🇧🇩 Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

BNP won’t offer any timeframe for holding election

All members of the party’s supreme policy making body agreed to allow the interim government a reasonable time to execute necessary reforms.

en.prothomalo.com

BNP won’t offer any timeframe for holding election
Special CorrespondentDhaka
Published: 20 Aug 2024, 23: 11

The meeting of the BNP standing committee at the chairperson's office in the capital's Gulshan area at night on 19 August, 2024.Courtesy

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has apparently softened its stance and decided not to specify a rigid timeframe for holding next parliamentary elections, so that the interim government can carry out fundamental reforms in the state mechanism in the meantime.

The party, in a meeting of its national standing committee on Monday, reached a consensus in this regard. All members of the party’s supreme policy making body agreed to allow the interim government a reasonable time to execute necessary reforms.

According to sources, the other decisions of the meeting include that the BNP will demand a judicial inquiry committee to investigate the BDR killings at Pilkhana in 2009, and that they will celebrate the party’s founding anniversary with much festivity on 1 September.

Previously, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir had demanded that the elections be held within three months following the formation of the interim government, while acting chairman Tarique Rahman sought elections in the fastest possible time.

It was learned through conversations with multiple members of the standing committee after the meeting that the party shifted its stance on the issue and decided to refrain from offering any rigid timeframe to the interim government for holding the parliamentary elections.

Its policymakers now believe that the interim government should be given adequate time to carry out necessary reforms, particularly in key state institutions. The BNP would extend its full support to the government.

On the condition of anonymity, a member of the standing committee told Prothom Alo, “It has been only a few days since the inception of the government. Why will the BNP offer a timeframe right now? It would be indecent and inappropriate. It is not a matter for us to demand, rather they will announce an election when the time comes.”

The meeting welcomed two newly appointed members – Maj (retd) Hafiz Uddin Ahmed and AZM Zahid Hossain – of the standing committee. Apart from other members, acting chairman Tarique Rahman joined the meeting virtually.​

 

[Saif]

What the interim government needs to do urgently

After 15 years of autocratic rule and authoritarian economic policymaking, the time has come for significant societal reform

www.thedailystar.net

What the interim government needs to do urgently

The energy sector has become an area of large-scale corruption in Bangladesh. VISUAL: STAR

After 15 years of autocratic rule and authoritarian economic policymaking, the time has come for significant societal reform through conscious youth leadership and public participation. Such a possibility was created once in 1972 and again in 1990. We could not realise either of those two opportunities because of the betrayal and hypocrisy of the big political parties. Instead, we saw them consolidate their wealth and create a new political class.

It is important that we remember the failings of the past, so that we do not replicate them moving forward. Now, there is an interim government—we know its limitations but we must also keep in mind its primary responsibilities. This government came to power through a mass uprising, so it has public support and responsibility to initiate some major reforms that other governments did not. Let's consider some of the things this government can do in the next one or two months.

First and foremost, inquiry committees should be formed to investigate the unprecedented number of killings and acts of repression that we have witnessed. The responsible persons, organisations, and policies that enabled these actions should be brought to justice and amended through a special tribunal. An example must be set so that this sort of mass killing can never happen again in Bangladesh.

Massive corruption, bad deals, bank robberies, loan defaults, and over-expenditures in megaprojects have been commonplace in the last 15 years. The government should publish a white paper and make public all the deals, contracts and excesses of the previous regime. The next duty would be to analyse the large amount of loans incurred—Bangladesh has never had such high levels of foreign loans. The people of Bangladesh are yet to fully realise the steep amount they will need to repay as a result of these incredibly expensive contracts, since the deals were never made public. Moving forward, we must demand full disclosure of each loan or contract signed by our government, as the burden for paying them will fall on us.

Then there are the megaprojects, which have been touted as the achievements of the government; yet many of them are actually disastrous, unreliable, and risk-prone, threatening the security of the country. It is essential for this government to review these megaprojects. One of the most prominent ones is the Rampal project which has the potential to destroy the Sundarbans, the largest mangrove forest in the world that also acts as a protective barrier against natural disasters. Enough national and international research has been conducted by experts clearly highlighting the dangerous impact of these projects. Moreover, there has been a decade-long people's movement against this project with support being attained from every section of society.

There is also the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, which poses an existential threat. It is unusual to find a nuclear power plant in such a densely populated place filled with forests and rivers. If the risk of such a nuclear plant were ever to become a reality, the lives of tens of millions of people would be endangered. Even the nuclear waste management system of a project like this would put the country at risk.

The decision is clear: projects like Rampal, Rooppur, and Bashkhali must be cancelled. The interim government can initiate the process of doing so. Now, a question may arise: Since we have already taken loans for these projects and spent such an exorbitant amount of money, won't this be a massive financial loss to not continue? My answer is this: if a government, without the consent of its people, takes a loan that is against their well-being, it is not the people's responsibility to repay that loan. It is a case of odious debt, a legal doctrine explaining this very phenomenon. However, should we not receive that exemption and have to repay the loan, I would still argue that cancelling such projects would be more beneficial than going ahead with them in the long run.

The energy sector has become an area of large-scale corruption in Bangladesh. In the name of capacity charges, some companies receive hundred thousand crores of taka. Previously, the prime minister was in charge of this ministry, along with the state minister, aided by some local and international private companies. The companies that benefitted from unethical arrangements included well-known names such as Summit, Beximco, Bashundhara, United and many others in Bangladesh; in India, it consisted of NTPC, Adani, and Ambani; in Russia, it was Rosatom and Gazprom; in the US, the organisations were Chevron, ConocoPhillips; and in China it was China Power etc.

The entire power and energy policy needs to be revised. The Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply Act must be repealed immediately. Right now, we are running on a master plan made entirely by foreign consultants. We have to reject this and cancel all the environmentally disastrous, import-oriented, foreign-funded projects and opt for environmentally-friendly, safe, non-corrupt projects. This will not only reduce the price of gas and electricity, but eliminate the threat posed to the environment. We can achieve this by developing Bangladesh's capacity in natural gas exploration and by pushing for renewable energy. The interim government must initiate this journey.

Next, we have to prioritise the major but neglected sectors crucial for public well-being which include public education, public healthcare, and public transportation. For far too long, we've seen low budget allocation and high irregularities in these sectors. Meanwhile, public transportation remains under the auspices of corrupt business owners. Should the spirit of the 2018 Road Safety movement be revived, and the demands made then be fulfilled now, the public transport sector can be greatly rectified. After independence, great emphasis had been placed on education and health; yet we have backtracked completely. Every government has failed in this regard. If the current government focuses on fixing these sectors, their credibility will increase, and based on this, stronger institutions may be developed.

The conversation of reforming the constitution should also start. We need to figure out how the constitution has become exceedingly discriminatory, autocratic, and anti-people. How was power taken from the people? Why does the prime minister hold so much power in one hand? The constitution includes clauses for gender, class, ethnic and religious inclusion and also includes clauses against all sorts of discrimination. Yet, these promises have not been fulfilled due to opposite clauses in the same constitution.

Finally, along with institutional reforms for sustainable democracy, the VIP culture must be eradicated. Public offices should transform to serve the public without hassle. There must be accountability and transparency for all actions taken by government offices..

Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics of Jahangirnagar University.​

 

[Saif]

Timing of polls ‘a political decision’

Urging the people to set the interim government’s tenure and mandate, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday said when the elections will be held is “completely a political decision”.

www.thedailystar.net

Timing of polls ‘a political decision’
Says Yunus in address to nation, asks people to fix interim govt’s mandate, tenure

Urging the people to set the interim government's tenure and mandate, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday said when the elections will be held is "completely a political decision".

"Everyone is eager to know when our government will depart. The answer lies in your hands. It is up to you to decide when to bid us farewell. We are not the people to rule the country," he said in a 26-minute televised address to the nation yesterday evening.

He went on to request the people to discuss and prescribe what is the least the interim government needs to do.

"We can get a guideline from this discussion," Yunus said, adding, "But the political decision is the ultimate decision. And political decisions will only come from political discussion."

In his first address to the nation, the chief adviser also assured that he would not seek to extend his tenure.

He said the members of the advisory council took up the responsibilities at the call of the students and have been carrying out their duties with utmost diligence as a team.

Seeking blessings from the people, he said the government does not want to lose the opportunity to build a new Bangladesh, earned through the blood of the students and the people.

"If we lose this opportunity now, we will be defeated as a nation. We want to remain committed to the martyrs, the injured, and the surviving students so that we do not lose this achievement."

He said local government institutions will be empowered, and decentralisation of power will be ensured to strengthen democracy.

Necessary reforms to the administration, judiciary, Election Commission and the electoral system, and law and order would be made to ensure free flow of information and a free, fair, and participatory election.

"The aim of these [reforms] will be the initiation of an accountable political system against corruption, looting, and genocide," Yunus said.

The chief adviser said after the fascist government leader fled the country in the face of public wrath, they want to build a country where the human rights of every citizen are completely protected.

"We have one goal -- an open, democratic, exploitation-free, and non-communal Bangladesh. We are one family. We have one goal. We are committed to ensuring that no division can disrupt our dream," said the Nobel Peace Prize winner.

He said Bangladesh was built with the supreme sacrifice of several millions, but it has been destroyed by fascism and tyranny.

The country had been changed so much that even an autocrat's peon can accumulate illegal wealth of Tk 400 crore without any obstruction.

"They have crippled the education sector; looted banks and the stock market; set world records in project expenditures; plundered resources openly; turned law enforcement agencies into puppets of their party; snatched away freedom of speech; and violated human rights. These are just the tip of the iceberg," he said.

To consolidate power, he said, "The fascist government curbed the people's constitutional power and rights. Their misrule, corruption, injustice, repression, and farce in the name of justice endangered public safety."

Millions of people were deprived of their voting rights for years and the autocrat not only took the nation's ownership, it also handed it over to its families and party people, he said.

Yunus thanked the people for their support for his government's efforts to bring reforms and said, "We realise that you have high expectations of us. We are determined to meet these expectations."

However, the long-standing absence of democracy and 15 years of fascist rule left the interim government with challenges as big as mountains.

"But we are ready to take up the challenge," he said, urging all to have patience.

He called on all not to force the immediate fulfilment of their demands, threaten individuals at work, mount pressure to lodge cases, or attack people at courts.

"These actions will tarnish the glory and potential of the revolution of student and people, and hinder the efforts to build a new Bangladesh," Yunus said.

He said the government had to begin the job of rebuilding the country on a fragile structure, which is contrary to public interest.

The government wants to build Bangladesh in such a way that the people become the source of all power in the true sense. "We must succeed in the task of reforming… There is no alternative to this."

DON'T OBSTRUCT OUR WORK

Regarding agitations and road blocks by different groups for realising their demands, Prof Yunus said rallies have been held daily at the Secretariat, around his office, and in various places in the city.

"We understand that you have suffered a lot and have grievances pent-up over the past 16 years. If you do not let us work, all paths to reducing the sufferings will remain closed. My earnest request to you that allow us to work," he said.

The chief adviser urged the agitating groups to submit their demands to them in writing and assured everyone of taking measures to solve the issues in line with the law.

MEASURES FOR FLOOD VICTIMS

Prof Yunus said the government took all-out measures at government and private levels to ensure that the flood-hit people return to a normal life at the soonest.

"We have initiated discussions so that we can work together with neighbouring countries and domestic stakeholders to prevent floods in future," he said.

INSTRUCTIONS TO FORCES

Prof Yunus alleged that the army, police, BGB, and Rab have been disgraced as they were used for enforced disappearances and torture.

"They are the pride of the country. We do not want to see the image of an entire force get tarnished due to some overenthusiastic members.

"We want to identify the criminals and punish them so that no member of the patriotic forces, police, or Rab dares to engage in murder, enforced disappearances, or torture at anyone's command," he said.

Prof Yunus further said that he instructed the defence forces, police, and all other forces to identify and bring to justice those among them who were directly involved in murder, enforced disappearances, killings, or physical and mental torture.

Lists of those who have been made to disappear or were murdered are being prepared, he said.

He said the government is also at the final stages of establishing a "July Genocide Memorial Foundation", led by him, to preserve the memory of the martyrs of the mass uprising.

