[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Interim govt failing to maintain neutrality on some issues: Fakhrul

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today urged the interim government to perform its duties impartially, alleging it of failing to maintain neutrality on some issues

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Interim govt failing to maintain neutrality on some issues: Fakhrul

File photo

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today urged the interim government to perform its duties impartially, alleging it of failing to maintain neutrality on some issues.

"Yesterday, in an interview, I said if the interim government can't remain impartial, a neutral government will be required during the elections. There is a reason for making this statement. We observe that the interim government is unable to maintain neutrality on several issues," he said while addressing a discussion today.

He urged the interim government to carry out its responsibilities impartially and address the problems the country is currently facing.

The Shaheed Asad Parishad organised the discussion at the Jatiya Press Club to mark the 56th martyrdom anniversary of student leader Asaduzzaman, who became a symbol of resistance during the mass uprising against the then Pakistani autocratic ruler Ayub Khan in 1969.

On January 20, 1969, Asad, a hero of the 1969 mass upsurge, was shot and killed by the Pakistani police during a protest rally near Dhaka Medical College and Hospital (DMCH).

Fakhrul said the government should arrange the election as soon as possible after carrying out the necessary minimum reforms. "The government to be formed through that election would be able to fulfill the commitments made to people and work to meet the public's aspirations."

The BNP leader claimed that his party is seeking the election not merely to go to power, but because he fears that evil forces may exploit the situation if the election is unnecessarily delayed.

He also said all political parties agree on the necessity of holding elections, as it is the gateway to the democratic system.

Fakhrul said some people are saying the government should hold the election only after reforms. "But, should we wait four to five years or until the reforms are completed? People would be deprived of their voting rights for another long period."​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people. “The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important respons

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

“The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,” he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, “I hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.”

“That’s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,” he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

“In fact, Awami League is a force against the country’s independence,” he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

“Awami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions.

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A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Photo: CA Press Wing
History shows that the aftermath of popular revolts—particularly those that overthrow authoritarian regimes—is marked by chaos and uncertainty. What Bangladesh is currently facing—economic instability on pocketbook issues, such as exorbitant prices of essentials, a feeble investment climate, and a war of words among political stakeholders with competing vested interests—is a predictable symptom of a messy but necessary political transition.

In reality, that transition is underway—not through an overhaul of how politics functions in Bangladesh but within the pre-existing paradigm of a flawed system, through gradual, incremental steps towards democracy. Finding the sweet spot that constitutes a liberal, multi-party ecosystem will take decades, not months. It depends on both a good-faith commitment and the implementation of that commitment by political actors through self-reflection, public policies, and rhetoric that differ extensively from what Bangladesh has experienced in the past.

Yunus leads a team that, for all its flaws, has shown a willingness to listen to criticism rather than suppress dissent. However, testing the public's patience is the government's failure to adequately respond to those criticisms by matching words with actions. The public's patience is considerable, but it is not infinite and will inevitably reach its limits. Yunus' announcement that elections will take place sometime between the end of 2025 and mid-2026 has helped calm nerves slightly, offering a skeletal electoral roadmap.

Many segments of society, silenced for 15 years, are voicing their frustrations on a range of issues without the fear of reprisal. This sudden release of anger, while cathartic for some, has added to the government's woes. A vested quarter, still convinced that Hasina's political chapter is far from over, are intent on breeding chaos and disrupting the brittle equilibrium defining the social contract between an anxious population and an inexperienced government.

A government, neither elected nor politically sharp yet burdened with the task of navigating a minefield of expectations, frustrations, and entrenched divisions, is far from ideal. However, the current situation simply reflects the raw, anarchic truth of a nation still trying to figure out its next steps.

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions, a philosopher who has wooed international leaders every time he has travelled abroad since taking the reins of government. At the recent World Economic Forum conference, he was in fine form. In Bangladesh, though, he seems out of his comfort zone, struggling to steer the ship of state—a ship he did not want to captain.

There are many steps that, as chief adviser, Yunus could and should have taken but has not. Critics have examined these shortcomings in depth. But it is the nation's duty to continuously remind itself of the context in which Yunus finds himself in the position he occupies today and why he deserves a fairer assessment.

To begin with, consider how Yunus assumed office. He was preparing either to remain abroad or return to Bangladesh to face imprisonment under a regime that sought retribution. That regime, led by a prime minister with a personal vendetta against Yunus, resented the universal respect he commanded. His stature was an insult to the fragile ego of an autocrat.

In the aftermath of August 5, a group of young student conveners, most in their 20s, approached Yunus with an emotional appeal. They summoned him back to Dhaka from Paris, delivering an unambiguous message: you have to return to take the role of head of government in Bangladesh. And they were right.

Frankly, there was no other option than Yunus. At that moment, and even today, no one else other than him had—or has—the moral legitimacy to unify a fractured Bangladesh. Yunus brought an aura of hope, a balm for a country reeling from weeks of state-sponsored carnage. Mob violence still occurred, but viewed contextually, things could have been much worse. Nonetheless, being a symbol of national unity is one thing. Governing is another matter entirely.

