[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to “prolong its stay in power” by unnecessarily wasting time.

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Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power
Says law adviser

File photo

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to "prolong its stay in power" by unnecessarily wasting time.

"We want to move towards the national election after ensuring the urgent, fundamental, and necessary reforms based on political consensus, which are crucial to ensure free and fair election polls," he told a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy.

The briefing was held on the report submissions of six major reform commissions -- constitution, election, judiciary, police, civil service, and anti-corruption commission. The reports were published on the Cabinet Division's website.

He said political parties are suspecting that the reforms are not being made because the interim government is trying to extend its tenure. The necessary reforms can be completed if this suspicion is removed, he said.

Nazrul also said said the government is keen on beginning talks with political parties from mid-February. "If the parties agree, the discussions could continue even during Ramadan.

"We've already said the election could be held between December 2025 and June 2026. Considering monsoon, it might be brought forward to March or April 2026…Everything will be finalised based on political consensus."

About how long it might take to carry out the necessary reforms, the law adviser said, the reform commissions, except that for the constitution, has set a timeline of six months for implementing immediate reforms.

"Some of the proposed reforms -- at least 50 percent -- could even be completed within a month."

Nazrul added that the government has already taken some steps towards reforms even before getting the commissions' reports. "Some issues, such as appointing court officials through a judicial service commission, have already been considered as these are good for all."

He also said that the constitution reform commission has not yet given any timeline for implementing reforms as all it will all be dependent on political consensus.​

 

[Saif]

Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government.

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Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

Professor Yunus’s dedication to economic and social development has made him a widely respected global icon. PHOTO: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus announced in December last year that the next general election might take place at the end of 2025 or in the first half of 2026, depending on political consensus and reforms. His government, which took over after Sheikh Hasina's ouster on August 5, formed at least 15 reform commissions. However, six months in, the interim government finds itself navigating troubled waters, surrounded by complex socioeconomic, political, and governance challenges that threaten to overshadow its initial promises.

Economic struggle and the crisis of confidence

The interim administration inherited a fragile financial landscape marked by high inflation, a banking sector in crisis, and dwindling foreign exchange reserves. Inflation eased to 9.94 percent in January from 10.89 percent in December, driven by stable food prices due to an influx of winter vegetables. Despite this decline, inflation has remained above nine percent since March 2023, causing hardships for fixed-income and low-income people.

Following criticism over recent hikes, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) revised down VAT and supplementary duty on some items. The VAT adjustments follow IMF recommendations under a $4.7 billion loan programme, pushing for tax reforms at the expense of public well-being to increase revenue collection. The banking sector, long plagued by bad loans and financial mismanagement, has seen some positive steps, such as asset quality reviews and hiring of international auditors to clean up failing banks. The government has worked to curb illicit financial outflows estimated to be $16 billion annually under the previous regime.

Foreign direct investment dropped to a six-year low in the July-September quarter of FY25, reaching only $104.33 million, a 71 percent decline from FY24. Net equity investment fell by 46 percent to $76.79 million, while reinvested earnings dropped by 73 percent to $72.9 million. The decline has been driven by political unrest, labour agitation, inflation, import restrictions, dollar shortages, and weak law and order. Investors remain wary due to uncertainty over political transitions, economic mismanagement, and inconsistent policies.

Law and order, reform and good governance

Law and order remain one of the most critical aspects. While the administration has attempted to restore stability following months of violent protests, crime rates have surged. Sharp rise in political violence, robberies, and extortion has been exacerbated by a weakened police force recovering from the post-uprising trauma and restructuring.

Violent crime, particularly murder and mugging, has created fear, especially in the evenings. Despite increased patrolling and intelligence surveillance, police efforts have not significantly curbed crime rates. Murder cases surged in 2024, with 583 in September, 399 in October, and 337 in November, whereas in the same months in 2023, the numbers were significantly lower at 238, 258, and 227, respectively. Muggings have escalated as armed gangs target victims in alleys and even in broad daylight.