CORRUPTION

The chief adviser said a committee has already been formed to prepare a white paper on the corruption, money laundering, anti-public interest agreements, looting in the name of projects, and other crimes committed over the last 15 years.

"The entire country is submerged in a sea of bribery. Please advise us on how we can get out of this. If we can advance on this issue, I believe this government will have left an important contribution to the country," he said.

'WE ARE ALL EQUAL'

Putting emphasis on the need for unity, Prof Yunus said the government's responsibility is to bind all people of the country as a family.

"There will be disagreements in a family. There will be arguments. But we are brothers and sisters; we are parents. We are not enemies of each other. We will not consider anyone an enemy because of their opinions, religion, or gender.

"We all are equal. No one is above or below anyone else. We would like to establish this concept in all areas of national life," he said.

REFORMS IN SECTORS

The chief adviser talked about reform initiatives in various sectors, including banking, judiciary, police, education, health, and agriculture.

He said the government took initiatives to ensure good governance in the banking sector, which was turned into a den of "plunderers and the corrupt".

Skilled personnel are being recruited in this sector, he said, adding that a banking commission will be formed for long-term reforms in the sector.

He said a roadmap will be prepared and made public soon.

Immediate measures are being taken to address the extreme disorder in the stock market, transportation sector, and other areas. Besides, steps were taken to control the prices of essential commodities and inflation.

He said efforts were being made to free the judiciary from corruption and political influence. Measures were taken through a specific process to ensure the independence and accountability of the judiciary.

"Justice will be ensured for all extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, murders, abductions, and other heinous crimes committed by the fascist government. Everyone involved in these crimes will be brought to justice.

"Steps have been taken, including becoming a party to the international convention on enforced disappearances," he said.

Prof Yunus said a police commission will be formed to make the force people-centric, politically neutral, and accountable.

Necessary reforms will be made under the commission's leadership in line with the UN investigation and other agencies' reports, he said, adding, "Measures will be taken to ensure that no one can turn Bangladesh into a police state ever again."

Prof Yunus asserted that the free flow of information and freedom of the press will be ensured.

Legal and other barriers to free flow of information will be removed and repressive provisions in laws that obstruct freedom of expression will be amended, he said.

"We are committed to ensuring people's right to information."

He said the previous government unleashed anarchy in the education sector and this government's top priority will be massive reforms to the sector. The curriculum will also be updated promptly.

Yunus said, "All of our advisers will disclose their assets in the shortest possible time. This will be made regular and mandatory for all government officials gradually."

He said an ordinance will be enacted to appoint an Ombudsman in line with the constitution.

The chief adviser mentioned that necessary reforms will be brought to the health sector while farmers' interests will be protected so that they receive fair prices for their produce.

He said, "Development that destroys and pollutes rivers, canals, wetlands, hills, forests, soil, and air is not sustainable in the long term. Our government will give utmost importance to protecting the environment and climate."

Yunus said the government will maintain friendly relations with all countries and the foreign policy will be based on mutual trust, faith, and cooperation.

Through political unity, necessary reforms will ensure that women, children, people with disabilities, religious minorities, indigenous people, and all citizens of this country are entitled to equal protection under the law, he said.​

 

[Saif]

Govt officials must submit wealth statements: Prof Yunus

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today said government employees should regularly submit their wealth statements.

www.thedailystar.net

Govt officials must submit wealth statements: Prof Yunus

File photo

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today said government employees should regularly submit their wealth statements.‍

Incumbent advisers of the interim government will also disclose their assets. The chief adviser announced the appointment of an ombudsman as promised in the constitution to prevent corruption at the state level.

The chief adviser made these promises in his address to the nation today. This is his first address to the nation after taking charge of the interim government on August 8.

Dr Muhammad Yunus said, "All our advisers will publish their asset details as soon as possible. Regular asset disclosure will be made mandatory for all government servants."

"Local government institutions will be strengthened to consolidate democracy and decentralisation of power will be ensured," he said.

After conducting necessary reforms in the administration, judiciary, election commission and election system, law and order sector, we'll conduct free, fair and participatory elections.

The chief adviser said, "The current government has taken a clear stand against corruption. It aims to be an accountable one to corruption, looting. In this way, we want to introduce a new political settlement."​

 

[Saif]

Pruning unnecessary projects a pragmatic step

The decision by the interim government to list unessential and politically motivated projects for axing is a commendable and timely step. By streamlining development priorities, the interim government aims to avoid the wastage of public funds and ensure that resources are allocated efficiently. Giv

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Pruning unnecessary projects a pragmatic step
Published :
Aug 25, 2024 22:45
Updated :
Aug 25, 2024 22:45

The decision by the interim government to list unessential and politically motivated projects for axing is a commendable and timely step. By streamlining development priorities, the interim government aims to avoid the wastage of public funds and ensure that resources are allocated efficiently. Given the prevailing economic challenges, a careful recalibration and a realignment of development projects are crucial to ensuring effective allocation of limited resources for the most pressing needs of the nation.

Many projects undertaken by the previous Awami League regime not only served the party's political agenda but were also plagued by irregularities and cost overruns, leading to significant wastage of taxpayers' money. Completed projects often end up costing several times more than the originally anticipated due to corruption and lack of proper oversight. Unfortunately, it had become a common practice to allocate substantial funds for ministers and MPs for development projects in their constituencies, often timed to coincide with national elections. This politically motivated approach frequently resulted in incomplete projects by election time; when promises used to be made to complete them if the party secured a victory. The rush to implement such projects also raised questions about project implementation capacity and integrity. There were often complaints of wasted funds due to corruption, faulty design and delayed project execution.

The interim government inherited a legacy of inefficient and potentially wasteful infrastructure development projects, many of which are in various stages of implementation. This inherited burden presented a significant challenge before the new administration. Amid the lingering economic slowdown, it is crucial for the government to focus on projects that have a direct impact on the lives of citizens and the overall well-being of the nation. Additionally, the focus should shift towards increasing employment opportunities rather than solely prioritising GDP growth. Rising inflation has left the average person increasingly frustrated, as the cost of living continues to soar. In this situation, employment generation, infrastructure that supports long-term economic growth, and social welfare projects should get priority.

While the previous government focused heavily on infrastructure development, it often neglected the more important sectors such as education and health. These two sectors are fundamental for human capital development. As a result of chronic insufficient investment in quality education, primary healthcare, and skill development, the country is facing an acute human capital crisis. For example, Bangladesh needs to hire foreign engineers and technical experts for the construction of mega projects like the Padma Bridge and Metro Rail. However, no decisive action was taken to develop the technical expertise within the country who could undertake such projects in the future. The lack of skilled manpower is also evident in the fact that, while a large number of educated youths are not finding jobs, many local businesses are hiring foreign nationals who take home about six billion dollars annually, equivalent to a quarter of the country's expatriate income. It is imperative, therefore, for the government to review its priorities and set allocation accordingly to enrich the country's pool of skilled manpower. Advanced economies worldwide are known and respected for their optimal investment in human resource development. They understand that a skilled and educated population is the cornerstone of sustained economic growth. If Bangladesh truly wants to graduate to a proper middle-income economy, there is no alternative to developing human capital.​

 

[Saif]

Conduit to create black money blocked: Finance Adviser

None would be allowed anymore to produce black money and so legalising undisclosed money through budgetary provision wouldn't be needed, says the Finance Adviser about the accumulated past problem in financial sector. "Our stand is no scope will be given to generate black money," Dr Salehu

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Conduit to create black money blocked: Finance Adviser
FE REPORT
Published :
Aug 26, 2024 01:17
Updated :
Aug 26, 2024 01:17

None would be allowed anymore to produce black money and so legalising undisclosed money through budgetary provision wouldn't be needed, says the Finance Adviser about the accumulated past problem in financial sector.

"Our stand is no scope will be given to generate black money," Dr Salehuddin Ahmed, the Finance and Commerce Adviser of the interim government, told reporters on Sunday at his office after a meeting with representatives of different development partners in the NEC conference room in the capital.

He said measures would be taken to bring back the laundered money--the central bank is working on it.

Mr Ahmed said the government would take foreign loans selectively, not randomly, as the loan burden is building up.

He mentions that the United States and the United Nations give grants to Bangladesh and those can be taken.

"No foreign loans will be taken where a one-year project completes in fiver years," he said, indicating cost and time escalations in public works.

Regarding agitations in the capital by different groups of people, the adviser said, "We cannot ignore those who are agitating. We can't ignore discrimination, we can't ignore them.

"They have pain. They did not dare to talk about it in the past. Our government has started working very shortly and we are trying to solve their problem. We care about those who are being discriminated against."

Mr Ahmed said representatives of 41 organisations under the United Nations on Sunday met him and assured him to be with the government for economic and equality-based development.

"We want to work together with them," he said. Attention should be given to resettlement of the Rohingy in their homeland.

The finance adviser also had a meeting with Charge d'affaires of the US Embassy in Dhaka Helen LaFave at his office in Bangladesh secretariat earlier in the day.

He urged increased US investment in agriculture, energy, and climate sectors.

After the meeting, the adviser told newsmen that the United States would enhance its support soon to develop the agriculture sector of Bangladesh.

"We have no debt to the US. All the helps they gave us are grants. That is why I told them to help more," he said.

He sees the US as very important to Bangladesh.

"The country has a big investment in the coastal region of Bangladesh. The main thing is that I have talked about investing more in agriculture, energy, climate and other sectors."

He said he gave special focus on the floods in the discussion with the development partners.

The so-long embargoed generalised system of preferences (GSP) issue regarding export to the US market also has been discussed, the adviser notes.

The possibility of seeking additional support from the IMF may be on the agenda when Finance and Commerce Adviser Dr Saleh Uddin Ahmed attends the annual meetings of the IMF and the World Bank Group in October, reports UNB.

The adviser along with key officials will attend the annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group in October.

He stressed that the government would prioritise its needs before taking on any loans, cautioning against extending short-term projects unnecessarily, which could increase the debt burden.

"We're seeking support not to waste or misuse it," he emphasized, underscoring the government's commitment to responsible financial management.

Addressing the ongoing protests against various forms of discrimination, the adviser acknowledged the legitimacy of these concerns.

"We can't ignore such discrimination. These issues have been suppressed for so long, and their woes have not been addressed. No one paid heed to them before, which is why we haven't deterred the protests," he remarked.

Dr. Saleh Uddin explained that while the government is committed to addressing these issues, not all problems can be resolved immediately due to the complexities involved.

Asked about the outcomes of the meeting with UN representatives, he highlighted government's commitment to equality-based development, with a focus on growth in women's rights, gender equality, health, and education.

"Our priorities are aligned with their programmes. We want the UN agencies to support us in our priority areas. It's not about accepting support for all projects they suggest," he clarified.

The adviser emphasized that the government aims at sustainable, equality-based development for the general population, with targeted support from UN agencies. He also noted that the government had requested special focus from the UN, particularly from UNHCR, on the situation of forcibly displaced Rohingya.

Dr Saleh Uddin mentioned that the UN agencies shared ideas related to various ministries and divisions, which will be communicated to the relevant departments in due course.

ERD Secretary Md Shahriar Kader Siddiky and ILO Country Director and Ad Interim UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Tuomo Poutiainen were among the speakers at the meeting.

About the US he said, "I have given special attention to the issue of flood. You know that they have some conditions, especially with the BGMEA and GSP, to meet the challenges in the private sector; they have been urged to fulfil them."

Apart from this, "If they want to export our goods, to invest, either direct investment or joint investment, they will do it. There was a discussion about what can be done especially in the technical sectors, including BASIS."​

 

[Saif]

'Can't talk about future without reference to what AL has done'

Asif Nazrul tells Star in an exclusive interview

www.thedailystar.net

'Can't talk about future without reference to what AL has done'
Asif Nazrul tells Star in an exclusive interview

Asif Nazrul, the law adviser to the interim government, has one of the most challenging tasks at hand as Bangladesh seeks a new start after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government on August 5.

In an interview with The Daily Star's Golam Mortoza, he talks about the ways in which the judiciary can be reformed, and answers questions on the perceived errors of the interim government.

The following is the full interview with the law adviser, an excerpt of which was published on our print version.

The Daily Star (DS): You took the oath on August 8. There is a lot of work to be done. What has been your experience so far?