His advisory council has attracted valid criticism due to the underperformance of certain individuals. According to Yunus's own admissions in a candid conversation with New Age editor Nurul Kabir, he was presented with a shortlist of names—likely suggested by the student conveners—and chose individuals he knew personally. Unlike previous chief advisers of caretaker governments, who had the luxury of time to prepare and the clarity of purpose, Yunus inherited a state apparatus with neither.

The caretaker governments of 1991, 1996, and 2001 operated under three-month mandates to organise elections. They benefitted from defined goals, established timelines, and institutional preparation. In contrast, Yunus was tasked with a much broader and less defined mission: to reform a system riddled with corruption, dismantle entrenched authoritarian structures, unite political parties, hold elections, and manage the day-to-day affairs of the state. There was no roadmap, no consensus on priorities, and no clarity on the duration of his administration.

Most members of his advisory council have no experience in government, including Yunus himself, as he often reminds the public. He could not appoint figures closely tied to the Awami League or BNP, nor could he include anyone seen as ideologically extreme to the left or the right. This resulted in a team that lacks administrative skills and ideological cohesion. While these shortcomings are real, they reflect the impossible deck of cards Yunus was dealt.

The politics Yunus must navigate are no less fraught. The BNP demands elections as soon as possible with minimal reforms, pushing the idea that an elected government is urgently needed. Meanwhile, frontline student leaders have begun to display signs of inexperience, veering into unnecessary ideological debates, such as calls to amend Bangladesh's state ideology, rather than focusing on designing a coherent policy vision for the future. Activism, for all its courage and energy, has not translated into the kind of maturity needed post the uprising.

Then there are the religion-based factions, including Jamaat-e-Islami, which seek to steer Bangladesh in a direction likely at odds with a sizeable segment of the country. Considering all this and more, Yunus has become an umbrella shielding a nation from local and international conspiracies, striving to cocoon citizens from conflict with one another to the best of his ability, battered by competing political, ideological, and generational storms.

Compounding these challenges is the bureaucracy. The civil service, entrenched in inefficiency and outdated practices, has become a barrier to both reform and daily administration. Yunus has faced a public service designed to resist change, still bearing the influence of the previous regime. From law enforcement's failure to carry out its responsibilities to the continued dominance of syndicates, the bureaucracy has proven to be an almost insurmountable obstacle.

The greatest challenge lies ahead. The recommendations from various reform commissions must now be either agreed upon, ditched, or left for the elected government to pursue, requiring negotiation among political stakeholders. Yunus has taken on the responsibility of building consensus—an extremely difficult task. He has positioned his government as a facilitator without its own agenda, suggesting that those expected to lead Bangladesh after the elections should take the wheel in determining what is best for the country.

On paper, this approach seems inclusive—some might even call it democratic. The real question, however, is whether an 84-year-old man, who has lived a remarkable life, achieved nearly everything one can aspire to, and brought international recognition to Bangladesh, can rise to meet the moment and what is arguably the biggest test of his life. The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Criticise his government we will, but place our trust in him we must. Good luck, Dr Muhammad Yunus.

Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed is a public policy columnist.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence

Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and

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Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12
Updated :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12

Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and law enforcement agencies.

The concern was expressed in a message sent by Zahid Ahsan, Cell Secretary (Office Sale) of, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement on Monday night, according to local media reports.

On Sunday, Dhaka College and Dhaka University students clashed several times. So far, more than 50 students of both institutions as well as some pedestrians have been injured in the incident.

The message also said that the police brutally attacked the students including Muhammad Rakib, the central executive member of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and seriously injured them.

The anti-discrimination student movement strongly condemns and protests the indiscriminate attack on the students by the police. In the current situation, the government will have to be more active and initiative to maintain an overall fair environment in the educational institutions.​

 

[Saif]

Whom do the bureaucrats serve?

The existing bureaucratic culture in Bangladesh is holding the government back.

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Whom do the bureaucrats serve?
Existing bureaucratic culture is holding the government back

VISUAL: STAR

When the Awami League government fell on August 5, 2024, following weeks of mass movement, there was a widespread sense of hope that better days lay ahead. The interim government took office on August 8, promising an efficient, pro-people governance system in line with the spirit of the July uprising. Unfortunately, over five and a half months on, it is struggling to even get on the track of that promise, thanks largely to a non-cooperative, past-bound bureaucracy.

According to a recent report by Samakal, several advisers of the interim government have expressed frustration at being unable to carry out their duties properly due to a lack of support from the bureaucrats. Adviser Nahid Islam even spoke about this publicly. As a result, the government has failed to complete 70 percent of the tasks it had set for itself, which is staggering. These unfinished tasks include crucial issues such as the posting of deputy commissioners, withdrawal of politically motivated cases, distribution of free school textbooks, procurement of necessary equipment at various government offices, etc—all matters that needed prompt response.

Apparently, bureaucrats are still being sluggish, resistant, and mostly "strategic" in their work knowing the transient nature of this non-political administration; they are cautious to avoid potential trouble when a political party comes to power through election. Strong resistance is also coming from those who benefited from various perks under the Awami League regime; there are allegations that these officials are intentionally creating bottlenecks for the current administration.

