 64.1 per cent of respondents thought that the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government was providing more security to the religious and national minority people than the AL government, revealed the survey conducted in October.

A total of 15.3 per cent of respondents think that security provided by the incumbent government to the minorities is worse than the previous one while 17.9 per cent think that the situation is the same, the survey said.

The VOA selected 1,000 respondents to compare the Sheikh Hasina-led government with the interim government, with 92.7 per cent of them being Muslims.

Over half of the respondents were under the age of 34, and about a quarter resided in urban areas.

‘The survey has found a slight difference in opinion between Muslims and non-Muslims about the survey result,’ the VOA survey said.

At least 13.9 per cent of Muslim respondents and 33.9 per cent of religious minorities think that the situation is worse than the previous government.

Torture took place against religious minorities, especially against the Hindus, including attacking on houses, temples and business after the fall of Sheikh Hasina government amid a student-led mass uprising on August 5, the survey said.​
 

Unite to foil conspiracies against interim govt : Ganosamhati
Staff Correspondent 30 November, 2024, 00:33

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New Age photo

Ganosamhati Andolan leaders on Friday at a protest rally called upon all the political parties to be united to foil conspiracies against the interim government.

A vested-interest group was hatching conspiracies against the interim government to foil the achievements of the recent student-people movement, they said.

Dhaka city unit of Ganosamhati organised the rally in front of the National Press Club where Dhaka city leader Alif Dewan chaired.

Abul Hassan Rubel, executive coordinator of the party, said that different quarters both at home and abroad were hatching conspiracies in the country to foil the spirits of the recent student-people movement.

After the fall of the fascist government of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, a scope was created for establishing democratic Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

But the Indian government’s reaction after the arrest of Bangladeshi Hindu leader Chinmoy was contrary to the national interest and sovereignty of Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

He called on all the political parties favouring the student-people movement to forge national unity to foil all the conspiracies against the interim government.

Bachchu Bhuiyan, a central leader of the party and also labour leader, said that Bangladesh was a country of communal harmony, so no sectarian violence happened in Chattogram after the brutal killing of a Muslim lawyer.

Another central leader Dipok Roy said the people of the country would favour implementation of sprits of the student movement and form a democratic country.

Dhaka city unit leaders Mahbub Ratan and Selimuzzaman also spoke at the rally.

The rally was followed by a protest procession that paraded different city roads.​
 

Cumilla to be made division soon: Asif Mahmud

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Cumilla will be declared a division soon, said Local Government and Youth and Sports Adviser Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan today.

"Cumilla demands division due to geographical considerations. So, it will be declared a division soon," he said.

The adviser made the comments during a public reception programme in Muradnagar, his birthplace in Cumilla.

He emphasised that although the country has gained independence, every citizen must contribute from their own position to make the country beautiful.

The adviser was given a public reception in Muradnagar, Cumilla, hosted by the residents of Muradnagar at the Muradnagar DR Government High School ground in Cumilla district.

The meeting, chaired by Barrister Nasher Alam, was attended by the adviser's father, Billal Hossain Master, Muradnagar Upazila BNP leader Kazi Junnun Bashari, leaders of BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e-Islami, and family members of those martyred and injured in the July revolution.

Earlier in the afternoon, the adviser held discussions with government officials at the Kabi Nazrul Auditorium of the upazila.​
 

Challenges abound for the interim government, but sound policymaking can help

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FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The interim government of Bangladesh stands at a critical juncture, balancing daunting challenges and unforeseen opportunities akin to navigating a labyrinth—requiring the ingenuity and tact of a Daedalus, not the reckless ambition of an Icarus. Tasked with stabilising essential commodity prices to tackle food insecurity, restoring demoralised law enforcement agencies, keeping businesses and financial institutions operational, and rebooting reforms to dismantle entrenched extractive institutions, it must also organise a free and fair election to secure its legitimacy both prospectively and retrospectively. This election is not merely a procedural milestone to be completed perfunctorily, but rather the litmus test for transferring power judiciously to a legitimate political government.

Unlike its predecessor, which clung to power for more than 15 years before being unceremoniously toppled, this administration must traverse a volatile landscape with tight timelines and limited authority. Its success or failure is contingent on how gracefully it avoids overstaying its welcome with the public, leaving behind a legacy that outlasts its tenure.

By definition, the interim government operates in an environment rife with conflicting demands and entrenched interests. It must chart a path through chaos without succumbing to inertia or overaccommodation. The "Garbage Can Model" (1972) by Michael Cohen, James March, and Johan Olsen offers a lens to understand the unique policymaking challenges the government faces. The model highlights the interplay of problems, solutions, participants and choices in situations where clarity is elusive and decision-making often borders on the chaotic. This resonates with the current reality in Bangladesh, where political fragmentation and institutional inertia exacerbate governance challenges. John Kingdon's "Multiple Streams Framework" (1984), a refinement of the Garbage Can Model, sheds further light on this. Kingdon emphasises the convergence of three streams—problems, politics, and policies—as a critical window of opportunity. For instance, stabilising food prices necessitates aligning public demand, technical expertise, and political will. Without this convergence, even the most well-intentioned policies risk falling flat.