Asif Nazrul (AN): I was a university teacher and a writer-journalist. I used to have a lot of time … I could live as I wished. But after taking charge of the ministry, it seems that there has been so much corruption, irregularity, injustice… so many problems. I'm at office 10-12 hours a day, seven days a week, and continuing work deep into the night even after returning home. But even after all this, it seems that so much more needs to be done.

After 17 years, the people of the country have regained freedom of speech; they are able to make demand in a free and intense voice; they can dream. There is so much expectation that the challenge of keeping up with it has become physically very difficult. But still, we are trying.

The joy of doing good work is always there. I am getting that joy. All of us spend a lot of time at work. We just think that people should be a little more patient and try to understand the situation.

DS: The pressure of expectation on the government is huge. Do you feel like you're struggling to meet those expectations or things are happening that shouldn't be happening?

AN: Many of us do not have the experience of running a government. If anyone starts work with little experience, he or she will make some mistakes. But it is important to see whether I have the will to do something good, whether I am working hard, whether I am trying to learn from my mistakes.

I think our interim government is trying to learn from its mistakes. If mistakes are found in the advisory council, [Chief Adviser Muhammad] Yunus even discusses those during our lunch breaks. Some mistakes can be corrected immediately, some maybe not.

I can't say everything as I am sworn to secrecy, but I can confirm that we try to be aware of the mistakes. We may lack in how much we can learn or how quickly we can take action, but every day we are learning and evaluating our work. We are trying to understand what people think and hope to do better in future.

However, I would request everyone to don a sympathetic lens when assessing how much of the anger accumulated over 15 years of failure can be quelled by a 15-day government.

DS: People expect that popular faces like Yunus and Asif Nazrul, who are now in the government, can perform magic to solve all the problems. How would you meet these expectations?

AN: When people suddenly get such a big opportunity, they naturally want to see magic. It would be good if the wise people in our society, who understand matters of the state, try to explain the situation to the people. I am impressed by the work of our young coordinators, with whom I am working. They are very skilled and mature. We try to convey messages through them as well.

One thing must be understood, it is not possible for humans to do anything magical, [but] it is possible for people to do good things within the bounds of reality.

The way a section of HSC examinees have demanded not to take the exam is not supported by a large section of the society. Even students at Notre Dame College say they want to take the test. So we are all trying to learn from each other.

DS: Two perceptions have emerged from the recent demonstration of the HSC examinees that led to cancellation of the exams. One is that the government is very soft; they showed weakness by accepting the examinees' demands. Another is that the students are still traumatised, and so their demands were accepted. But are we continuing the degradation seen in the education sector over the last 17 years?

AN: My first message is that the government is not weak; The government is kind and compassionate. We should consider the trauma these students, who took part in the movement, have gone through. You know that the examinees experienced similar traumatic situations after the Liberation War in 1971. We have taken their trauma into consideration; it is not our weakness.

I believe the interim government is not comfortable with this decision to cancel the exam. I discussed with the advisers and talked to the students. We are thinking about what can be done. I believe canceling exams did not set a good example.

DS: Will there be many reforms in the judiciary? Is it possible?

AN: It never seemed impossible to me. I am a law teacher. As I have said before, at least a third of the judges in the lower courts are my direct students. At least half the judges in the higher courts are known to me as colleagues, friends, and students. I worked for ADB-UNDP as a consultant for judicial reform. I am very confident that the independence and efficiency of the judiciary can be enhanced if intentions are good.

A popular opinion about judicial reform is that lower courts should be reformed first. The donors and the civil society also support this argument. In fact, if the independence of the judiciary is to be ensured, the higher courts must be reformed first.

You can say making the lower courts independent means putting them under full authority of the higher courts. The higher courts will govern and control the lower courts and the government will not intervene in these affairs. However, if the higher courts function as a subordinate part of the government, then what is the use of leaving the lower courts under their jurisdiction?

I have been working on it. There has been terrible anarchy in the appointment of judges to the higher courts. Not just incompetent, but corrupt and extremely partisan individuals have been appointed as judges in the Supreme Court. Even a previous chief justice expressed his anger about it.

This appointment-anarchy happened during the BNP government as well. It reached unprecedented levels during the unelected Awami League regime, which managed to seize power through sham elections.

The ways to reform the higher courts are fixing the recruitment laws and policy, reforming the sole and unlimited authority wielded by the chief justice over the judiciary, reorganising the GA committee of the Appellate Division and the High Court division, establishing an independent and dedicated secretariat for the higher courts.

Reform is certainly possible through such initiatives. You look at our current chief justice. He studied at Oxford, with a PhD from Tufts University. And most of the previous chief justices who served during the Awami League regime studied in ordinary law colleges of Bangladesh's small towns. You will clearly see the difference in their professionalism. Do you think that the man who graduated from Oxford will be anyone's mental slave? He is extremely knowledgeable and he has high self-esteem. And obviously, the thought process of someone who graduated from an ordinary small-town law college with questionable professional qualifications, and who was appointed chief justice just because of political allegiance, will be quite different.

DS: How will you ensure sustainability of these reform initiatives?

AN: We have set an example. When the next chief justice is appointed, all of you will be able to compare [the next CJ with the current one].

Second, we are trying to implement systemic change. If such a system can be developed that judges will be appointed to the High Court on the basis of competence and integrity, then we can ensure that judges of the Appellate Division and the chief justice will be appointed from this group of competent and fair judges.

We can develop a fair recruitment mechanism, but we cannot guarantee that this mechanism will ensure 100 percent efficiency. But it can be said that this mechanism can reduce corruption and anarchy significantly. After reforming the higher courts, we shall work on the lower courts.

Our chief adviser also believes that the judiciary is the most important sector of a country as it is the last hope of people. If this sector performs righteously, it is possible to resolve many issues including ensuring human rights and rule of law.

DS: Arrestees like Dipu Moni were attacked in court, and so it has been said the government could not or did not ensure their security. It may seem like a small incident but it can have a big impact.

AN: I felt really bad about these incidents, especially about what happened with Dipu Moni. But isn't the past regime mainly responsible for the situation that has been created in the courts? They have oppressed countless numbers of people in the name of justice, they have taken away a critically ill patient's right to have medical treatment, courts under direct political influence issued numerous predetermined verdicts. People's right to cast votes were taken away and the role the ministers played ... in short, by taking away people's rights, making people victims of mass murder, the Awami League government has created such a state that we can only hope that people will behave politely, but cannot guarantee it.

Think of a family which has lost a member to enforced disappearance or extrajudicial killing, think of youngsters who have lost their jobs and have been forced to pull rickshaws in the cities to earn a living, think of those who were denied justice in the lower courts or higher courts, think of lawyers who were threatened. An advocate of the Supreme Court died from heart failure due to these threats. A justice who served under Awami League government took part in a procession after his retirement demanding justice for Khaleda Zia and was arrested from his home. Such oppression and pain accumulated for 15 years in people and in some cases we can see their outburst. It is not desirable but not unusual either.

We think not only our government, but society has a role to play in preventing such incidents. Everyone should play their part to stop such occurrences.

DS: It has become a practice for all governments to blame predecessors for all the ill deeds…

AN: The government that killed 1,000 people in two weeks, the government that shot children in the chest, the government that declared war on students, used helicopters to kill innocent people, raided neighbourhoods and arrested students at night – I would be committing a sin if I don't blame them for what they did. I came to the interim government to meet the expectations of the people after the previous government fell in a popular coup. I think we should always recall what the AL government has done. No one can talk about the future without referring to what the Awami regime has done. It is quite impossible.

DS: There is a massive reshuffle in all the government sectors. Does reform mean just reshuffling?

AN: Before reforms, it must be ensured that the administration, police and everything else is taken out of the hands of those who have helped sustain an autocratic government for 15 years. Is it possible to implement reforms when the officials who committed extrajudicial killings are still in their posts? Is it possible to reform the police administration with Harun still in charge of DB police? This is why these people should be replaced by honest and competent officials.

Awami League was in power for 15 years. They have employed their henchmen in three layers of administration. We are looking for non-partisan, honest and competent officials, but many such officials are already retired. So, it will take time to find honest officials.

After bringing in these people, we will reform the policies. First, we are withdrawing the false cases filed over the July murders. Then we will try to change the policy and law so that this does not happen again in the future.

Competent people are being installed so that no one can obstruct the reform process. Reforms mean change in administration, making it people-oriented, inclusive, transparent and accountable. We will definitely do that.

The idea of reforming Bangladesh is nothing new. A lot of work has been done on it. Three-member alliance framework was developed back in 1991. In 1974-75, Sirajul Alam Khan proposed constitutional reforms. We had a lot of resources but there was absence of goodwill and pro-people leadership. Now, we have such a leader and I think we can do something good.
​

To be continued....................

​

 

[Saif]

DS: Stalwarts of the previous government are being arrested on various charges, but there are questions about the charges. For example, the person who has been known to destroy the country's financial sector has been arrested for attempting murder or for ordering to kill people. We saw such political cases being filed on ridiculous charges during the previous regime, and now we are seeing a continuation of that. Will police continue to file such cases or will you be able to reform them?

AN: The current cases are not ridiculous but questions may be brewing. They did not file any case against Sheikh Hasina on stealing fish, which she filed against Zafrullah Chowdhury.

As far as I understand and know, you have to take a lot of time and preparation to file financial cases. Will it be safer for a despised Awami League leader to walk the streets like a common citizen or will it be safer for him to be detained? You have to take this reality into consideration. Sometimes you have to detain them so that they cannot flee to any other country or get killed on the street by angry mobs and also because you want them to face trial for the crimes they have committed. Sometimes cases are filed to detain them hastily. Also many people have filed cases as they have lost their children during the July massacre. They are filing cases against the then prime minister as they think that she was responsible for the massacre. Would you call these cases controversial? If my child was killed, I would have also filed cases against Sheikh Hasina and Obaidul Quader. So, you can ask questions only about a few cases.

In some cases, I have heard that the people have surrounded the police station and forced the police to file cases against some local politicians. So, police are recording cases but that does not mean the accused are being punished at the same time. Now, taking a case does not mean someone is being punished. There can be an investigation even after taking a case into cognisance. It may seem that people are filing the case and the police are taking it. But this is a response to the situation created during the former regime. There is nothing else to do at the moment.

DS: Seven journalists have been accused in the murder of a student in Jatrabari. Such cases were filed during the previous government. Why are such cases still being filed?

AN: We cannot refrain a parent of a murdered student from filing a case at his discretion. The previous government had made it an established culture to file such cases. Perhaps we are seeing a continuation of it. However, we will look into it so that no one is harassed without proper investigation.

DS: If hundreds of such cases are filed all over the country, will it become a hindrance to the judicial process?

AN: If a childless father wants to file a case in a remote area of the country, who has the right to prevent or stop him? Neither Yunus nor me. In the July killings -- not just killings, thousands of people were shot, lost eyes, seriously injured -- if every person files a case against Sheikh Hasina or her government ministers for their command responsibility, I cannot stop anyone. We are not encouraging anyone to file those cases. Naturally, people are filing cases to seek justice. We will only ensure that justice is done properly. It is the government's responsibility to ensure that.

Suppose there are 50 murder cases against someone. Of these, perhaps two or three have been proven. Even if the rest is not proven, the purpose of the trial -- getting the guilty punished -- will be accomplished and the trauma of the victim's mind will be somewhat healed. And if he gets acquitted in all the cases in the judicial process, then that will happen. At least the accused will take solace from the fact that he was tried fairly.

DS: The July massacre was not an isolated incident; it was a planned massacre. If the massacre was carefully chalked out in the PM's residence and armed Chhatra League and Jubo League men were deployed to carry it out, why is it not possible to conduct the trial in a carefully planned manner?

AN: It can be conducted in a planned way when the government will take an active part in the litigation process. That is why I said that the case can be filed in the International Criminal Court. We are working on it. The globally accepted definition of crimes against humanity is that it is a crime against humanity if there was a planned, widespread and systematic killing.

But judgement cannot be issued in a planned way. That becomes injustice. We will be able to work on the process of the case filing and investigation. Then the verdict is up to the judge.

DS: Ali Riaz warns you in his column that the judicial process should not be questioned in any way. Why he did he say this? What is the significance of this?