As frustrating as this situation is, it is not entirely unexpected. Bureaucracy in Bangladesh has historically been politicised, used by the ruling party of the day to varying extents. This abuse peaked under the Awami League's rule, which politicised almost every level of government and provided perks and benefits to officials in exchange for loyalty. In return, these officials helped it maintain its authoritarian grip, stifling democratic practices and good governance. This led to a bureaucratic system so entrenched in corruption that any indication of change or reform triggers adverse, almost visceral reactions from bureaucrats fearing they might lose their positions of power and comfort.

Today, some of the old players may have changed, but the old system remains firmly in place. A properly functioning government requires a supportive and efficient bureaucracy. To achieve this, our outdated bureaucratic system must be dismantled to make way for a healthy, accountable system. Bureaucrats must realise that their job is not to pander to the rulers, but the people—the taxpayers. They must check their self-serving attitudes and heed the public demand: to uphold the integrity of their duties.​

 

[Saif]

CA's concern about lawlessness

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social p

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

CA's concern about lawlessness
FE
Published :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22
Updated :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social peace and stability in the interest of the nation. But there are elements---political or anti-social--- bad to the bone, who are mentally bent on scoffing at the most fervent appeal. They do not appreciate the language of rationality and change; they need an altogether different kind of treatment. The chief adviser might have to struggle to come to terms with the hard reality and finally he has done. But his urgency also betrayed a sense of something ominous. The threat of sabotage and counterrevolution has often been mentioned by the functionaries of the incumbent government and politicians in their speeches. But when the chief adviser asks security agencies to stay alert, its import is grave and should be taken seriously.

Usually this is an area the home minister, here the home adviser, is in charge of. But in this case, the chief adviser has not only hoisted the danger signal but also instructed to create a command centre for tapping any untoward developments anywhere in the country. In fact, the home ministry itself is responsible for coordinating internal security. Now the chief adviser has intervened, making it clear that the current arrangement for security is not enough. Hence his instruction, it seems, for creation of a command centre for better coordination of monitoring and prompt actions. The chief adviser has made it clear that the advantage of digitisation has to be used to the maximum in this task. In this respect, his suggestion for acceptance of first information report (FIR) filed online by a complainant can facilitate the process.

So far so good. But apart from painting the spectre of a backlash from the deposed forces, the government has not shown its clear intent to deal with some burning issues for their early solution and not allowing those to escalate and create each a precedent for anarchy. The labour unrest and aggressive student agitation for disaffiliation of seven government colleges from the University of Dhaka and elevation of one of those to the status of a university are the two most vexing of many such organised protests. There was no difference between the political government and this interim government in handling the problems and allowing those to mount. Engagement with the aggrieved parties courtesy of astute negotiations could avoid escalation of the anarchic developments infringing on the rights of the general public. There is still time for such negotiations.

Voices of resentment and even opposition to the government's inaction have already been raised, denting its popularity. Some stake-holders seem to be in a hurry to bypass the comprehensive reform process in favour of an election. Riding on popular support, the government could use its good offices for an amicable solution to the most burning issues, thus stemming lawlessness right from the beginning. That would have discouraged insane agitation, on the one hand, and helped avoid public sufferings as well as loss of property and work hours, on the other. Lawlessness would have effectively been discouraged.​

 

[Saif]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

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Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

 

[Saif]

‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

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‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’
Farhad Mazhar says if students form polls-centric political party, they’ll fail too

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

"Dr Yunus is bound to fail. This government, which may have emerged from the mass uprising, is destined to fail as well. This is because the spirit of the uprising is absent within this government, it is not built upon the essence of the movement," he said at an event of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The upazila-level representative meeting of the Dhaka south metropolitan unit of the committee was held at the Institute of Diploma Engineers in Kakrail.

Criticising the members of reform commissions, Mazhar said, "If you form a commission by bringing in elite and privileged individuals, who previously benefited under the Awami League regime or in the international arena, what will you achieve?"

"Bangladesh needs to be rebuilt. The correct term is 'restructuring,' not reform. We haven't even gotten our language right yet," he said.

Addressing the Nagorik Committee and student leaders, he said if they are aiming to build an election-centric party, that will eventually fail.

"Now that you have started the process of forming a party, I must ask -- are you creating another BNP, or are you truly building the revolutionary force needed to complete the mass uprising we could not finish? If you are planning to rise again with full organisational strength to complete the uprising, then you are welcome."

"But if you are merely forming another so-called liberal party, one that exists only for elections... If your goal is only to protect a government or build a new state through elections, it is nothing but a delusion," he added.

Mazhar said it is unfortunate that the Hindus of the country are being labelled as agents of Delhi just for demanding their fundamental rights. "Is this fair? The people have not yet freed themselves from this habit of labeling others," he said.

In the final segment, Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of Nagorik Committee, its member secretary Akhtar Hossain, spokesperson Samanta Shermeen, and chief organiser Sarjis Alam also spoke.

Responding to a question regarding proportional representation in elections, Patwary said they have proposed a hybrid electoral system.

"It can be implemented experimentally in a certain number of constituencies, perhaps 100 or slightly more. This can be tested in the next election through discussions with all parties," he said.