While the Garbage Can Model captures the current disorder, alternative policymaking theories provide additional insights. Charles Lindblom's "Incremental Model" (1959), often summarised as "muddling through," emphasises small, pragmatic adjustments over sweeping reforms. While this approach may suit resource-constrained contexts, it risks perpetuating inefficiencies in extractive institutions.

Similarly, Herbert Simon's concept of "Bounded Rationality" (1957) is highly relevant. Decision-makers often "satisfice"—a portmanteau of "satisfy" and "suffice"—by choosing options that are good enough rather than optimal, constrained by limited information, time, and resources. This is evident in the government's balancing act between controlling inflation and maintaining business confidence. However, while satisficing expedites decisions, it may defer essential structural reforms, leaving deep-seated problems unaddressed and untouched.

Aaron Wildavsky's (1986) focus on the politics of budgeting adds another layer of complexity. The interim administration's ability to prioritise funding for essential commodities, law enforcement, and election logistics will be a decisive factor in its success (World Bank, 2024). Effective resource allocation is not just a matter of economics, but also a political act that reflects the administration's priorities and moral compass.

Organising a credible election remains this government's most significant responsibility. This task transcends procedural obligations; it is a moral and political imperative to restore public faith in the democratic process. The stakes are immense: without a free and fair election, the government risks eroding its legitimacy and perpetuating political instability. Addressing voter education, ensuring electoral transparency, and maintaining neutrality in law enforcement are critical. For example, voter education campaigns can counter misinformation, while transparent ballot management and neutral policing can reinforce trust. Failure in any of these areas could derail the transition process and deepen public cynicism about governance.

Beyond immediate priorities, symbolic reforms play a crucial role in setting the stage for long-term change. Actions such as curbing corruption in procurement or making transparent appointments in key institutions may not transform governance overnight, but they send a message that accountability and reform are priorities. Such steps can serve as confidence-building measures, paving the way for deeper institutional changes under a future political government.

The interim government of Bangladesh is not merely managing a country in transition; it is laying the groundwork for a future anchored in democratic principles, economic stability, and institutional integrity. Stabilising the economy, restoring public trust, and organising a credible election are interconnected imperatives that demand a nuanced balance of chaos and compromise. Drawing from the Garbage Can Model, Multiple Streams Framework, and the concept of Bounded Rationality, this administration must adopt adaptive decision-making to tackle immediate crises while keeping long-term objectives in view. Stabilising the prices of essential commodities, rebooting financial systems, and instituting symbolic reforms may not solve all problems, but they can set the stage for more profound changes under a future political government.

The ultimate litmus test, however, remains the organisation of a free and fair election. By addressing electoral transparency, voter education, and neutrality in law enforcement, the government can redefine public expectations of transitional governance. A successful election would not only validate its legacy but also set a precedent for peaceful power transitions, a cornerstone of resilient democracy.

That said, the path forward requires navigating the delicate balance between paralysis in the face of chaos and overaccommodation in the name of expediency. Drawing upon Daniel Kahneman (2011), one may suggest that the advisers of the interim government should engage both System 1 and System 2 thinking in tandem to integrate "thinking fast and slow." While System 1 provides intuitive, rapid responses to urgent crises, it is through System 2's more deliberate and reflective reasoning that long-term reforms and stability are planned. The two systems, far from being opposites, must be used contrapuntally, with quick, intuitive decisions informed by deeper reflection and vice versa.

In this vein, as Kurt Lewin (1957) aptly puts it, "There is nothing so practical as a good theory." The current administration must embody Lewin's assertion by continuously integrating theory into practice. It must combine strategic foresight with pragmatic decision-making to address the multifaceted challenges it faces. By posing questions, critically examining answers, and adapting its approach as circumstances evolve, it can craft a responsive, adaptable strategy that addresses both immediate needs and long-term aspirations. If successful, it will not merely serve as a bridge between administrations but as a catalyst for a stronger, more accountable, and more equitable Bangladesh.

The stakes could not be higher, but with thoughtful policymaking and a commitment to leaving a credible legacy, this administration has the potential to transform a period of uncertainty into a moment of renewal. Governance under constraint can still serve as a beacon of hope for a better future.