AN: I welcome civil society. They should keep an eye on every government. Civil society always tries to warn the government with good intentions. I was also a part of it. Now, as part of the government, I see that there has been nothing to worry about so far. Sometimes it seems that their advice is very acceptable. Sometimes I wonder if they took into consideration how corruption, arbitrariness, factionalism, personal worship have been inserted into the police and judicial system in the last 15 years? How is it possible that a 15-day-old government will run the state completely free of controversy with such an administration? They need to consider that we will need some time.

DS: They want to see if you are on that path.

AN: They will see whether we are on that path or not. We want them to criticise us if we stumble somewhere, if we make a mistake. But let them bear in mind the fact that in 15 years everything has been spoiled. How much good can I get out of this rotten stuff? It will take us time.

DS: This government is the product of a bloody revolution led by students. There were rumours of a judicial coup against this government. We could not verify whether the claim was true or false. When a military officer is fired, taken off a plane, and various stories are circulated about him, there is a kind of anxiety. There is also anxiety about what was done about August 15.

AN: Concerns should always be expressed. It will create a positive path for us. But if someone wants everything quickly, and if the expectation does not come from a logical context, it can confuse some people.

I would say, all those who express concern, just keep in mind the destruction that has been done to the country in 17 years.

The problem is not having concern about us, but the way people express their expectations. Many people know me for participating in television programs. People stopped my car on the street and began to voice their demands. I was surrounded by health workers a few days ago. They demanded that their job must be regularised under the government pay scale. I told them that you were appointed during the Awami League period and could not materialise this demand in the last 11 years and now you are pushing this demand to an 11-day old government. Is that logical? Is it logical that Prof Yunus reached his meeting with 65 ambassadors two and a half hours late after his office was surrounded. When you got independence after 17 years, you started to raise demands by blocking streets and government offices. Is that a rational thing to do? I leave these to your wise judgement.

After talking to the health workers, they came to my office and apologised for their actions, and they requested us to consider their demands. If you have demands, you should send those to us. You should give us a rational time to work on those demands. If we cannot fulfil those requirements, you can demonstrate in front of our office every day for one hour. This government is so young … you should give us a logical timeframe to work on your demands.

Another issue is that we have an acute crisis of resources. The Awami regime has burdened us with a massive debt of Tk 18 lakh crore. They have destroyed all the banks and siphoned off huge amounts of money. I know the real financial situation of the government. Now, if everyone demands a salary from the government, will it be possible for us to fulfil those demands?

You can expect from us but don't create obstacles for us. Don't do anything that may ruin the revolution of students and the mass people. This is my request to all of you.

DS: Many people have not understood what you meant when you said, "Reforms will take time, and elections will happen after reform."

AN: We cannot decide right now how long this government will last. This decision will be taken by the people of Bangladesh. That may be questionable, but notice that BNP, one of the biggest political parties in the country, said they would wait as long as it takes. When we talked to political parties, no one said you should leave by a certain time. If you want reforms and if you want the next election to be under an administration that will ensure fair elections, this government needs time to ensure that.

DS: Shouldn't you say how long it will take?

AN: At some point, we shall definitely sit on this issue and clarify how much time we might need to hold the elections. But it will take some time. Right now, we have to do the urgent things first. If there is a fire somewhere, it must first be extinguished. How to restore things to their previous state will have to be discussed later.

We will then go to the people and say we want to do this and that, it will take this amount of time. If people want those reforms they will give time, if not they won't.

The first task we have embarked upon is ensuring that there is no counter-revolution or conspiracy. There have been revolutions and counter-revolutions in various countries.

DS: Was the judicial coup really going to be a counter-revolution?

AN: Since it didn't happen, we don't know what the truth is. However, there was reason to fear that such a thing would happen.

Our priority is to prosecute the July murders, to ensure people's treatment, to make the administration and police people-friendly.

DS: What measures are being taken to protect the financial sector, to ensure that money is not laundered and to bring back money that has been laundered abroad. Do you have the ability to catch the big money launderers?

AN: Yes, we have taken steps to prevent money laundering. Doesn't it seem from looking at the appointments in Bangladesh Bank, the ministries of finance and planning that our intention is to stop irregularities in the financial sector? Do you not see the measures taken by Ahsan H Mansur after he was appointed Bangladesh Bank governor?

DS: Many people have asked whether this government is dynamic. Are all branches of government able to work together?

AN: Is everyone in the Argentina football team Messi? Is everyone in the France team Mbappe? No matter how big the team, can everyone play together in every game? We have no shortage of goodwill here, but there may be some lack of coordination. Everyone's working style is different. If you see someone's work, you may think that they are doing a lot of work. On the other hand, you may not understand someone else's work as they work silently.

In football, we talk less about midfield or defensive players. The discussion is about the player who scored the goal. This happens everywhere. Maybe my work my work catches your eye because I am a known face, but the work of Saleh Uddin Ahmed or Fouzul Kabir Khan may not catch your eye. Maybe they are foinf more important work, but are not talking about it.

DS: Once a member of civil society, you are now in government. How are you perceiving this transformation?

AN: I am working hard. My favourite activities are rickshaw rides, playing tennis, going to Palashi Bazar and talking to traders, spending time with children. I can't do these things now. But I am getting appreciation and love from people.

But I also think that at a time when I am getting all this praise, what is my wife getting? She used to become restless if she didn't see me for a few hours, and now we just catch a glimpse of each other for days on end. During the movement, I was in hiding for four nights. She could not sleep, she stayed up those nights crying and praying. None of us will be able to understand this trauma. Now her life has changed, as has mine. She has to take on all the responsibilities of the family now. My work as an adviser may be praised, but no one will know of hers.

DS: It is said that the students, whose movement brought you to power are trying to dictate you. They want to achieve many things within a short time and seem a bit restless. Do you face challenges to establish your control over these students? Do you have any message for them?

AN: We talk about six coordinators among all those who organised this student movement. Many others besides them had major roles. If I talk about these six coordinators, I don't see restlessness in them. Their maturity, their sense of consciousness is incredible. And others who are not working with the government, but are with them from a distance, it is normal for them to be a little restless. From a distance, they do not understand how sincere the government is, or the hard work we have been doing.

I have only one request to everyone: don't do anything that causes people to suffer. The picture that people did not want to see, that is what happened to Dipu Moni. Have a little patience. Sometimes I hear that the principal of a certain institution is being forced to resign, teachers are being listed, journalists are being listed -- please don't do this.

Our students are not a well-organised political party. I often see helplessness in our six coordinators. Is it possible for them to control everything? They are not the head of any autocratic political party, but the head of the movement. It is not possible for them to rush everything. But their sincerity is pure. they are trying. There are two divisions among these agitators. One is actually deprived. Another is those who try to take advantage; They may even be Awami League workers, trying to blend into this movement.

I repeat, please be patient. Don't do anything that makes the revolution, which came through this infinite sacrifice, futile.

DS: Will you repeal or reform the laws that were made, including the Digital Security Act, to persecute journalists or the media?

AN: Your position on these oppressive laws and mine is not different. At one time my profession was journalism, then teaching. I still write regularly.

First of all, the application of these laws will not be the same as before. And we will review them very seriously. Stakeholders' views will prevail there.​

 

[Saif]

Chief adviser spells out mission to be accomplished

In his inaugural address to the nation on Sunday last after taking over the responsibility of the chief adviser of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus has firmly mentioned the preeminently historic mission he and his team of advisers have embarked on at the request of students. The chief advi

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Chief adviser spells out mission to be accomplished
FE
Published :
Aug 26, 2024 22:36
Updated :
Aug 26, 2024 22:36

In his inaugural address to the nation on Sunday last after taking over the responsibility of the chief adviser of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus has firmly mentioned the preeminently historic mission he and his team of advisers have embarked on at the request of students. The chief adviser has also outlined the details of tasks ahead in order to bring disciplines in various sectors of national importance. Because politics and economy govern the life of citizens in general, one cannot be developed leaving the other stunted or distorted. In Bangladesh both have long been derailed and decomposed, creating social and cultural discriminations. Quite clearly, the vision of a discrimination-free, exploitation-free, welfare and open society students ---the architects of the mass movement --- have resurrected from the ashes of the nation's dream in 1971 must be translated into reality. That sacred duty of laying the foundation for such a society, the students have bestowed upon the interim government, the chief adviser affirmed, he and his team are pledge-bound to accomplish.

It is a tall order for any government only more so for an interim dispensation. When governance for long 53 years has been marked by all kinds of aberration of democratic principles and the rise of authoritarianism, oligarchy and kleptocracy, cleaning the Augean stables proves to be an uphill task. A nexus of corrupt politicians, civil and military bureaucracy has been the main beneficiaries of the creation of national wealth leaving the majority of the people to be satisfied with the trickle-down socio-economic dividends. The exploitative system has been so entrenched over the past few decades that their well-known intrigues for engineering the processes of exploitation such as raising prices irrationally, illegal toll collection, bribery, looting of colossal amounts of money from banks on several pretexts and laundering those abroad were virtually given an institutional form.

Now without addressing some of the more pressing problems infesting people's lives and livelihoods for getting things on track, even the day-to-day governance becomes an impossible proposition. The chief adviser has mentioned some of the steps already taken including the formation of a banking commission and preparation of a white paper on the state of the economy aimed at bringing order in the financial sector. Thus reform to various organisations and institutions has already begun. But here the main constraint is time. Dr Yunus does not mince words here and makes it clear about the minimum reform agenda his government would like to complete. It will certainly require a reasonable tenure even for preparing the ground for creating a liberal, democratic, non-discriminatory, non-communal society.

So the chief adviser has given the people the option to decide how long his government's tenure would be. He is quite aware of the constitutional obligation and intricacy that, after all, it is a political decision that has to be arrived at through political deliberations among different stake-holders. But he also asserts that at no point should there be left any room for undermining the people's sovereignty or, to put it bluntly, allowed to make it a police state. A national consensus on required legislative reforms has to be attained for incorporation as laws into the constitution of the republic prior to the election for whichever political party or parties come to power.​

 

[Saif]

Dr Yunus’s address and the path forward

Must work together for democracy and reforms

www.thedailystar.net

Dr Yunus’s address and the path forward
Must work together for democracy and reforms

VISUAL: STAR

In a much-awaited address to the nation, the chief adviser to the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, delivered a timely, thoughtful, and comprehensive message to the citizens. He emphasised the need to implement various reforms to institutionalise democracy in the country, attending to the most pressing demands of our people. However, we would like to remind the interim government that it has not one but two urgent tasks at hand. The first is to administer the country in these turbulent times and, simultaneously, to pursue reforms—both of which together form a mammoth task.

Given the present state of the nation, the number of reforms needed may seem endless. However, pursuing all of them is neither realistic nor achievable in the short to medium term. Nevertheless, the chief adviser mentioned that his administration has planned wide-ranging reforms that resonate with the demands of the student-led mass movement that brought down the autocratic government of Sheikh Hasina. He further stated that these reforms are essential to prevent a return to being a police state, which would be a devastating outcome given the terrible suppression that people endured for 15 years and the sacrifices made by so many to end fascistic rule.

Dr Yunus also mentioned the need to form a police commission to overhaul law enforcement, a bank commission to reform the financial sector, and to conduct fair investigations into the violence that occurred in recent times. He also called for comprehensive reforms in education, the empowerment of local government bodies, and many other initiatives including taking action to ensure press freedom. The government's commitment to ensuring justice for all the extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances—both anathema to any civilised society—is also praiseworthy. We will, of course, have to wait to see results. Meanwhile, we will urge the government to undertake institutional reforms that can safeguard citizens from such egregious crimes in the future as well.

Dr Yunus mentioned that the issue of elections was a political decision, and that he would leave it up to the people. Here, we would like to commend him for reminding the nation where the power truly lies—with the people. He said that the advisers of the interim government would hold dialogue with political parties to determine how decisions regarding the holding of elections would be made. He also expressed a desire to involve all stakeholders in discussions about the interim government's tenure. But he did not make it clear how that could be achieved. Here, we believe the interim government needs to form a comprehensive framework for communicating with all stakeholders in society.