Sarjis said both the Nagorik Committee and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement will hold councils at regular intervals, where representatives will be elected through direct voting by council members.

In response to a question as to why the party is not expanding, Sarjis said, "We already have committees covering half of Bangladesh's administrative regions. By February, we will reach every thana and upazila. A new party will officially be launched within this month."

Akhtar Hossain said they would finalise the party's name, symbol, and core principles through nationwide consultations by late February.

The session was moderated by the committee's joint convener Ariful Islam Adib.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser

Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

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Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser
Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

Md Touhid Hossain. File photo

Bangladesh has gained the confidence of foreign nations as the country is largely on the right track under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus," Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain said.

"There was a sense of doubt among our foreign friends. They wondered what was happening here and what would follow. I believe we could, by and large, reassure them that Bangladesh is moving in the right direction," he told BSS on completion of the six months of the interim government.

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Touhid, a career diplomat, however, said some "hiccups" were inevitable and widely understood after the political transition Bangladesh went through after the uprising.

"We have managed to overcome those challenges and have received overwhelming global support," he said while replying to a question on the government's achievements regarding foreign relations in the past six months.

Touhid said the country was progressing in the right direction in terms of economy or politics and "we have successfully convinced the international community regarding this".

YUNUS'S LEVERAGE

The adviser said being the head of the interim government, Nobel Laureate Professor Yunus in past six months attended several high-profile international gatherings and drew due respect.

"We have been able to positively leverage Yunus's global image in our diplomatic engagements," he said.

The foreign adviser said things were moving forward in terms of trade and business as well despite fears among many that Bangladesh exports would suffer in the rocky transition period.

Touhid said the government could also handle issues regarding remittances.

"The interim government aims to maintain good relations with every country, and we believe we have successfully done so," he added.

BANGLADESH-PAKISTAN RELATIONS

Touhid said there was no reason to maintain a "strained relationship" with Pakistan.

"There was an intentional effort (during the Awami League regime) to keep relations with Pakistan strained, but we have worked to bring normalcy in bilateral ties. Pakistan took an initiative to improve ties (as well), and we have welcomed it," he said.

The adviser said Bangladesh and Pakistan, both South Asian countries, share mutual interests. He also said the resumption of maritime connectivity between the two countries would bring benefits for both nations.

He said that there were issues which remained unresolved between the two countries even after 53 years of Bangladesh's independence but "if we remain fixated on those issues, neither side will benefit".

"We will, of course, try to protect and recover our interests, but at the same time, we want to view our relations with Pakistan as we do with any other country," the adviser said.

He said by now Bangladesh allowed Pakistani private airline Jinnah Air to resume direct Karachi-Dhaka flights after a decade.

The adviser said Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar was expected to visit Dhaka in April.

BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS

Hossain acknowledged that a sense of unease prevailing in Dhaka-New Delhi relations and "there is no benefit in denying it".

He also acknowledged complexities stemming from deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina's stay in India following her resignation amid a political upheaval.

"A sense of unease has developed in Bangladesh-India relations … from our side, we have made efforts to resolve this discomfort with New Delhi," Touhid said.

But, the adviser said the interim government's objective was to establish a relationship with India that could ensure mutual benefits and secure both nations' interest and "that effort continues".

He said bilateral interactions, including Professor Yunus's telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on the UN General Assembly sidelines set the stage for improved ties.

"There may be a few hiccups -- it's normal. Hiccups happen when there are significant changes. We aim to create a good working relationship by overcoming these issues for the benefit of both sides," he said.

BANGLADESH-CHINA RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka was able to reassure China regarding its policy stance while during his recent visit to Beijing.

He said extensive discussions were held on bilateral matters, development projects, and trade.

"Several key issues were discussed, and we are hopeful that the relationship will remain on the right track and continue progressing," he said.

The adviser said all previous governments maintained good relations with China, and "we aim to continue this".

He said Bangladesh's engagements with Western nations would not affect its ties with Beijing.

China has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthen bilateral cooperation and maintain a policy of non-interference in Bangladesh's internal affairs.

Hossain also announced that China decided to designate two to three hospitals in Kunming, the nearest Chinese city to Dhaka for Bangladeshi patients as they were facing difficulties in obtaining Indian medical visas.

Touhid visited Beijing from January 20-24 at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, during which he held a bilateral meeting and visited Shanghai to engage with Chinese business leaders.

"We discussed all our bilateral matters, including development projects and trade. I requested Beijing to lower interest rates on loans and extend the loan repayment period from 20 years to 30 years," he said.

The adviser said the Chinese foreign minister "assured me of extending the loan repayment period and promised to look into the request for a reduction in interest rates".

BANGLADESH-US RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka does not expect major changes in Bangladesh-US relations due to Donald Trump's assumption of the US presidency following the election of his country.

"We have nothing to speculate," he said, expressing optimism that relations with Washington will remain stable.

Regarding Trump's decision to cut aid, the adviser described it as "expected" and reminded all that USAID's temporary aid suspension was not targeted at any particular country.

"The new US administration has introduced policies that differ significantly from its predecessor. We will have to wait and see the final outcome and adapt accordingly," he said.