While the interim government has exposed past human rights violations, including enforced disappearances, allegations of politically motivated arrests and reprisals have raised concerns about the government replicating some of the sametendencies. While no significant extrajudicial killings have been reported, the recent death of a BNP youth front activist in the custody of security forces has fuelled fears that old patterns may be re-emerging.

The interim government formed 11 inquiry teams to investigate corruption allegations against the family members of Sheikh Hasina and 10 major industrial groups, including S Alam, Beximco, Bashundhara, and Summit. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is leading the investigation, with support from other agencies like the NBR and CID. There is a lack of transparency on the progress of the investigations, and no timeline or public update on how these investigations are being conducted or their effectiveness.

Though it has aggressively pursued investigations into the previous government's misdeeds, the interim government has been less proactive in tackling corruption and unrest happening under its tenure. The administration's tendency to cherry-pick aspects that require reform has raised concerns on the intent and efficacy of the reform commissions. In absence of any meaningful conversation with political parties, who will ultimately have to agree to implement the proposed reforms, the commission reports will be another academic paper gathering dust.

Protests, gridlock, and disruptions

Since August 5, ongoing traffic disruptions in Dhaka due to relentless protests have brought the city's mobility to a grinding halt, making daily commute a struggle for millions. One such recent disruption came from the students of Government Titumir College, who staged multiple road blockades demanding university status for their institution. On January 30, they obstructed both sides of the road in front of their campus and at the Gulshan 1 intersection, causing hours-long congestion that left commuters helpless. Protests also extended to rickshaw drivers who blocked roads to ban battery-run powered rickshaws, only for battery-run rickshaw drivers to stage counter-protests when a High Court ruling restricted their operations.

Efforts by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), which include deployment of 4,200 officers, have had little impact. Between September and December alone, the DMP issued over 139,000 traffic violation cases and confiscated thousands of illegal rickshaws, yet the gridlock persists. The capital city risks descending into complete chaos, where every day is dictated by yet another protest and another gridlock.

The failure of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) to timely distribute textbooks caused frustration, leaving parents and children bewildered. By mid-January, only 37 percent of 40.15 crore textbooks were delivered, disrupting primary and secondary education. This fiasco places the government in a negative light as the previous government had a good track record of delivering the books on time.

July uprising victims plagued by red tape

Victims of the July uprising continue to suffer as compensation remains caught up in bureaucratic red tape. Although the government pledged Tk 5 lakh for families of martyrs and Tk 1 lakh for the injured, disbursement is hindered by tedious verification procedure. Families are forced to make repeated visits, only to face rejection due to minor discrepancies or the unavailability of officials.

Limited staffing of the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, with only 35 employees, has exacerbated delays, making it difficult for applicants to receive timely support. Inefficiency and slow processing has pushed affected families into financial distress, forcing them to struggle for survival while their applications remain unresolved.

Strained ties with India and scepticism

While India's narrow focus on backing Hasina rather than engaging with Bangladesh's broader political spectrum has been a strategic mistake, the resulting growth of anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh is also worrying and counterproductive as we have to find ways for constructive engagement with our largest neighbour. A stable and cooperative relationship is crucial for regional peace, stability, and prosperity. Unresolved bilateral issues, including water-sharing, border killings, and trade imbalances need to be addressed to maintain long-term cooperation. The Western nations have adopted a guarded attitude towards the interim administration, though the EU and the US have expressed support for democratic reforms.

Electoral uncertainty, regionalism, and moral authority

The primary mandate of the caretaker government is to pave the way for a free and fair election. Six months in, there is still no confirmed election date, with the chief adviser juggling between 2025 and 2026, citing the need for institutional reforms. This has led to growing frustrations among political parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has been demanding elections sooner rather than later. BNP insists electoral reforms be undertaken after a new government is elected, rather than delaying the process indefinitely.

The government's indecisiveness has fuelled speculation that it is prolonging its tenure under the guise of reform, and some have accused that procrastination is for giving time to student leaders to prepare for the elections. These uncertainties, combined with the need for broader political consensus, make it difficult to predict whether the reforms will succeed, especially as the government faces challenges in managing its relations with other political forces, providing a clear date for the election, and navigating the complexities of governance.