Dr Faridul Alam writes from New York City, US.​
 

Bangladesh at a Crossroads: Can the interim government steer the nation forward?
CAF Dowlah
Published :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25
Updated :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25

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The unfolding events in Bangladesh leave no room for doubt-the nation stands precariously at a perilous crossroads. The interim government, once heralded as a beacon of hope following the ouster of a despotic regime, now faces a rapid and alarming collapse of public confidence. While countless citizens, including this commentator, desperately hope for its success, the government's glaring incompetence and disorganized handling of critical issues have ignited widespread fears of imminent failure, threatening to plunge the nation into deeper turmoil.

The political landscape has been increasingly volatile, with surreal and frightening incidents becoming alarmingly frequent. Lawyers, tasked with upholding the rule of law, disgracefully hurled eggs at a judge in his chambers. Numerous impoverished citizens flocked to Dhaka, duped by false rumors of interest-free loans.

Angry protesters attacked newspapers for their political stances.Unruly students vandalized streets and campuses in the capital with vague demands. Disgruntled rickshaw pullers clashed with police and military personnel. Communal rioters invaded public spaces, and murdered a lawyer who opposed their leader's bail.
These incidents are not isolated aberrations-they are rather symptomatic of a nation unraveling, exposing the interim government's inability to manage even routine governance, let alone the profound crises confronting the country.

The interim government, nearly four months into its tenure, has miserably failed in its most fundamental responsibility-maintaining law and order and ensuring public safety. This failure raises serious questions about the government's ability to implement the wide-ranging reforms it has promised, reforms that are certain to invite fresh waves of opposition. Unlessthe government urgently changes course,its failure may plunge the nation into prolonged chaos.

Recent statements from some government leaders attributing turmoil to external influences, ingrained domestic interests, and other disruptive forces only underscore their inexperience and lack of governance capacity.Given that they assumed power by dislodging a deeply entrenched political regime, they should have anticipated these challenges from the very outset. While the government has engaged with some political parties, it should realize that these actors are clearly pursuing their own agendas, and their cooperation will endure only as long as the government aligns with their interests.

The government must also acknowledge that foreign powers-especially India, China, and the United States-each with significant geopolitical stakes in Bangladesh, are constantly adjusting their strategies to the rapidly changing dynamics. While the recent expressions of support for Professor Yunus by some European diplomats are encouraging, these actors are not the central players in Bangladesh's complex geopolitical landscape.

Perhaps most troubling is the government's failure to grasp the fact that unlike prior caretaker governments, which were the product of negotiation and consensus, they came to power riding on a revolutionary event that overthrew a well-entrenched authoritarian regime. Yet instead of leveraging this revolutionary mandate to dismantle the old power structure, the government has appeared hesitant, disorganized, and ill-prepared for the monumental task at hand.
As a result, the country is in a critical juncture in all practical purposes. The situation-involving both domestic and external forces-is extremely alarming. The government must take decisive and bold action. The alternative is a descent into anarchy that will irreparably harm the nation's prospects for stability and progress.

HERE IS WHAT THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT MUST DO

1. Restore Law and Order Immediately. Easier said than done, no doubt-but ensuring public safety must be the government's absolute, unwavering priority. Law enforcement must be deployed strategically and decisively to contain unrest and violence before it spirals out of control. Acts of lawlessness-be it communal riots, vandalism, or vigilante justice-must be met with a firm yet judicious response that reinforces public trust, not erodes it. Establish rapid-response teams equipped to address flashpoints of disorder with speed, precision, and visible authority, demonstrating the government's firm resolve to restore order and protect citizens.

2. Engage Stakeholders and Address Grievances. Conduct dialogues not only with selected political parties, but also with labor unions, and protest groups to negotiate feasible interim solutions. At the same time, take firm steps to counter misinformation and rebuild public trust through transparent communication campaigns that clarify the government's intentions and dispel damaging rumours spread through social media outlets.

3. Overhaul Governance Mechanisms. Establish a crisis management task force incorporating capable experts in law, public policy, and administration to guide the government's policies and actions. Replace ineffective advisers with competent individuals who can develop and execute strategies to restore order and public confidence. Make transparency and accountability hallmarks of the administration.

4. Clarify Constitutional Mandate. The government has squandered precious time in addressing the glaring constitutional ambiguities that threaten its very legitimacy. It must immediately engage eminent legal and constitutional experts to validate its legal authority, clarify its constitutional position, and chart a transparent, actionable roadmap for governance. Take the bold step of replacing the embattled president, whose continued presence erodes the government's legal and moral authority.

5. Deliver Tangible Results Now. The government must urgently prioritize delivering tangible results to restore public trust and stability. Key actions should include reducing crime and violence, ensuring justice for victims of the previous regime's abuses, and alleviating economic hardships by lowering the prices of essential goods. The government must also remove public officials complicit in the fallen regime's misrule and despotism, while holding corrupt elements accountable.