The adviser added: "When new challenges arise, we must work strategically to safeguard our national interests."

BALANCED FOREIGN POLICY

The foreign adviser said Bangladesh must maintain balanced relations with India, China, and the United States, as all three nations hold strategic importance for the country.

He highlighted trade ties between India and China despite their geopolitical tensions, as well as India's close relationship with the US, to emphasize Bangladesh's need to maintain good relations with all three nations.

"Our relations with India, China, and the US are very important. We will surely maintain balanced relations with these three countries while protecting our own interests," Touhid said.​

 

[Saif]

Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to “prolong its stay in power” by unnecessarily wasting time.

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Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power
Says law adviser

File photo

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to "prolong its stay in power" by unnecessarily wasting time.

"We want to move towards the national election after ensuring the urgent, fundamental, and necessary reforms based on political consensus, which are crucial to ensure free and fair election polls," he told a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy.

The briefing was held on the report submissions of six major reform commissions -- constitution, election, judiciary, police, civil service, and anti-corruption commission. The reports were published on the Cabinet Division's website.

He said political parties are suspecting that the reforms are not being made because the interim government is trying to extend its tenure. The necessary reforms can be completed if this suspicion is removed, he said.

Nazrul also said said the government is keen on beginning talks with political parties from mid-February. "If the parties agree, the discussions could continue even during Ramadan.

"We've already said the election could be held between December 2025 and June 2026. Considering monsoon, it might be brought forward to March or April 2026…Everything will be finalised based on political consensus."

About how long it might take to carry out the necessary reforms, the law adviser said, the reform commissions, except that for the constitution, has set a timeline of six months for implementing immediate reforms.

"Some of the proposed reforms -- at least 50 percent -- could even be completed within a month."

Nazrul added that the government has already taken some steps towards reforms even before getting the commissions' reports. "Some issues, such as appointing court officials through a judicial service commission, have already been considered as these are good for all."

He also said that the constitution reform commission has not yet given any timeline for implementing reforms as all it will all be dependent on political consensus.​

 

[Saif]

Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government.

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Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

Professor Yunus’s dedication to economic and social development has made him a widely respected global icon. PHOTO: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus announced in December last year that the next general election might take place at the end of 2025 or in the first half of 2026, depending on political consensus and reforms. His government, which took over after Sheikh Hasina's ouster on August 5, formed at least 15 reform commissions. However, six months in, the interim government finds itself navigating troubled waters, surrounded by complex socioeconomic, political, and governance challenges that threaten to overshadow its initial promises.

Economic struggle and the crisis of confidence

The interim administration inherited a fragile financial landscape marked by high inflation, a banking sector in crisis, and dwindling foreign exchange reserves. Inflation eased to 9.94 percent in January from 10.89 percent in December, driven by stable food prices due to an influx of winter vegetables. Despite this decline, inflation has remained above nine percent since March 2023, causing hardships for fixed-income and low-income people.

Following criticism over recent hikes, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) revised down VAT and supplementary duty on some items. The VAT adjustments follow IMF recommendations under a $4.7 billion loan programme, pushing for tax reforms at the expense of public well-being to increase revenue collection. The banking sector, long plagued by bad loans and financial mismanagement, has seen some positive steps, such as asset quality reviews and hiring of international auditors to clean up failing banks. The government has worked to curb illicit financial outflows estimated to be $16 billion annually under the previous regime.

Foreign direct investment dropped to a six-year low in the July-September quarter of FY25, reaching only $104.33 million, a 71 percent decline from FY24. Net equity investment fell by 46 percent to $76.79 million, while reinvested earnings dropped by 73 percent to $72.9 million. The decline has been driven by political unrest, labour agitation, inflation, import restrictions, dollar shortages, and weak law and order. Investors remain wary due to uncertainty over political transitions, economic mismanagement, and inconsistent policies.

Law and order, reform and good governance

Law and order remain one of the most critical aspects. While the administration has attempted to restore stability following months of violent protests, crime rates have surged. Sharp rise in political violence, robberies, and extortion has been exacerbated by a weakened police force recovering from the post-uprising trauma and restructuring.

Violent crime, particularly murder and mugging, has created fear, especially in the evenings. Despite increased patrolling and intelligence surveillance, police efforts have not significantly curbed crime rates. Murder cases surged in 2024, with 583 in September, 399 in October, and 337 in November, whereas in the same months in 2023, the numbers were significantly lower at 238, 258, and 227, respectively. Muggings have escalated as armed gangs target victims in alleys and even in broad daylight.

While the interim government has exposed past human rights violations, including enforced disappearances, allegations of politically motivated arrests and reprisals have raised concerns about the government replicating some of the sametendencies. While no significant extrajudicial killings have been reported, the recent death of a BNP youth front activist in the custody of security forces has fuelled fears that old patterns may be re-emerging.

The interim government formed 11 inquiry teams to investigate corruption allegations against the family members of Sheikh Hasina and 10 major industrial groups, including S Alam, Beximco, Bashundhara, and Summit. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is leading the investigation, with support from other agencies like the NBR and CID. There is a lack of transparency on the progress of the investigations, and no timeline or public update on how these investigations are being conducted or their effectiveness.