In his address, Dr Yunus also invited everyone to come forward and suggest guidelines to help the government gather their input. Therein lies the opportunity for civic engagement. Moving forward, we hope that the people will work together and help in ongoing efforts to ensure that this opportunity for reforming the nation is not squandered again.​

 

[Saif]

Govt to hold talks with political parties in phases

The interim government is likely to hold talks with the political parties in phases.

www.newagebd.net

Govt to hold talks with political parties in phases
Staff Correspondent 29 August, 2024, 18:39

| UNB photo.

The interim government is likely to hold talks with the political parties in phases.

A meeting of chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus with a delegation of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party leaders also resolved that the government would start the dialogue soon.

‘There will be talks with political parties in phases and the interim government would make the invitation soon,’ BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told reporters after the meeting at state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka.

He also said that his party was optimistic that the interim government would go for holding an election by restoring stability soon in the country.

‘We are hopeful that this interim government, led by Professor Yunus, can take the country to a stable situation shortly with their sincerity, patriotism and competence. At the same time, they can go for an election,’ he said.

Talking about the meeting that lasted for over an hour, the BNP leader said the chief adviser invited them for a discussion.

‘It has been a very fruitful discussion, we believe that this government would bring necessary reforms [to different systems and institutions of the state],’ he added.

Replying to a question if the date for election came up for discussion during the meeting, Fakhrul said that they have not discussed any date for holding election.

‘We won’t propose the date. It is they who will reveal it,’ he said, adding that there will be talks with political parties in phases.

The BNP secretary general was accompanied by BNP standing committee members Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury and Salahuddin Ahmed in the meeting that started at 4:00pm.

Planning and education adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud and law adviser Asif Nazrul were present at the meeting.

Besides, a three-member delegation led by Fakhrul earlier on the day held a meeting with Russian Ambassador to Bangladesh, Alexander Vikentyevich Mantytskiy.

After the meeting, Khasru said, ‘Business, investment, scientific, energy and cultural cooperation were discussed between the two countries. They [Russia] want to know what we are thinking about the current situation and the future of this crisis. It has been made clear by us that BNP believes in relations with all countries.’

‘Apart from this, they wanted to know about the current context of Bangladesh... elections etc. As we have said, we have already made our position clear that power can be transferred to an elected government through the election by an interim government as soon as possible,’ he said.

Khasru said about the discussion about election, the Russian ambassador asked to know the time frame of the elections.

‘We did not discuss any time frame. As we have said, we give full support to this interim government and its activities. As soon as possible, the reforms that will be discussed, they will be held in a timely manner,’ he added.

He also mentioned that they talked about removing barriers to financial transactions between the two countries.

‘Overall, we discussed how the relationship between the two countries can be advanced in a manner similar to our relations with other nations. The relationship between the people of Bangladesh and the people of Russia will continue, as will the relationship between the two countries,’ he said.​

 

[Saif]

Bill approved to scrap special security for Mujib family

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair on Thursday decided to amend the Special Security Force Act 2021, lifting special security for...

www.newagebd.net

Bill approved to scrap special security for Mujib family
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 29 August, 2024, 18:28

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair participates in a meeting at chief adviser’s Jamuna office on Thursday. | BSS photo

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair on Thursday decided to amend the Special Security Force Act 2021, lifting special security for deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina and her close relatives.

‘Against the backdrop of student-people mass upsurge, the interim government has been formed on August 8, 2024, comprising the chief adviser and other advisers,’ the chief adviser’s office said in a statement following the advisory council’s meeting at state guest house Jamuna.

It said that in the changed scenario, it was not possible to implement under administrative management the provisions relating to the founding president

of the country Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s family in line with the existing law.

The statement said that the installation of the new interim government required security of the chief adviser.

It was felt some of the provisions were required to be scrapped and therefore the council unanimously decided to amend the SSF Act, 2021, read it.

The statement said that the advisory council gave final approval to the draft ‘Security of Family Members of the Father of the Nation (Repeal) Ordinance, 2024’ subject to vetting by the legislative and parliamentary affairs division.

Talking to reporters after the meeting, advisory council member Syeda Rizwana Hasan said that the interim government was the outcome of an anti-discrimination movement.

Rizwana, who is entrusted with the portfolio of environment, forest and climate change ministry, said that the council took the decision to amend the law considering it ‘discriminatory’.

She said that the Bangladesh signed the instrument of accession to the international convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance, ‘demonstrating its commitment to investigate each and every case of enforced disappearances’.

‘The chief advisor has signed the instrument. About 700 people are still missing for enforced disappearance. Different organisations, including ‘Mayer Dak’, are working on this issue,’ she said.

She underscored the need for formulating a mechanism that none could make any enforced disappearance by using the law enforcement and security agencies cashing in on the power.

‘Many of us are victims of enforced disappearance. . . .we have signed the convention as no citizen can be forcibly disappeared by any forces or any means on the plea of anti-government activities, deteriorating law and order situation and national security,’ Rezwana said.

She said that the interim government had decided to cancel the provision of whitening black money as part of reforms in various sectors.

A clear decision had been taken against the provision of whitening black money as the government gave importance to ethics related to the issue, added the adviser.​

 

[Saif]

The interim government must not fail

We now have another opportunity to get things right and the challenge is to manage aspirations and expectations.

www.thedailystar.net

The interim government must not fail

Our impulse for instant gratification runs strong as we righteously scream for the resignation, arrest, incarceration, etc, , expecting the government to immediately deliver. VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

We now have another opportunity to get things right and the challenge is to manage aspirations and expectations. We want everything—safe roads, cheap and quality health services, good schools, inexpensive electricity, low inflation, zero corruption, professional police services, an accountable administration and judiciary, rule of law, social justice, jobs, etc. The list is endless. And we want all this right away! Our impulse for instant gratification runs strong as we righteously scream for the resignation, arrest, incarceration, or even "phashi" of anyone and for anything, expecting the government to immediately deliver.

Unfortunately, there are no quick fixes. The challenges facing us are complex and will require time and effort. Time, however, is not unlimited. For one thing, the current mood of victory and jubilation will soon give way to recrimination, infighting, and impatience. As these intensify, our poor advisers will find themselves beleaguered, and only the toughest will keep going while others will decide to leave. It would be naive to think that all the major stakeholders will keep their peace and hold their tongues for very long. The chaos has not subsided yet; we are ruled by emotion, instinct, and plain disregard for rules, norms, and values—these have been the worst casualty of a long period of abject disregard for the rule of law. In the meantime, vultures are circling the skies and have begun to sweep down upon media houses, banks, and vantage positions from which economic rents can be extracted.

Same old wine?

Initial signs show that the playbook of governance has not shifted very much. Just as top BNP leaders were once accused of setting buses on fire, so now we see top AL leaders being accused of killings occurring even in the remotest of districts. The horrific scenes we see at our court premises are no different, even though we have a neutral, non-political government in place. Nobody is talking about judiciary reforms before calling for the annulment of constitutional amendments. This is a problem for a new Bangladesh.

What is the interim government to do? It must be pragmatic and realistic. It must carefully assess what reforms it can deliver and what must await a democratically elected government. It should, however, lay out a concrete plan of action indicating its priority areas. We have discussed reforms for many years, even decades so an action plan ought not to pose any serious challenges.

At the very outset, the new government should send out strong powerful signals that indicate its broad commitment to democratic practice, judicial reforms, rule of law, and intolerance to corruption. Perhaps the most important signal it should send out is our belief in an inclusive and just socio-economic system under an overall liberal democratic-secular framework. These signals remain weak.

Priorities

The first question is how do we prioritise our interim goals? Should we establish a maximal set of goals or a minimal set of critical goals? Or perhaps strike a note somewhere between the two?

The second, and far more important question is, how do we implement reforms, especially institutional ones? We have almost zero experience here, and so must rediscover the wheel. We could learn from the experience of other countries, such as Singapore, that made the transition. Their experience is more recent. They too were a British colony like us and have inherited similar systems of governance, and more importantly, they have been able to modify and build upon those systems to create superb outcomes. However, following another South Asian country in this regard is not advisable.

We should simply use our common sense and be ready to make mistakes, learn from mistakes, and then move forward. This will require setting up a task force for each department or institution to draw up plans after careful study and discussion. Consultants from, say the Singapore government and international agencies, can aid the task forces, which will operate within a specific time frame. We need to restructure, get rid of obsolete positions, put in place new positions, clearly identify qualifications and experience for recruitment and promotion, have a proper system for staff evaluation, re-examine the system of salaries and incentives, and place special emphasis on building a strong HR department, a strong and reliable system of financial accounts, and a dependable audit mechanism. Third-party monitoring of HR and finance would be crucial. While some of these mechanisms exist, they should be reformatted and revamped. Anyone who has worked in government will know how intractable these quite basic governance prerequisites are likely to be.

We need to start the reform journey by initially picking one sector to pilot out ideas and approaches and throw sufficient resources at the project to prevent failures. If we can fix one institution, we can scale up quickly. The most difficult sector nor the least difficult one should be chosen. An "average" sort of sector will do fine. The set of priority reforms must reflect and inform our overarching goal: to bring in a vibrant democracy with all the necessary components required for its success.

For instance, a free, credible, and independent media is crucial to fight the war against unscrupulous social media, fake news, and false narratives while a powerful and independent election commission is needed for credible elections. The key question is whether some form of interim arrangement will need to continue. If so, how will such an arrangement be constituted?

This is our last chance to usher democracy into Bangladesh. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

We all understand that fundamental reforms must be carried out in public administration, the judiciary, the police, NBR, state-owned banks and industries, and within political parties. The interim government may not have sufficient time to see all these through. They may want to set out a road map, begin the process earnestly, and ensure that all political parties commit themselves to the reforms publicly and through their manifestoes. They can start by implementing the appropriate legal frameworks after due changes, modifications, and refinements.

For democracy to work, a sector that should be addressed head-on is the reform of political parties and the need to abide by a code of conduct. All of us have ideas about what such a code might involve, and the current government should be well-positioned to come up with one, obviously after discussion with stakeholders.

Some policy reforms as opposed to institutional reforms are significant low-hanging fruits, which only require a few signatures to change. The separation of the executive from the judiciary should be top on the list. Reforms to the Bangladesh Bank charter to ensure its autonomy should also be relatively easy. Various crony-friendly rules in the banking and financial sectors could be changed. In addition, the autonomy of various institutions in the public sector including the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies could be re-established and returned to its status quo ante. Subtle benefits given to crony capitalists in the guise of tax forgiveness, subsidies, and duty waivers should be weeded out too. Our duties and taxes must be realigned to promote diversified exports and employment.

Conspiracy

The student-led uprising was undoubtedly native. However, various analysts including Jeffrey D Sachs have spoken of possible US involvement and infiltration of the movement. Such a serious allegation will require a thorough investigation.

We should not have any qualms about forging a better relationship with the West. This relationship, however, would only be meaningful if it goes well beyond the usual Western rhetoric urging democracy, good governance, labour rights, and so on designed to expand its own empire. We have had enough of that sort of advice. We have strong developmental aspirations to follow in the footsteps of the Asian Tigers. We need access to Western markets, transfer of technology, and assistance in capacity building in science, engineering, technology, and AI. We should have at least one world-class institute of technology within the next five years as well as massive investments in infrastructure. Help us with these and you will have our friendship and access to a potentially huge market of 170 million people.

End note

This is our last chance to usher democracy into Bangladesh. Too many lives have been lost in its pursuit since 1947 when we became free from colonial rule. It was thwarted time and again by hostile forces within and without. We cannot afford to waste this chance again. We do not want to witness another mass upheaval, another bout of violence to settle scores or another political crisis—all because of the greed and arrogance of our rulers and their cronies, and their desire to rule forever. Nor do we want to witness the beginning of another set of authoritarian rulers and despots.

We are lucky to have Professor Yunus to lead the charge. I think he is the only person in the country who can unite us and find a way for us to resolve our differences so that we can emerge as a strong democratic country with a vibrant economy. Let us show the world that we can be a Muslim-majority state with a strong democracy, continue our great economic journey inclusively and develop our own model of a just society. Professor Yunus enjoys tremendous international goodwill, which Bangladesh needs at this critical juncture.

Our enemies are waiting for us to fail. We cannot afford to oblige them. My sombre warning to all is: failure now would leave the door open to foreign intervention and subsequent loss of sovereignty and independence.