Almost one-third of the cabinet members are from a single district, which is not expected from someone who should have been above such regionalism, as moral ground is lost against the much criticised "pro-Gopalganj" bias of the Hasina regime. Some student leaders who played a vital role in the uprising have been included in the government, giving reasons to raise questions about the interim government's impartiality as students are planning to launch a new political party to contest elections.

The heroic and patriotic role of the students should have been recognised by giving them a separate platform to share their legitimate aspirations in education, job, and entrepreneurial ambitions, and to support the same with appropriate policies and programmes. After all, the movement started with the legitimate demand of the student community to have a fair chance to much coveted government jobs by reforming the quota system. If students want to be in politics, it is their democratic right, which they should exercise by being outside the government. Including them in the cabinet, openly supporting their political ambitions, and by referring to them as "appointing authorities," Prof Yunus has undermined his official position and moral authority. This was uncalled for as it is the students who requested him to take the helm of power; hence, there was no need to act otherwise.

Similarly, to introduce one of the student leaders in an international forum as the "mastermind" of the uprising and that "everything was meticulously planned" was unnecessary and has fed into the hands of those who have been propagating that the ouster of Sheikh Hasina was the outcome of a "well-planned conspiracy," as opposed to her fleeing in the face of a popular mass movement led by students and general public.

A government in limbo and the slippery slope ahead

Despite initial optimism, the interim government has failed to deliver a clear political roadmap to elections and reforms. This is not understandable as it is not rocket science as elucidated in the opinion piece by this author published in The Daily Star on January 11 and Prothom Alo on January 15. The uncertainty surrounding elections, prevalence in crime, and economic hardships have eroded the goodwill this government initially enjoyed. While Prof Yunus remains a respected figure internationally, his government's lack of strategic planning, slow decision-making, inefficient management, loose and reckless talks by some advisers and officials at the CA's Office have all led to growing frustration and scepticism.

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government and decide the fate of the people banking on the government for a free, fair, and participatory election, resulting in the return to democratic governance and rule of law. To have credibility and retain trust, the interim government must commit to a clear election timeline with a concrete date, address law enforcement inefficiencies, and ensure that economic policies do not burden ordinary citizens to meet requirements set by the likes of IMF.

If this state of weak leadership, poor governance and resulting chaos and confusion, disorder and disruption, instability and uncertainty continue for another six months, we will be treading an unchartered territory. A slippery slope which not only risks plunging the country into an abyss and civil strife, but also a predicament that can be more ominous than the one we got rid of. The clock is ticking.

Prof Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of the Institute for Policy, Advocacy, and Governance (IPAG), an international think tank.​

 

[Saif]

In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

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In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

By this time, the previous Sheikh Hasina government was toppled in a popular mass uprising in August last year and an interim administration took charge in the same month.

But Ahsan's struggle continues, and so does the erosion of his family's living standards, even though inflation eased for the second consecutive month in January.

"I have not seen any real change in my life," he said, while making an assessment of the interim government's six months in power.

"The only thing that has become cheaper is potatoes, but the prices of all other essentials have gone up," said the father of four children.

Ahsan, who does not have a second name, is the sole breadwinner for his six-member family. He earns roughly Tk 700 a day, which is insufficient to cover all essential expenses, including house rent.

"How am I supposed to provide three meals a day for my family with my meagre income?"

The rickshaw puller lives in Kamrangirchar, home to thousands of low-income people reliant on Dhaka, the metropolis that serves as the major engine of Bangladesh's economy.

He said he used to buy rice for less than Tk 50 per kilogramme. Now, like millions of Bangladeshis, he has to pay more than Tk 50 for the food staple.

Besides, people like Ahsan have to pay more for edible oil recently amid reduced supply from refiners. This further deepens the hardships of commoners who have endured over 9 percent inflation for 23 consecutive months till January this year.