Though it has aggressively pursued investigations into the previous government's misdeeds, the interim government has been less proactive in tackling corruption and unrest happening under its tenure. The administration's tendency to cherry-pick aspects that require reform has raised concerns on the intent and efficacy of the reform commissions. In absence of any meaningful conversation with political parties, who will ultimately have to agree to implement the proposed reforms, the commission reports will be another academic paper gathering dust.

Protests, gridlock, and disruptions

Since August 5, ongoing traffic disruptions in Dhaka due to relentless protests have brought the city's mobility to a grinding halt, making daily commute a struggle for millions. One such recent disruption came from the students of Government Titumir College, who staged multiple road blockades demanding university status for their institution. On January 30, they obstructed both sides of the road in front of their campus and at the Gulshan 1 intersection, causing hours-long congestion that left commuters helpless. Protests also extended to rickshaw drivers who blocked roads to ban battery-run powered rickshaws, only for battery-run rickshaw drivers to stage counter-protests when a High Court ruling restricted their operations.

Efforts by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), which include deployment of 4,200 officers, have had little impact. Between September and December alone, the DMP issued over 139,000 traffic violation cases and confiscated thousands of illegal rickshaws, yet the gridlock persists. The capital city risks descending into complete chaos, where every day is dictated by yet another protest and another gridlock.

The failure of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) to timely distribute textbooks caused frustration, leaving parents and children bewildered. By mid-January, only 37 percent of 40.15 crore textbooks were delivered, disrupting primary and secondary education. This fiasco places the government in a negative light as the previous government had a good track record of delivering the books on time.

July uprising victims plagued by red tape

Victims of the July uprising continue to suffer as compensation remains caught up in bureaucratic red tape. Although the government pledged Tk 5 lakh for families of martyrs and Tk 1 lakh for the injured, disbursement is hindered by tedious verification procedure. Families are forced to make repeated visits, only to face rejection due to minor discrepancies or the unavailability of officials.

Limited staffing of the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, with only 35 employees, has exacerbated delays, making it difficult for applicants to receive timely support. Inefficiency and slow processing has pushed affected families into financial distress, forcing them to struggle for survival while their applications remain unresolved.

Strained ties with India and scepticism

While India's narrow focus on backing Hasina rather than engaging with Bangladesh's broader political spectrum has been a strategic mistake, the resulting growth of anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh is also worrying and counterproductive as we have to find ways for constructive engagement with our largest neighbour. A stable and cooperative relationship is crucial for regional peace, stability, and prosperity. Unresolved bilateral issues, including water-sharing, border killings, and trade imbalances need to be addressed to maintain long-term cooperation. The Western nations have adopted a guarded attitude towards the interim administration, though the EU and the US have expressed support for democratic reforms.

Electoral uncertainty, regionalism, and moral authority

The primary mandate of the caretaker government is to pave the way for a free and fair election. Six months in, there is still no confirmed election date, with the chief adviser juggling between 2025 and 2026, citing the need for institutional reforms. This has led to growing frustrations among political parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has been demanding elections sooner rather than later. BNP insists electoral reforms be undertaken after a new government is elected, rather than delaying the process indefinitely.

The government's indecisiveness has fuelled speculation that it is prolonging its tenure under the guise of reform, and some have accused that procrastination is for giving time to student leaders to prepare for the elections. These uncertainties, combined with the need for broader political consensus, make it difficult to predict whether the reforms will succeed, especially as the government faces challenges in managing its relations with other political forces, providing a clear date for the election, and navigating the complexities of governance.

Almost one-third of the cabinet members are from a single district, which is not expected from someone who should have been above such regionalism, as moral ground is lost against the much criticised "pro-Gopalganj" bias of the Hasina regime. Some student leaders who played a vital role in the uprising have been included in the government, giving reasons to raise questions about the interim government's impartiality as students are planning to launch a new political party to contest elections.

The heroic and patriotic role of the students should have been recognised by giving them a separate platform to share their legitimate aspirations in education, job, and entrepreneurial ambitions, and to support the same with appropriate policies and programmes. After all, the movement started with the legitimate demand of the student community to have a fair chance to much coveted government jobs by reforming the quota system. If students want to be in politics, it is their democratic right, which they should exercise by being outside the government. Including them in the cabinet, openly supporting their political ambitions, and by referring to them as "appointing authorities," Prof Yunus has undermined his official position and moral authority. This was uncalled for as it is the students who requested him to take the helm of power; hence, there was no need to act otherwise.

Similarly, to introduce one of the student leaders in an international forum as the "mastermind" of the uprising and that "everything was meticulously planned" was unnecessary and has fed into the hands of those who have been propagating that the ouster of Sheikh Hasina was the outcome of a "well-planned conspiracy," as opposed to her fleeing in the face of a popular mass movement led by students and general public.