KAS Murshid is an economist and former director-general of Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS).​

 

[Saif]

New security agenda for the interim government

Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies (BIPSS) organised a roundtable on “Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government” at The Westin Dhaka on 29 August.

en.prothomalo.com

New security agenda for the interim government
Prothom Alo English Desk
Published: 30 Aug 2024, 14: 16

Guests at a roundtable titled 'Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government on 29 August 2024.

Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies (BIPSS) organised a roundtable on “Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government” at The Westin Dhaka on 29 August, stated a press release.

As speakers, former defence attaché to Myanmar and former ambassador to Libya Major General (retd) Md Shahidul Haque, senior research fellow at BIPSS Shafqat Munir, and former associate editor and editor of defense and strategic affairs at The Daily Star Brigadier General (retd) Shahedul Anam Khan shared their knowledge on the discussion topic.

Moderator of the event, BIPSS president Major General ANM Muniruzzaman (retd), at the outset of the roundtable, stressed that Bangladesh stands at a critical juncture in its political and social history. Politically, as it transitions from fascism to an aspirational democratic order, the interim government must play a pivotal role to ensure a smooth and peaceful transition to democracy, but it faces unique challenges in maintaining national security during this period.

He stated that a comprehensive and forward-thinking security agenda is crucial to effectively address these challenges. General Muniruzzaman added that one of the first tasks that need to be undertaken is comprehensive security sector reform which will include the military, the intelligence services, and the police.

Major General Md Shahidul Haque (retd) shared his viewpoints on the security threats faced by Bangladesh as well as gave his views on what policies the interim government should adopt with regards to the issue. He explicitly stated that Bangladesh needs to implement a policy that dictates how to communicate with non-state actors such as the Arakan Army which controls the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and trade routes.

He also talked about how Bangladesh should handle the Myanmar crisis through a geo-strategic lens and not be biased with regards to the Rohingya refugees. He discussed how the interim government should constantly keep Bangladesh’s sovereignty and national interest in mind while negotiating with all countries.

Shafqat Munir emphasised the need for a full-time National Security Advisor (NSA) and a fully empowered national security coordination secretariat. He also stated that such a secretariat needs to have domain and subject matter experts. Shafqat Munir highlighted the need to address new and emerging threats such as cyber security, climate security, and a continued focus on countering terrorism and violent extremism.

He urged that it is now high time to review Bangladesh’s security threats and challenges and formulate a national security strategy. He stated that the aspirations of the “Monsoon Revolution” will not be fully realized unless Bangladesh has a rejuvenated security agenda. He called attention to the worldwide support Bangladesh 2.0 has garnered.

Shafqat Munir emphasised the need for greater politico-military coordination especially at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in view of Bangladesh’s widespread overseas operations especially peacekeeping operations. He also talked about revamping and revitalising military education and training in Bangladesh. Shafqat Munir also reiterated the need for complete depoliticisation of the Security sector.

In his own remarks, Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan first asked the audience why the revolution needed to happen. He highlighted the need to first identify security threats, both internal and external before talking about a security agenda. He said, “Unless the people of Bangladesh are secured, the nation cannot be".

Emphasising the people’s security over all else, he passionately mentioned how without good governance, security cannot be maintained. He added that the Hasina regime had none of the characteristics of good governance. He then went on to say that the elected representatives of our country are servants, not masters and that they must govern and not rule.

Brig Gen Anam underlined that the security forces and intelligence services had been misused and politicised and there must be complete de-politisation stressing that the fault lies not with the agencies but with the corrupt politicians of the Hasina regime who have misused them for their own gains.

Lt Gen Abdul Hafiz (retd), special assistant to the chief advisor of the interim government of Bangladesh for defence and national solidarity was present at the roundtable and shared his valuable thoughts on the subject.

In his final remarks, the moderator stressed on the need to revitalize parliamentary oversight on defence and security. He particularly stressed the need for democratic oversight arrangement of the country’s intelligence services so that never again we revisit the horrors of the past such as ‘Aynaghor’.

He also mentioned that the Bangladesh armed forces must prepare for the new and emerging threats such as hybrid warfare and capacities to fight in the ‘grey zone’. He also emphasised the need for modernisation of armed forces.

During the interactive session, issues like the future of the Rohingya people, border security, importance of defense and security strategies, how we will deal with the enormous debt the nation has accrued, etc. were raised and discussed.

The audience included former chief of the army staff, ambassadors, senior diplomats, representatives of various ministries and government agencies, members of civil society, media personnel and academics as well as several coordinators of the Student Against Discrimination movement among others.​

 

[Saif]

Challenges facing the interim govt

Close to a month after a popular mass uprising led by students forced the despotic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, ending her 15 years of tyrannical rule, the interim government that took over the reins of power in the country on August 8 continues to consolidate its authority. B

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Challenges facing the interim govt
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Aug 31, 2024 23:11
Updated :
Aug 31, 2024 23:11

The front page of The Telegraph, an Indian daily, on August 6 focusing the fall of Hasina — Collected

Close to a month after a popular mass uprising led by students forced the despotic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, ending her 15 years of tyrannical rule, the interim government that took over the reins of power in the country on August 8 continues to consolidate its authority.

Bangladesh's path to a functioning democratic future after the fall of the despotic Sheikh Hasina regime remains uncertain and difficult. The government also faces formidable macroeconomic challenges, in particular, reining in inflation. The country now also grapples with slowing GDP growth, currency devaluation, a financial crisis, and looming debt. However, the interim government's priority now is to restore law and order across the country and stabilize the economic situation, offering a glimmer of hope for the nation's economic recovery.

In fact, the country that the interim government has inherited is far from stable. High inflationary pressure, endemic corruption, and undermining democratic institutions have left the country in a political and economic mess. The actions of the military are also being closely watched, given that Bangladesh has experienced 29 actual or attempted coups in its half-century-long history.

Hasina has used her control of levers of state power - the police, judiciary and civil service to keep her in power and rigged all the elections during her 15-year rule using those state levers. Her party (Awami League) loyalists have also deeply penetrated all these levers of power. Security forces including the army also face severe legitimacy crisis. Most people lost their trust in all these institutions. A few months ago, even a recently resigned Supreme Court Judge declared himself in public as a "politically committed judge".

Under Hasina's rule, the political culture was defined by zero-sum politics, making it almost impossible for opposition political parties to function. Bangladesh's road forward is now littered with hazards. The greatest danger comes from the Awami League (AL) and its alliance partners and international backers. Their followers, who are still active in politics, and their loyalists, who remain in various branches of government, will try to destabilise the interim government to bring back, if not Hasina but one of her family members, to power.

While the interim government works to rebuild political stability and trust in democratic processes, its inherent vulnerabilities, combined with AL loyalists' creation of political instability, will weaken it.

It is not surprising to see the AL actively mobilising sporadic demonstrations and instigating sectarian discord to destabilise and weaken the interim government. Just three weeks after Sheikh Hasina fled the country, as the nation was emerging from the shadows of turmoil, a faction of Ansar members initiated violent protests, prompting police intervention to restore order. This demonstration serves as a stark reminder of how deeply AL loyalists have penetrated all state institutions, including the security and law enforcement apparatus, and how they continue to pose a threat to political stability.

Hasina enjoyed close ties with India, especially with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In fact, India greatly emboldened her to consolidate her repressive regime to achieve its objectives in Bangladesh. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the first foreign leader to congratulate Hasina on her rigged election victory in January 2024, providing crucial international support to her despotic regime. Therefore, the ouster of Sheikh Hasina constitutes a significant setback for India's regional hegemonic policy.

Under Hasina's despotic rule, Bangladesh, with which India shares its longest land border along five Indian states stretching over 4,000 kilometres, became India's closest ally and an effective enforcer of its security goals. This enabled India to fulfil its dream of becoming the regional hegemonic power on the way to becoming "Vishawaguru"- a term coined by eminent Indian historian Ramchandra Guha.

She not only addressed India's security concerns but also agreed to allow India rail transit through Bangladesh. However, India left Bangladesh's concerns about Teesta River Water Sharing unaddressed. The Teesta River, which flows through both India and Bangladesh, has been a point of contention between the two countries due to the unequal distribution of its waters, affecting the livelihoods of millions of people in Bangladesh.

She was entirely dependent on India in conducting three rigged elections. India was singularly responsible for destroying democracy and democracy-supporting institutions in Bangladesh and helped perpetuate Hasina's despotic rule. In this venture, the BJP, the ruling party in India, and the Congress, the main opposition party, fully agreed, indicating a bipartisan consensus on India's policy towards Bangladesh.

Bangladesh also stands as India's foremost trade partner in South Asia, accounting for 12 per cent of India's total exports. Bilateral trade has grown significantly over the last few years, overwhelmingly favouring India. In 2023, India exported US$12.20 billion worth of goods to Bangladesh. Bangladesh has had a large and persistent trade deficit with India for a considerable period.

Hasina's ouster is a major blow to India, which has, under the Hindu supremacist Prime Minister Narendra Modi, effectively staked its relationship with Bangladesh on Hasina's despotic regime. As protesters sought to overthrow the Hasina regime, their anger has also been directed at Modi, her biggest international ally and supporter. Therefore, the protest movement led by students and supported by opposition parties has an anti-Indian bent.

When the deposed Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled Dhaka by military helicopter on August 5, there was little doubt about where she was heading for. When Hasina landed at an Indian air force base near New Delhi, she was received by Ajit Doval, Indian Prime Minister Modi's security adviser and who also oversees the external intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), which has been accused of meddling in the internal affairs of Bangladesh and other neighbouring countries. This indicates the Modi government's hostile attitude towards the regime change in Dhaka.

Hasina is still in Delhi as a guest of the Modi government, and there has been no decision about her plan to leave India. In fact, she enjoys bipartisan political support for her being the guest of the Indian government, as has the bipartisan support for the destruction of democracy and democracy-supporting institutions in Bangladesh to keep Hasina in power.

In a clear display of a hostile attitude towards Bangladesh, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah has made several controversial and unfounded claims against Bangladesh to incite hatred and division against Bangladesh. He specifically alleged that Bangladesh is systematically reducing the Hindu population within its borders. This Hindu card is now being used to create pressure on the interim government.

Prime Minister Modi, in his official statement on his recent telephone discussion with US President Joe Biden, said, "We also discussed the situation in Bangladesh and stressed the need for early restoration of normalcy, and ensuring the safety and security of minorities, especially Hindus, in Bangladesh." This is a statement coming from a person known as the "Butcher of Muslims in Gujrat". A Bangladeshi Hindu leader told Al Jazeera that attacks have been politically motivated, not communal.

Modi "made Islamophobic remarks" in 110 out of the 173 speeches he delivered during the recent Lok Sabha election campaign, according to the Human Rights Watch (HRW) report released on August 14, 2024. The HRW report further added that violence against religious minorities has also continued since the election, pointing to the deaths of 12 Muslim men and a Christian woman in 28 reported attacks across the country.

Also, the media in India has been using the current situation in Bangladesh to whip-up anti-Muslim rhetoric in India using the Hindu card. Recent events in Bangladesh show how Prime Minister Modi's Hindu supremacist project harmed India's regional interests.

Then, in the last week of August, India was accused of being responsible for devastating floods in Bangladesh, which have affected millions of people. Bangladesh claims that the flooding was caused by the decision to open the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in the Indian state of Tripura, which shares an 800-km-long border with Bangladesh. Of course, India denies the allegation.

According to a media report, Modi is all set to unleash a new form of conflict, an economic war against Bangladesh. This upcoming economic confrontation will involve a series of measures aimed at undermining Bangladesh's financial stability and growth. The implications of this economic war could be far-reaching, affecting trade relations, investment opportunities, and overall economic cooperation between the two neighbouring countries.