Moving on to the bigger macro picture, economists and businesspeople also see uncertainty heavily clouding the economic outlook.

"The economy is yet to emerge from the risks it faced six months ago, though there has been some relief in the form of improvements in certain indicators and containment from further deterioration," said Mustafizur Rahman, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).

Although inflation eased slightly in December and January, consumer prices still remained elevated. There has been a slowdown in investment and the generation of new jobs.

Over the past several years, private investment has remained stagnant at 23-24 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Besides, the recent trend of private sector credit growth offers no light at the end of the tunnel.

For the fifth consecutive month, loan flows to private firms have slowed due to uncertainty in the investment environment following the August political changeover.

In December, private sector credit growth decelerated to 7.28 percent year-on-year -- the slowest since at least 2015, according to data from the Bangladesh Bank.

Rahman, an economist who has closely followed Bangladesh's economy for decades, said the sluggishness drags on. "It appears that the economy has fallen into a vicious cycle," he said.

He cited the authorities' pursuit of a contractionary monetary policy, which has increased the cost of funds, inhibiting private investment.

The government's decision to raise value-added tax (VAT) on nearly 100 goods and services has stoked inflation and further eroded the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. Meanwhile, in the financial sector, default loans have continued to pile up, according to Rahman.

Taskeen Ahmed, president of the Dhaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI), said the interim government took up key measures, including easing import restrictions and initiating reforms in critical areas such as banking, taxation and administration, in response to pressing economic challenges.

According to Ahmed, the economy has shown signs of turning around over the past six months, largely because of the resilience of people and the private sector.

"Despite these efforts, persistent challenges hinder progress," he said, citing GDP growth dropping to 1.81 percent in the first quarter of FY25, the lowest in four years, due to slowed investment and industrial stagnation.

Fiscal pressures, including a Tk 58,000 crore revenue shortfall from the target and weak credit growth further strain recovery, he said, adding that high inflation, supply chain disruptions, limited foreign direct investment (FDI) and a rising trend in non-performing loans continue to uncertainties.

"Business confidence is low," said the DCCI president.

Selim Raihan, executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modelling (Sanem), said the interim government inherited many economic challenges, including stubbornly high inflation and stagnation in investment.

"We hoped for a recovery. Except for some areas, we have not seen that," he said, noting increased export receipts, remittances and the containment of reserves.

However, he added, "Because of the government's failure to ensure law and order, there is a confidence deficit across the economy. The confidence crisis prevails among both investors and consumers."

He emphasised coordination among government agencies and coherence among advisers to steer the troubled economy and overall socio-political situation towards stabilisation.

"We have rather seen contradictory comments and positions among advisers," he said.

The recent vandalism at Dhanmondi-32 and across the country has had a negative impact, said Raihan.

"There are concerns that the fault lines in the economy may widen if the law and order situation does not improve. Given the current situation, I do not see any prospect for the economy to significantly turn around during the rest of the fiscal year," he concluded.

Mohammad Zaved Akhtar, president of the Foreign Investors' Chamber of Commerce & Industry (FICCI), said the business environment over the past few months has remained challenging due to sustained high inflation, deteriorating law and order and rising energy costs.

He said the devaluation of the local currency has further compounded the situation, increasing cost pressures for companies with foreign currency exposure.

Meanwhile, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) are struggling to operate as the cost of funds continues to rise amid climbing interest rates.

"While the reform initiatives undertaken so far offer some hope, what remains missing is any tangible change on the ground," said Akhtar, who is also the chairman and managing director of Unilever Bangladesh, the largest consumer goods maker in the country.

"If we fail to bring about necessary changes, the existing inadequacies will lead to a huge loss of investor confidence in the country," he noted.

To Asif Ibrahim, former president of the DCCI, major economic indicators over the past six months have been somewhat "bittersweet."

He cited improvements in some indicators, such as the current account balance, which turned positive, reaching $1.93 billion by the end of December last year -- an encouraging return from earlier deficits.