A government in limbo and the slippery slope ahead

Despite initial optimism, the interim government has failed to deliver a clear political roadmap to elections and reforms. This is not understandable as it is not rocket science as elucidated in the opinion piece by this author published in The Daily Star on January 11 and Prothom Alo on January 15. The uncertainty surrounding elections, prevalence in crime, and economic hardships have eroded the goodwill this government initially enjoyed. While Prof Yunus remains a respected figure internationally, his government's lack of strategic planning, slow decision-making, inefficient management, loose and reckless talks by some advisers and officials at the CA's Office have all led to growing frustration and scepticism.

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government and decide the fate of the people banking on the government for a free, fair, and participatory election, resulting in the return to democratic governance and rule of law. To have credibility and retain trust, the interim government must commit to a clear election timeline with a concrete date, address law enforcement inefficiencies, and ensure that economic policies do not burden ordinary citizens to meet requirements set by the likes of IMF.

If this state of weak leadership, poor governance and resulting chaos and confusion, disorder and disruption, instability and uncertainty continue for another six months, we will be treading an unchartered territory. A slippery slope which not only risks plunging the country into an abyss and civil strife, but also a predicament that can be more ominous than the one we got rid of. The clock is ticking.

Prof Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of the Institute for Policy, Advocacy, and Governance (IPAG), an international think tank.​

 

[Saif]

In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

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In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

By this time, the previous Sheikh Hasina government was toppled in a popular mass uprising in August last year and an interim administration took charge in the same month.

But Ahsan's struggle continues, and so does the erosion of his family's living standards, even though inflation eased for the second consecutive month in January.

"I have not seen any real change in my life," he said, while making an assessment of the interim government's six months in power.

"The only thing that has become cheaper is potatoes, but the prices of all other essentials have gone up," said the father of four children.

Ahsan, who does not have a second name, is the sole breadwinner for his six-member family. He earns roughly Tk 700 a day, which is insufficient to cover all essential expenses, including house rent.

"How am I supposed to provide three meals a day for my family with my meagre income?"

The rickshaw puller lives in Kamrangirchar, home to thousands of low-income people reliant on Dhaka, the metropolis that serves as the major engine of Bangladesh's economy.

He said he used to buy rice for less than Tk 50 per kilogramme. Now, like millions of Bangladeshis, he has to pay more than Tk 50 for the food staple.

Besides, people like Ahsan have to pay more for edible oil recently amid reduced supply from refiners. This further deepens the hardships of commoners who have endured over 9 percent inflation for 23 consecutive months till January this year.

Moving on to the bigger macro picture, economists and businesspeople also see uncertainty heavily clouding the economic outlook.

"The economy is yet to emerge from the risks it faced six months ago, though there has been some relief in the form of improvements in certain indicators and containment from further deterioration," said Mustafizur Rahman, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).

Although inflation eased slightly in December and January, consumer prices still remained elevated. There has been a slowdown in investment and the generation of new jobs.

Over the past several years, private investment has remained stagnant at 23-24 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Besides, the recent trend of private sector credit growth offers no light at the end of the tunnel.

For the fifth consecutive month, loan flows to private firms have slowed due to uncertainty in the investment environment following the August political changeover.

In December, private sector credit growth decelerated to 7.28 percent year-on-year -- the slowest since at least 2015, according to data from the Bangladesh Bank.

Rahman, an economist who has closely followed Bangladesh's economy for decades, said the sluggishness drags on. "It appears that the economy has fallen into a vicious cycle," he said.

He cited the authorities' pursuit of a contractionary monetary policy, which has increased the cost of funds, inhibiting private investment.

The government's decision to raise value-added tax (VAT) on nearly 100 goods and services has stoked inflation and further eroded the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. Meanwhile, in the financial sector, default loans have continued to pile up, according to Rahman.

Taskeen Ahmed, president of the Dhaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI), said the interim government took up key measures, including easing import restrictions and initiating reforms in critical areas such as banking, taxation and administration, in response to pressing economic challenges.

According to Ahmed, the economy has shown signs of turning around over the past six months, largely because of the resilience of people and the private sector.

"Despite these efforts, persistent challenges hinder progress," he said, citing GDP growth dropping to 1.81 percent in the first quarter of FY25, the lowest in four years, due to slowed investment and industrial stagnation.

Fiscal pressures, including a Tk 58,000 crore revenue shortfall from the target and weak credit growth further strain recovery, he said, adding that high inflation, supply chain disruptions, limited foreign direct investment (FDI) and a rising trend in non-performing loans continue to uncertainties.

"Business confidence is low," said the DCCI president.

Selim Raihan, executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modelling (Sanem), said the interim government inherited many economic challenges, including stubbornly high inflation and stagnation in investment.

"We hoped for a recovery. Except for some areas, we have not seen that," he said, noting increased export receipts, remittances and the containment of reserves.

However, he added, "Because of the government's failure to ensure law and order, there is a confidence deficit across the economy. The confidence crisis prevails among both investors and consumers."

He emphasised coordination among government agencies and coherence among advisers to steer the troubled economy and overall socio-political situation towards stabilisation.

"We have rather seen contradictory comments and positions among advisers," he said.

The recent vandalism at Dhanmondi-32 and across the country has had a negative impact, said Raihan.

"There are concerns that the fault lines in the economy may widen if the law and order situation does not improve. Given the current situation, I do not see any prospect for the economy to significantly turn around during the rest of the fiscal year," he concluded.