6. Reignite Revolutionary Zeal. The government must urgently reconnect with the revolutionary spirit that propelled it to power. To sustain its legitimacy, the government must align its policies and actions with the aspirations of those who fought for the change. The government must acknowledge the magnitude of the challenges, rally public support with bold leaderships, and implement a robust and consistent communication strategy.

7. Establish a Clear Transition Timeline. Finally, to reassure the public of its intentions, the government must set a realistic but firm timeline for key milestones, including stabilizing law and order, addressing economic challenges, and transferring power to an elected government through free and fair elections. It must send a clear and credible message about its temporary mandate, and leave long-lasting reforms to the elected governments.

THE CLOCK IS TICKING: The interim government must recognise that the nation stands at a critical juncture, where inaction or wavering is no longer an option. It must act boldly and decisively-not merely to restore stability, but to fulfil the revolutionary mandate entrusted to it. Every day of wavering deepens the crisis, erodes public trust, and threatens the country's future.

To navigate this perilous moment, the government must focus on its core priorities, reshuffle the cabinet with competent individuals, and hold them individually accountable for delivering results. The government must understand that it has a fleeting opportunity to turn the tide. Failure to seize it will condemn the country to chaos, and history will not forgive those who let this moment slip away.

Dr. Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chair and Executive Director of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies www.bipsglobal.org
 

Yunus hints at unveiling reform, election process soon
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 09 December, 2024, 17:22

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Bangladesh interim government chief Professor Muhammad Yunus and foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain pose for a photo with envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka on Monday. | CA press wing

Reiterating that required reforms should be accomplished before holding the next national election, chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday hinted that they could come up with a kind of announcement that month on the reform and election process.

Referring to the election reform commission, he said that there were certain reforms that were required to finish before the election to avoid old-fashioned problems.

In an interactive session with the envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka, professor Yunus said that they had to wait for the reports of the reform commission to incorporate its proposals in the election process.

‘If the government holds the election now, it will be an old-fashioned one and all the old-fashioned problems will come back,’ the chief adviser observed.

He highlighted the interim government’s commitment to building a new Bangladesh that required new policies and new institutional framework. ‘The political parties are very interested in holding the election. We are also interested in holding the election.’

Yunus told the diplomats that he was trying to explain the people about government’s two responsibilities - holding the election and carrying out reforms in various areas.

He said that there were 15 different commissions and the government was expecting reports from these commissions by the end of that month to middle of January.

‘We will be ready for the election if the election process reforms are accomplished. This is the direction we are going....two processes are moving in the same direction towards our goal,’ he said.

‘This is a very exciting moment for Bangladesh as this is the month of Victory. And this is a very special occasion to have you all together. It shows the support to Bangladesh - political, economic and moral support,’ professor Yunus said.

He added that there was a strong sense of unity that existed in Bangladesh despite some propaganda and misinformation campaign against the country.

The chief adviser also presented the initiatives the interim government had taken to reform banking, economy and labour sectors before the European diplomats.​
 

Political parties trying to prove interim government a failure: Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Dec 11, 2024 23:43
Updated :
Dec 11, 2024 23:51

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Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Nahid Islam on Wednesday said the political parties want the reform initiatives to be implemented under them and they are trying to prove the interim government a failure.

“Political parties want the reforms to be under their control, and thus they are trying to prove the current interim government a failure. They are giving more importance to elections than reforms,” he said.

The adviser made the remarks while responding to a question on reform initiatives and national election by Former Chilean Minister of Social Development Giorgio Jackson in a meeting today with a delegation from the British Global Partner’s Governance (GPG) at the ministry, said a press release.

Nahid Islam stated an interim government has taken responsibility in Bangladesh through a Mass uprising. “This is an unprecedented event that has never happened before. I am not aware of any other country where something like this has occurred. We are trying to work in such a situation,” he said.

Replying to another question of former member of the Scottish Parliament Lord Jeremy Purvis on the challenges the interim government faces, the advisor said the main challenges are maintaining law and order, addressing economic issues, advancing reform efforts based on consensus with political parties, and establishing global communication.

When Matt Charter from the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office asked what kind of assistance the interim government expects from them, Nahid said, “Your experience and advice on the post-coup democratic process and the trial of genocide are crucial for us”.

The advisor further said, “Various kinds of propaganda are being spread internationally. Many are unable to correctly interpret the people's coup”.

“People do not understand how such a large dictator fell in such a short time. As a result, there are various conspiracies happening both inside and outside the country. Propaganda is also being spread about minority repression. Many are trying to deny that this movement was a democratic uprising”, said the adviser.

Nahid Islam said Bangladesh has been facing a long-standing human rights crisis. “People could not vote, and thousands of people were forcibly disappeared. The people of the country were in a suffocating situation. Therefore, protecting human rights is one of the primary goals of the interim government”, said Nahid.

The GPG delegation assured full support to the interim government.​
 

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