Hasina's close relationship with India was detrimental to Bangladesh's interest and heavily tilted towards India. But that does not mean the interim government will have to take an anti-Indian stance. Bangladesh needs to recalibrate its foreign policy to put the bilateral relationship with India on an even keel. The adage "one can not choose one's neighbour" applies as much to Bangladesh as it does to India. Now is the time to wait and watch to see how India, over time, responds to Bangladesh's recalibrated foreign policy.​

 

[Saif]

The speech by Dr Yunus: A vision for new Bangladesh

Dr Yunus’s humility in admitting the challenges ahead was appreciated.

www.thedailystar.net

The speech by Dr Yunus: A vision for new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus addressed the nation on August 25, 2024. PHOTO: PID

The interim government's Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus's address to the nation on August 25 resonated deeply with the public, striking a chord of authenticity, humility, and aspiration. Social media has been abuzz with comments such as "Dr Yunus's vision for a new Bangladesh gives me hope" and "We needed this kind of leadership years ago." His speech was remarkable not only for what it said, but for how it was delivered—free of arrogance, malice or personal gratification. Instead, it was a call to action, focusing on the urgent need for national unity and the commitment to building a new, democratic, and inclusive Bangladesh.

Dr Yunus emphasised the interim government's dedication to restoring democracy, combating corruption, and overhauling key sectors such as the judiciary, banking, and education. He called on all political parties to support these efforts, urging a consensus-driven approach to rebuild the nation on a foundation that truly serves the public interest. His vision for a new Bangladesh is one where the sacrifices made during the recent uprising translate into a just and democratic society.

A significant part of his speech was his focus on transparency, particularly the declaration of assets by government advisers and the prioritisation of eradicating bribery and rampant corruption. His metaphor of the nation as a family, though powerful, also drew mixed reactions, with some concerned that it might oversimplify the complexities of governance.

While the speech hit the right notes on many fronts, it also left some wanting more. Critics have pointed out that, while Dr Yunus's vision is inspiring, the real challenge lies in its implementation. Comments like, "Talk is cheap—let's see some action," and "Can he really clean up the mess left by 15 years of misrule?" reflect the scepticism that still lingers.

The "country as a family" metaphor, while evocative, may not fully capture the diverse realities and challenges facing the nation. Unity is essential, but it must also respect and embrace diversity. Citizens are not just looking for unity; they want a sense of autonomy and inclusivity within the broader national framework.

Moreover, there was an expectation for Dr Yunus to delve into the specifics of how the interim government would introduce substantive reforms. While procedural changes are necessary, the public is eager to see fundamental structural shifts that address the deep-rooted issues in Bangladesh's governance. Whether this requires constitutional amendments or a complete overhaul was a question left unanswered.

Dr Yunus's humility in admitting the challenges ahead was appreciated. He acknowledged that enacting these changes will not be easy and that mistakes will likely be made along the way. However, he also asked for time and patience, promising transparency and a commitment to course correction as needed. This approach aligns with a broader understanding that nation-building is a complex, adaptive journey.

The interim government's swift leadership change at the home ministry and the formation of an economic panel to draft a white paper are pragmatic steps towards addressing immediate challenges. However, citizens demand more than procedural justice—they seek genuine institutional reforms that will lay the foundation for a new Bangladesh. To build and sustain public trust, the government must prioritise meaningful reforms over superficial actions, avoiding the appearance of arbitrary decisions in recent high-profile arrest cases.

A promising start has been made with the appointment of a student leader as a special assistant to the chief adviser, signalling openness to fresh ideas and perspectives. However, the specifics of the structural changes needed for Bangladesh 2.0 remain unclear. The interim government must continue this dialogue, engaging a broad spectrum of stakeholders to ensure that the reforms are not merely cosmetic, but truly transformative.

This is a crucial moment for Bangladesh. The vision of a new, inclusive, and just society is within reach, but it demands collective effort and a clear path forward. As Dr Yunus aptly said, the journey has just begun. The interim government must now focus on earning the trust and engagement needed to navigate this path.

Citizens aren't looking for quick fixes; they want a sustainable, principled approach that respects the complexity of the task. Using the journey metaphor, building the nation from Tetulia to Teknaf isn't about instant results, but about starting with a strong foundation of principles and pragmatism. It's encouraging to see conversations already underway on how to align people's will with the ideological vision and a strategic thinking for a new Bangladesh—one rooted in autonomy, equity, dignity, and fairness.

Dr Yunus's speech was a strong start, but the real test lies in how the interim government turns this vision into reality. The people of Bangladesh are hopeful and ready to contribute to building Bangladesh 2.0. The road ahead is tough, but with the right actions, it's a journey worth taking. Now, the interim government needs to prove it can deliver on its promises.

Shafiqul Islam is director of Water Diplomacy, professor of civil and environmental engineering and water diplomacy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, US.​

 

[Saif]

Stability key to interim administration’s success

Though the Dr Yunus-led interim government is still in a nascent stage, yet expectations from it from the various disgruntled sections of administration and society seem to be unlimited. However, the methods being used to realise the demands are also the age-old tactics like blocking the traffic at

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Stability key to interim administration’s success
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:56
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:56

Though the Dr Yunus-led interim government is still in a nascent stage, yet expectations from it from the various disgruntled sections of administration and society seem to be unlimited. However, the methods being used to realise the demands are also the age-old tactics like blocking the traffic at sensitive city intersections or staging gheraos at the different administrative headquarters of the government. The supposedly aggrieved quarters holding such demonstrations are in most cases too aggressive to be calmed down by simple assurances. Some members of the paramilitary auxiliary force, the Bangladesh Ansar, for instance, held such a day-long gherao programme at the Bangladesh Secretariat on August 26. As some seven advisers of the interim government and other senior officials were prevented from leaving office till late in the evening, students from the university had to intervene and clear the way for the government officials to leave the secretariat. But the ansar put up a bloody fight with students before they were forced to leave the place. The armed forces were also called to flush out the troublemaking ansars.

One wonders, why have the programmes to press home demands to be so bellicose and violent when the government in question is new and yet to put its house in order? Since the present government has come into existence to fill in the vacuum left by the previous government due to its sudden exit, is it not too early for those various aggrieved quarters to place their demands? This raises question about the sincerity of their cause and an apprehension if they have any secret agenda up their sleeve. Seeing that the executive branch of the previous government, except some minor reshufflings, is still intact, it won't be surprising if some in the administration who have not given up hope of a return to the old order might still try to destabilise the interim government. There is no reason to believe that such attempts at destabilising the interim government will stop shortly. However, handling of disturbances in most cases will require prompt mobilisation of the law-enforcement agencies. But the incident involving ansars has proved that the law-enforcement agency, the police to be specific, is not yet ready to respond to the law and order issues as and when they arise. Students cannot intervene in every such case. One cannot also expect that the armed forces, in every case of disturbance, big or small, will appear to restore order. Take the case of some ninth graders of the Barishal Government Technical School and College who reportedly ransacked the reception room of the Barishal Kotwali Model Police Station, broke glass and vehicle on the thana premises in the late afternoon of last Friday (August 30). The teenagers went violent as the police allegedly failed to resolve a dispute between them (enraged teens) and the members of their rival group. Another reason for those teenagers' anger, as reported, was that, the Kotwali Model Police Station police advised students to take the army's help to resolve their dispute.

However innocuous, such incidents raise concern about the police's preparedness and ability in its present shape to maintain law and order at a time when the country is passing through one of its most critical phases in history. Why can't the police handle such minor problems themselves, but have to seek the military's support to resolve? Are they so scared that they cannot face even a small group of unruly teens?

True, they have recently gone through a traumatic experience of mob violence against police across the country. But the disruptive time of extreme volatility is over. The hostile crowds have returned home. Gradually, things are settling down. In the changed circumstances, the interim government has given them (the police) the assurances they need to join work and, encouragingly enough, they have responded well to the interim government's call and have already joined their duties. So, what is holding them back from doing their duties wholeheartedly?

The adviser of the interim government for home affairs needs to address the issue seriously towards boosting the morale of the police force. This is urgent if the armed forces are to return to their barracks and the students to their studies.

The police must be adequately equipped to deal with normal law and order issues as well as any act of sabotage by forces of destabilisation. It is only in exceptional circumstances that the military's intervention should be sought.

Commendably, the interim government has meanwhile taken up a number of challenges including restoring discipline in the financial sector. Also, it has, in a welcome move, signed the international convention on enforced disappearances. Some big guns of the previous government have meanwhile been held on charges of corruption and various misdeeds. It is expected that charges brought against them are based on adequate evidence to substantiate those. However, success of all these good gestures of the interim government will depend largely on its main strength, its stability. So, before everything else, the internal challenges to the nterim government's stability have to be dealt with in earnest. The key posts of the civil and military establishments should be replaced with people having unquestionable loyalty to Dr Yunus's interim government. Such replacements have to be made promptly, because the enemies within are still at work to create instability. Also, the government should be alert to any constitutional crisis. The chief adviser should consult experts on this issue and act swiftly to avert any contradictory clauses challenging the legitimacy of the interim government.​

 

[Saif]

Two hours with the chief adviser

The most challenging task the CA sought our help in was to work towards unifying the nation.

www.thedailystar.net

Two hours with the chief adviser

The most challenging task that the chief adviser sought the media's help in is to work towards unifying the nation. FILE PHOTO: PID

For me, it was after 12 years that I could get anywhere close to the highest seat of power, leave alone have an exchange of views. The former prime minister never allowed the largest circulated English daily of the country, its editor or any of its journalists access to the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) or to cover any event where she would be present. The reason I mention it is to point out that, by law, any position—except perhaps those devoted to national security—that is run using public money cannot be kept out of the process of accountability, including and especially that of the media. She broke the law by denying us access to the highest seat of governance. When former US President Donald Trump threw out CNN's White House correspondent because he loathed the news network, a federal court reinstated him in less than two weeks, saying no office run by taxpayers' money can be denied access to the media. But here she was, the "law" and the courts were at her beck and call. For us to go to the court would—as we thought, and our suspicion was justified by examples—have led to a judgment that would give a legal veneer to an illegal act. We were denied access for 12 years until the chief adviser (CA) of the interim government called us on Tuesday. The same fate was meted out to the highest circulated Bangla daily in the country, Prothom Alo. Our only crime was that we wanted to hold power to account.

Hopefully, that story has ended forever in Bangladesh, along with one-person rule, one-person bank loot, one-person-led loan default culture—who changed his looks and garb to pretend piety while looting the stock market, bond market, etc, and at the same time destroying financial discipline. Hopefully, we also have seen the end of abuse of power, cronyism, corruption, extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances—an endless list of degeneration that 15 years of unaccounted for rule led us to.

Yesterday, we commemorated one month after the end of this repressive regime. It was a transformative moment when people from all walks of life spontaneously joined the students in a united struggle for freedom.

The two hours with the chief adviser, Prof Muhammad Yunus, began with a refreshing modesty. Instead of "I know everything, listen to me, wonder, and applause," he began by unhesitatingly sharing how onerous the tasks he faces are, how little time he has to accomplish it, how limited his own and his team's expertise is, and how desperately he needs the support of all people, and especially of the media. What a breath of fresh air it was—especially for those of us who tried our best to speak truth to power in the last 15 years—when Prof Yunus urged the editors to say, as loudly as possible, whenever we saw something wrong being committed by his cabinet. From a culture of "I cannot make any mistake because I love my people and Bangladesh always benefits when my party and I are in power," to an open and sincere invitation to criticise the government which—the CA understood and the former PM did not—would only help him achieve the goals that the people want him to. The modesty, the humility, the openness and, above all, the sincerity won our hearts and minds.

The most challenging task the CA sought our help in was to work towards unifying the nation. He felt, and we agreed, that today we stand dangerously divided, which must be ended as soon as possible. It is this division that gravely corroded all our previous attempts to take the country forward. He did not explain the issue in detail, and neither could we, but we all felt, intuitively and deeply, the centrality of that particular challenge.

There were talks about the reform of the constitution, especially devolving the unrestrained power that our constitution gave to the head of the government. There were talks of making the judiciary independent, empowering the Anti-Corruption Commission (which is described by one of its chairmen as a "toothless tiger"), human rights and all other statutory bodies powerful and independent enough to do their job. Special attention was focused on the Election Commission, whose repeated failure since 2014 crippled our representative government, debilitated our parliament, and made voters lose their faith in the "once in five years" prospect to have a say in choosing who should govern them. The fact that none of our chief election commissioners, since 2008, had the self-respect and dignity to resign when they discovered that the government of the day—having abolished the caretaker system—would not allow a free expression of the public will says it all about the moral bankruptcy of our select elite citizenry. To handle these legal but tricky questions, it was suggested that a special committee be formed—like the one headed by Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya to publish a white paper on the economy—to recommend a set of constitutional and other amendments of legal nature that would satisfy the need of time and give the CA a clearer notion about his programmes ahead.