"Despite this improvement, concerns remain as private sector investments have declined remarkably due to ongoing uncertainty. If investor confidence is not restored, industrial production may suffer in the coming months," said Ibrahim.

For rickshaw puller Ahsan, the issue remains the same: improving law and order.

As he made his way from the capital's Banglamotor area to Farmgate, his voice carried both exhaustion and helplessness over the chaotic situation on the streets.

"Without a clear direction from the authorities, chaos rules the streets. Every day feels like a struggle, not just to earn a living, but to survive," he said.​

 

[Saif]

CA’s response should have come earlier

Everyone must respect the rule of law

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CA’s response should have come earlier
Everyone must respect the rule of law

We endorse the chief adviser's recent statement urging all citizens to restore complete law and order and to ensure that there are no further attacks on properties associated with Sheikh Hasina, her family, others associated with the Awami League, or any citizen. We support his appeal to the citizens to abide by the law and to show the world that Bangladesh is a nation that respects the rule of law—this is what should differentiate the "new Bangladesh" from the autocratic regime it has now freed itself from. While empathising with people's pent-up anger against Hasina's tyrannical rule, he urged them not to undermine Bangladeshis' sense of security and stability and stated that disregarding the law endangers the lives and property of citizens.

All that he said in this statement can only be considered wise, sensible, and befitting of the head of government. However, it is a statement that has come after the fact, when it should have come long before, accompanied by strong preventive steps. We are baffled that the government did not take adequate measures to stop the attacks when it was quite clear from announcements on social media that they were imminent. What we saw unfold on our screens was a well-orchestrated series of attacks on properties all over Bangladesh, starting, of course, with Dhanmondi 32. Those who took part in this violence were no doubt provoked by Sheikh Hasina's call to her supporters to mobilise and march towards Road 32, as well as by another one of her regular hate speeches from Delhi, where she has taken refuge.

However, that this should result in such violent reactions in the form of vandalism and arson is unacceptable. These acts have only served to increase people's insecurity in an environment where incidents of lawlessness are occurring with a sense of impunity among those who want to indulge in violent acts and crime. They have also provided fodder for Indian media propaganda, portraying the country as one where militancy is being allowed to thrive. Most of all, it serves Sheikh Hasina's agenda to show the world that without her, the country has fallen into lawlessness and mayhem.

This is the last thing we, the people, or the interim government would want. Rights organisations and noted citizens have expressed their concern over the attacks and criticised the government for its failure to take preventive measures. The government has now stated that it will firmly resist attempts by individuals and groups to vandalise and set fire to establishments across the country. We hope these are not empty words and that the government's forces will take the necessary measures to ensure that no one feels emboldened to carry out attacks on any piece of property, regardless of who it is associated with.​

 

[Saif]

Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

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Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on
Says Mahfuj Alam

Photo: Collected

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

"If you support the mass uprising, stop engaging in mob actions. If you engage in mob actions, you will also be treated as a devil. After today's incident, no further requests will be made. It is not your job to take the law into your own hands," he wrote on his verified Facebook account today.

"From now on, we will firmly confront so-called movements and mob demonstrations. Any attempt to render the state ineffective and prove it to be a failure will not be tolerated in the slightest," the post read.

"Touhidi Janata! After a decade and a half, you have got the opportunity to practice your religion and culture in peace. Your recklessness or extremism is about to destroy that peace," reads his post.

Asking all to refrain from oppression, he wrote, "Refrain from oppression; otherwise, oppression against you will be inevitable."

He also shared a verse from the Quran that reads, "Do not oppress and do not be subjected to oppression."

"This is our final request to you!" concluded his post.​

 

[Saif]

Yunus calls for reconciliation

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

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Yunus calls for reconciliation
Pledges fair trial for those linked to fascist regime, says there will be no injustice

Photo: BSS

"The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?"— Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

Yunus said the people linked to the ousted fascist government were still here. "They did not go anywhere… They will have to change to merge with us," he said while speaking at a meeting with the family members of July uprising victims at the Chief Adviser's Office.

He said if the elements of the ousted regime continue to demonstrate the same behaviour, it would not be tolerated.

"We will not indulge in injustice. Those who have broken the law will face the consequences. But to those who have not, we will tell them that 'you have caused me a lot of pain, but I will not do the same to you. This is your country too. The country belongs to all of us. We are all children of this soil'," he said.

Yunus went on to say, "They need to be brought to the right path. They need to be told that what you have done was wrong. You have to make them understand that their path is wrong and they should apologise for what they have done. This is how our country should move forward. Constant conflict will only hold us back."

"We have to win them over. If you think that you will hit them and they will hit back, then there will be no end to this. You have demanded justice and the government will complete the trial," he said, adding that justice cannot be served in hurry.


"The main thing about a trial is that it should be fair... There should be no injustice... The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?

Family members of July uprising martyrs and victims, who received financial assistance yesterday, pose for a photo with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office. Before that, the chief adviser inaugurated a programme for providing state help to the families of uprising victims. Photo: PID
"Our country's future depends on our ability to overcome conflict. We must find a way forward together," he said.

At the programme, the chief adviser reassured the families of the victims that all killings and enforced disappearances would be investigated, and the perpetrators would be brought to justice. He also urged them to be aware of any moves to perpetrate violence or cause bloodshed.

He inaugurated a government programme for providing state financial assistance to families of July uprising victims and martyrs by handing over 21 cheques.

Members of three families of martyrs and three protesters of the July uprising spoke at the meeting. They broke down in tears while describing their experiences.

They raised various issues, including receiving state honours, financial assistance, and rehabilitation.

The chief adviser said, "I think that the sacrifices of those, for which I can call my country a new Bangladesh, cannot be measured by any scale.

"You are living history. I am grateful to you … A nation that cannot remember its history, has no future. This recognition is my gratitude to you on behalf of the nation.

At the meeting, the injured and families of the martyred were informed about the government's programme.

"From today, the state has formally taken the responsibility of you," Yunus said.

The martyrs of the July uprising will be called "July shaheed" and the injured will be called "July joddha". Identity cards would be issued for them.

The family of each July shaheed would receive one-time financial assistance of Tk 30 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 10 lakh would be provided in national savings bonds in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 20 lakh would be given in the bonds in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each July shaheed's family would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000. The shaheed's family members would get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

The July joddhas would get medical benefits in two categories.

The seriously injured ones would be given a one-time aid of Tk 5 lakh as per the "Category A".

Of the amount, Tk 2 lakh would be provided in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and Tk 3 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each seriously injured July joddha would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000.

They would receive medical treatment at various government hospitals all their lives. They would also be able to get medical services at domestic and foreign hospitals on the recommendation of their medical boards.

In "Category B", the July joddhas would be given a one-time aid of Tk 3 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 1 lakh would be given in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 2 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

They would receive a monthly allowance of Tk 15,000.

July joddhas would also get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

So far, the government has published a list of 834 July shaheeds. The list of the injured will be published soon.

At the programme, Adviser Nahid Islam apologised for the delay in recognising the July shaheeds and July joddhas. He said the delay happened despite them being sincere about the issue.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam and Health Adviser Nurjahan Begum were present on the occasion.​

 

[Saif]

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the...

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The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house at Dhanmondi 32 has been razed to the ground with a bulldozer Prothom Alo

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the tasks that should have been their priority.

Our concern lies in the fact that in certain instances it seems that the government does not exist in the country. The government that has emerged from the mass uprising has authority as well as responsibilities. But the government's activities display a discrepancy between its authority and its responsibilities. This was also evident in the destruction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house on Dhanmondi Road 32 and similar incidents all over the country.

We saw the destruction began with an announcement. Similar demolition took place in different places throughout the country. Initially the government said nothing. The manner in which bulldozers and other tools were used for the demolition, it was evident that government organisations were involved. The army has been given magistracy power, but they remained silent.

Many of those who called for the structures to be destroyed, are involved with various organisations of the government. After the damage was done, the chief advisor issued a statement calling for the destruction to stop. Three matters come to light in this entire incident. There was inattention on one hand, inaction and mystery. The mystery was , who is actually taking decisions in the government, how and why?