The idea mooted by the information adviser of setting up an information commission received echoes in the discussion, with special mention of granting functional autonomy to the state-run Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Bangladesh Television (BTV), and Bangladesh Betar so that public money is no longer wasted on propaganda for the government.

In his introductory remarks, Prof Yunus raised the question of the length of the interim government's tenure. He added that the political parties he had spoken with so far had given two broad views: "take as long as you need," and "take a reasonable amount of time" without defining what reasonable meant. Most of the editors responded by saying that the interim government should first set out its agenda and use that to determine the time it needed, and not go the other way of allowing the specificity of time to determine it agenda. The very few who gave any specific time frame, which varied between one and three years, added that the "honeymoon period" may not last for long, adding that much will depend on public perception of how effective, focused and pro-people programmes the interim government undertakes. The editors pointed out that a perception is gathering ground that all members of the interim government are not working effectively, actively, spiritedly, and creatively. They seem more desk-oriented than performance-driven. They don't give the impression that they are fully aware of the complexity of their tasks, and the enormity of public expectation on them. They are not visible.

As editors, we obviously focused a lot on the current harassment of journalists and strongly protested the recklessness with which media professionals were being charged with murder without a shred of evidence. This is giving a wrong signal to the media in the country and is damaging the image of the interim government to the world.

As for the relationship between the interim government and the media, it was a refreshing start after one and a half decades of abuse, harassment, baseless suspicion, and demonising. Regrettably, a section of our own community played an ignominious role, casting aside all ethics and norms of good journalism, thereby shaming all journalists.

There are two fundamental streams of work that the interim government needs to do: one is to run the everyday affairs of the government, and the other is to reform it. The first is itself a massive task that would occupy the full energy and resources of a full-fledged elected government in any country, made more so by the injustices, discrepancies, corruption and bad governance left behind by the ousted regime.

The second is the task to create for us a chance to build a better future. A one-minute pause by any of us would bring to our focus the tremendous challenge that the interim government faces.

Let us help them and give them time, patience, understanding and, most importantly, trust.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

One month of interim govt: Yunus navigating thru high hopes

A month ago, as Bangladesh teetered on the brink of chaos after the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus returned home to steer the nation through political turbulences.

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One month of interim govt: Yunus navigating thru high hopes

A month ago, as Bangladesh teetered on the brink of chaos after the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus returned home to steer the nation through political turbulences.

It was a dramatic turnaround for Yunus, who faced relentless legal peril at home but ultimately emerged as the saviour of a scarred nation. Many feared that Yunus, the nemesis of Hasina, would land in jail during her tenure, but on August 8 he came back from Paris to a hero's welcome and headed to the presidential palace to take over the helm of Bangladesh, a country in flux. His long-time tormentor, Hasina, had fled three days earlier.

The students, who had spearheaded the protests and catalysed the people's uprising, championed Yunus as their choice for the head of an interim government. People were relieved that he had indeed agreed to take charge. And as such, the economics professor came to personify the hopes and aspirations of Bangladesh.

His arrival ended a four-day power vacuum. He spoke to the media as if he was already in charge, celebrating what he said was a "second liberation", imploring the countrymen to keep faith in him and sending a message of unity to the nation in times of an unprecedented crisis. At Dhaka airport, he shared words of empathy with anti-government protesters. At times, he struggled to fight back tears, a rare display of grief, when he remembered Abu Sayed, who died in a hail of bullets fired by the police. The first few days, as expected, were steeped in symbolism. His carefully chosen words – the rebirth of Bangladesh and renewal after a period of turmoil – resonated deeply with the audience.

Then came the hardest part. The interim government nervously began the heavy task of restoring law and order after weeks of deadly protests. A month went by, but the morale of the police force was still low. The police administration underwent major reshuffles in the past month. Officers largely stayed away from work and appeared to be reluctant to respond to disturbances. Reprisal attacks spiked in the immediate aftermath of Hasina's downfall, although it has now come down. But extortion and murder cases against journalists continue to be a big concern. All of this means that maintaining law and order remains a formidable challenge for the interim government, as various groups try to exploit the social disorder to their advantage.

Yunus has initiated a major clean-up of key institutions, appointing a former IMF economist as the central bank governor to bring discipline to the banking sector. Additionally, he has tasked another prominent economist with drafting a white paper on the entrenched corruption during Hasina's 15-year tenure. While the economy is still facing challenges, businesses are gradually recovering. The advisory council now faces the crucial task of implementing effective economic policies and reforms to rebuild public trust and attract foreign direct investment, ensuring long-term stability.

In the decades since the end of HM Ershad's military rule in 1990, Bangladesh experienced an "economic miracle" that lifted tens of millions out of poverty, driven largely by a booming garment sector. However, since emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic, the country has suffered from high inflation, particularly in food prices, and shortages of foreign currency.

These issues are largely attributed to corruption and government mismanagement. For political reasons, Hasina's administration was reluctant to pursue serious economic reforms. The recent unrest has only exacerbated the country's economic problems, with garment buyers cancelling orders, which require serious and urgent attention.

POLITICAL RENEWAL

One priority for Yunus should be re-establishing the independence of the Election Commission to build confidence in the forthcoming polls with the top bosses gone. Under the former prime minister, parliament became a rubber stamp, the civil service and judiciary were highly politicised, and the media and civil society were closely controlled.

"While some of these institutions will quickly flourish in a more open environment, others will bear the scars of subordination for years to come," the Crisis Group said in a report.

It's a race against time for Yunus who took over on August 8 with a fledgeling team. He brought swift changes to the civil administration, police, the Rapid Action Battalion, the Detective Branch and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence that Hasina exploited to create a culture of fear and intimidation.

They enjoyed almost total impunity under Hasina's administration. It's a monumental task for Yunus to make sure people have confidence they will not be arrested, abducted or even killed extrajudicially for political reasons.

Yunus also faces significant challenges in navigating the evolving geopolitical landscape, especially considering the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people. The relationship with India, traditionally seen as Hasina's strongest supporter, has been strained due to Dhaka's push for her extradition. Although the interim government has stated that Hasina's stay in New Delhi won't affect bilateral relations, the changing public sentiment in Bangladesh requires careful management to maintain strategic cooperation with India and adopt a more balanced approach in foreign relations.

"In supporting her administration so staunchly despite its clear unpopularity, India has badly damaged itself in Bangladeshis' eyes. If it now seems to be standing in the way of reform, it will only amplify anti-India sentiment, which could linger to the detriment of neighbourly relations," the Crisis Group said.

India should instead support the interim government, and revive links with other parties too as part of a political renewal in Bangladesh.

The interim government faces numerous challenges as citizens demand justice on multiple fronts. It must prioritise addressing the grievances of those affected by Hasina's 15-year rule, implement necessary reforms and manage a smooth political transition. The new administration, at least for now, seems focused on "managing expectations from all sides."

The domestic political landscape is fraught with challenges, as the uprising reflects deep dissatisfaction with the current system. The interim government, recognising the urgency of the situation, has initiated dialogues with established political parties, civil society members, development partners and journalists to pursue reforms to create a more stable political environment. One key option could be the revival of the caretaker government system, which was abolished by Hasina's administration in 2011. This system could help ensure fair and transparent elections, reducing the risk of another autocratic leader emerging.

Hasina's departure offers a unique opportunity to move beyond the hyper-partisan, winner-take-all electoral dynamics that have harmed Bangladeshi politics for the past three decades. It's an opportunity to undo the past wrongdoings.​

 

[Saif]

Reflecting on one month of the interim government

The interim government faces challenges on the path to reform due to the complexity of the political situation

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Reflecting on one month of the interim government

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It has been precisely one month since the interim government, led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, took office following a series of traumatic and dramatic events that tragically claimed more than 700 lives throughout July and August 2024. With its hopeful outlook and promises, the interim government has come to power to create an enabling framework for election for peaceful power transfer and sustainable economic growth that the nation's 170 million people aspire to see.

The student-led movement, a powerful force that has significantly reshaped the social ecosystem and public attitudes towards governance, politics, and security, has inspired hope and optimism. It has shifted the balance from elite and partisan entitlement to a more inclusive society. One must be mindful that all the grievances were and are still written on the wall.

People, particularly the youth, have put remarkable trust in the new government despite the past regime's infrastructural boom that widened disparity and encouraged the culture of kleptocracy. The anti-discrimination movement, led by the students under unforgettable gun-points and state-sponsored hostilities on the grounds, supported by the opposition parties, participated by the mass public and the remittance earners, and aided by the military, resulted from apolitical and rational demands reflecting the dire socio-economic crises.

So, what do we get from the agony of the past, hope of the present, and expectations for the future? The simple answer is "reform".

However, the interim government faces challenges on the path to reform due to the complexity of the political situation.

First, reform is a painful process and is often seen as unpopular when it begins with political institutions. In a rare historical situation, a civil government in Bangladesh took on its responsibilities when political institutions were almost non-existent and state institutions had been converted into partisan clubs. The existing political vacuum, hence, is more profound than one would expect.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is gradually reforming and rejuvenating itself, which will take some time. Jamaat-e-Islami is working to address the barriers imposed by the previous government. A political party to be set up by the students to sustain the movement's spirit is gradually gaining prominent space in public discourse, underscoring their continued influence on the new political landscape.

The debate about the nature of future elections—whether they should be inclusive and fair, or participatory and credible—will unfold in the coming days. The ultimate goal of the interim government should be to create an environment conducive to elections. At some point, whispering campaigns from the messiahs of textbook democracies or a neighboring country to hold an "inclusive election" will pop up, even though Awami League is tainted by an unforgivable past and crimes against humanity.

Ceteris paribus, a critical mass of the population, the students, or the two main political parties, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, will congruently exclude the AL and forge their own paths. Nonetheless, both parties have reaffirmed their public commitments to support reforms.

The necessary constitutional reform to ensure fair elections will be challenging due to varying public expectations and differing ideologies among political parties. Our political culture has not yet reached a point where the public can be confident that future governments will continue the constitutional reform efforts initiated by the interim government. The key focus here is to achieve political consensus on the ideological underpinnings of the parties. The left, right, far-right, and the left-right must agree on a state ideology reflecting the public aspirations. The sooner the national consensus is reached, the better the electoral and political reform prospects.

Secondly, reforming public institutions is equally necessary. Dr Yunus's cabinet has promptly initiated public sector reforms with the students' support. The focus should be on uprooting the kleptocratic structure. Given our past experiences, it would be wiser to have a limited agenda for reform rather than expanding extensively.

The interim government has logically not yet determined its life span for handing power over to an elected government. It has to be pragmatic about its course of deliverables to the public. The longer it stays at the helm of power, the greater the perils and crises it will embrace. Nonetheless, there is no alternative to radical but pragmatic thinking. It should now confine its reform agenda to the economy: banking, investment climate, energy, social safety network, education, and law enforcement.

The judiciary and the accountability institutions such as the commissions for elections, public service, university grants, and anti-corruption need fundamental but organic overhauling. Independent commissions for the police and media are essential to restoring public confidence in these two crucial pillars of society. Its breakneck speed in repairing these institutions has garnered public support.

However, the present government's success would lie in finding the right human resources to replace the subservient ones and, indeed, in how the advisers perform beyond their political prejudices. As we hear, the politics of grasping on to power have returned at the grassroots level, denoting a need for radical responses.

External and internal instigations will keep the security environment volatile, whether in the labour sector, communal harmony, the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Myanmar front, or cyber domains. The key to the solution lies in coordination between the present government and the political parties. Mob rule, media trials, bulldozer justice, and social media disinformation and misinformation continue to dent public psychology.

It is imperative to urge students to resume classes and the public to return to regular life, enabling them to express their voices through rights, institutions, and political sanity. The interim government must not allow the glory of the precious student movement to be tarnished by fringe elements and toxic precedence.

If we want history to recognise the "anti-discrimination students' movement" as a revolution, we must be fully prepared to embrace radical and profound ideological and cultural shifts. But of course, as Audre Lorde said, revolution is not a one-time event.

Shahab Enam Khan is professor of international relations at Jahangirnagar University.​