The justification being offered on Facebook by supporters of the government, the manner in which the advisors are speaking, sometimes create conflict. The consequence of this is that these actions which are being taken to, as announced, wipe out Awami League's existence from the country, are actually facilitating Awami League's rehabilitation or return.

The government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination.

The incidents that are taking place are creating questions on an international level concerning the credibility of the present government. We are also concerned. In which direction is Bangladesh being led? There are assaults and attacks on baul songs, mazars (shrines) and sculptures. Who are the ones launching these attacks? What is the government doing to stop them?

The mass uprising took place with the aspiration for a Bangladesh free of discrimination, but is this being reflected in the interim government's performance? Quite contrary to the aspirations of the mass uprising, there are visible trends pointing to politics of discrimination and suppression, use of force and fear, creating alarm and attacks against creativity.

Had the Sheikh Hasina government, which was toppled in the mass uprising, been elected and democratic, then India would not have been able to enforce its dominance over Bangladesh in this manner. This was only possible due to the autocratic rule. This autocracy was a huge blessing for India. Giving shelter to Sheikh Hasina in New Delhi and carrying out all sorts of anti-Bangladesh propaganda is an outward expression of their fear that the dominance India had established over Bangladesh, will come crashing down. The more the anarchy and violence is unleashed in Bangladesh, the more effective will these be as tools for the BJP government.

From the statements and actions of Sheikh Hasina and the beneficiaries of her rule, it is evident that they do not have an iota of regret or remorse. If they take up a conspiracy, then the people of Bangladesh must thwart that. It is the interim government that has the main responsibility in this regard. But if the government's inattention leads to an increase in politics of violence and discrimination, if the people's security is at stake, then it will not be possible to tackle their conspiracies.

The government is not taking any palpable action regarding matters that required priority attention such as controlling the price of essentials. Had the government taken initiative and yet failed, even then people would have some understanding of the situation. The law and order situation, attacks, destruction, nothing is being controlled. This has led to a prevailing sense of insecurity. And as a result, there has been a significant wane in public support for the interim government.

An important point here is that it is being said that the angered public are carrying out these attacks. But the angered public has not done anything on its own. Certain persons and groups are deliberately provoking the public. Local and foreign elements could well be behind this politics and instigating this violence. It is the responsibility of the government to pinpoint this, resist this and clarify things to the people. The government's inaction in this area is a cause of concern.

Operation Devil Hunt naturally brings to mind past roles of the joint forces. The record of such operations by the joint forces under various governments is not very good.

During Awami League times, there was a formula to use the courts, the police and the joint forces and we are seeing a repetition of this now. Even the language being used is the same. The contradictory statements being made by the government remind us of the past government. They should have broken away from the mould. But this government seems to be reinforcing the mould.

The people may have certain specific demands from the government. Firstly, the government must make clear what they want to do. A consensus among those in the government must be made clear. Secondly, the various political quarters, the political parties are none too pleased with the interim government. The government should take this matter seriously. No political party is supporting the recent spate of violence. The chief advisor of the interim government is not supporting it either. That means these things are happening in face of the inefficiency or inattentiveness of those in power. The shortcomings must be identified and action taken accordingly.

Thirdly, the government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination. There are indications of things that happened in the past like extrajudicial action, harassment, DB picking up persons and concocting stories.

If the government takes the decision that we will not follow the old ways, then half the problem is solved. The persons and institutions concerned must keep in mind the circumstances under which the government took over power and what responsibility has been bestowed on them.

The government must carry out the responsibility of coming up with reports for reforms. Given the emerging situation, it seems that the government's main task should be to go towards holding a credible election as soon as possible. The sooner they have hold a credible election, the sooner we will be saved from the prevailing state of uncertainty.

* Anu Muhammad is a teacher and editor of the quarterly journal Sarbajankatha

* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​

 

[Bilal9]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

www.thedailystar.net

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

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The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.