Mohammad Zaved Akhtar, president of the Foreign Investors' Chamber of Commerce & Industry (FICCI), said the business environment over the past few months has remained challenging due to sustained high inflation, deteriorating law and order and rising energy costs.

He said the devaluation of the local currency has further compounded the situation, increasing cost pressures for companies with foreign currency exposure.

Meanwhile, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) are struggling to operate as the cost of funds continues to rise amid climbing interest rates.

"While the reform initiatives undertaken so far offer some hope, what remains missing is any tangible change on the ground," said Akhtar, who is also the chairman and managing director of Unilever Bangladesh, the largest consumer goods maker in the country.

"If we fail to bring about necessary changes, the existing inadequacies will lead to a huge loss of investor confidence in the country," he noted.

To Asif Ibrahim, former president of the DCCI, major economic indicators over the past six months have been somewhat "bittersweet."

He cited improvements in some indicators, such as the current account balance, which turned positive, reaching $1.93 billion by the end of December last year -- an encouraging return from earlier deficits.

"Despite this improvement, concerns remain as private sector investments have declined remarkably due to ongoing uncertainty. If investor confidence is not restored, industrial production may suffer in the coming months," said Ibrahim.

For rickshaw puller Ahsan, the issue remains the same: improving law and order.

As he made his way from the capital's Banglamotor area to Farmgate, his voice carried both exhaustion and helplessness over the chaotic situation on the streets.

"Without a clear direction from the authorities, chaos rules the streets. Every day feels like a struggle, not just to earn a living, but to survive," he said.​

 

[Saif]

CA’s response should have come earlier

Everyone must respect the rule of law

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CA’s response should have come earlier
Everyone must respect the rule of law

We endorse the chief adviser's recent statement urging all citizens to restore complete law and order and to ensure that there are no further attacks on properties associated with Sheikh Hasina, her family, others associated with the Awami League, or any citizen. We support his appeal to the citizens to abide by the law and to show the world that Bangladesh is a nation that respects the rule of law—this is what should differentiate the "new Bangladesh" from the autocratic regime it has now freed itself from. While empathising with people's pent-up anger against Hasina's tyrannical rule, he urged them not to undermine Bangladeshis' sense of security and stability and stated that disregarding the law endangers the lives and property of citizens.

All that he said in this statement can only be considered wise, sensible, and befitting of the head of government. However, it is a statement that has come after the fact, when it should have come long before, accompanied by strong preventive steps. We are baffled that the government did not take adequate measures to stop the attacks when it was quite clear from announcements on social media that they were imminent. What we saw unfold on our screens was a well-orchestrated series of attacks on properties all over Bangladesh, starting, of course, with Dhanmondi 32. Those who took part in this violence were no doubt provoked by Sheikh Hasina's call to her supporters to mobilise and march towards Road 32, as well as by another one of her regular hate speeches from Delhi, where she has taken refuge.

However, that this should result in such violent reactions in the form of vandalism and arson is unacceptable. These acts have only served to increase people's insecurity in an environment where incidents of lawlessness are occurring with a sense of impunity among those who want to indulge in violent acts and crime. They have also provided fodder for Indian media propaganda, portraying the country as one where militancy is being allowed to thrive. Most of all, it serves Sheikh Hasina's agenda to show the world that without her, the country has fallen into lawlessness and mayhem.

This is the last thing we, the people, or the interim government would want. Rights organisations and noted citizens have expressed their concern over the attacks and criticised the government for its failure to take preventive measures. The government has now stated that it will firmly resist attempts by individuals and groups to vandalise and set fire to establishments across the country. We hope these are not empty words and that the government's forces will take the necessary measures to ensure that no one feels emboldened to carry out attacks on any piece of property, regardless of who it is associated with.​

 

[Saif]

Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

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Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on
Says Mahfuj Alam

Photo: Collected

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

"If you support the mass uprising, stop engaging in mob actions. If you engage in mob actions, you will also be treated as a devil. After today's incident, no further requests will be made. It is not your job to take the law into your own hands," he wrote on his verified Facebook account today.

"From now on, we will firmly confront so-called movements and mob demonstrations. Any attempt to render the state ineffective and prove it to be a failure will not be tolerated in the slightest," the post read.

"Touhidi Janata! After a decade and a half, you have got the opportunity to practice your religion and culture in peace. Your recklessness or extremism is about to destroy that peace," reads his post.

Asking all to refrain from oppression, he wrote, "Refrain from oppression; otherwise, oppression against you will be inevitable."

He also shared a verse from the Quran that reads, "Do not oppress and do not be subjected to oppression."

"This is our final request to you!" concluded his post.​

 

[Saif]

Yunus calls for reconciliation

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

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Yunus calls for reconciliation
Pledges fair trial for those linked to fascist regime, says there will be no injustice

Photo: BSS

"The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?"— Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

Yunus said the people linked to the ousted fascist government were still here. "They did not go anywhere… They will have to change to merge with us," he said while speaking at a meeting with the family members of July uprising victims at the Chief Adviser's Office.

He said if the elements of the ousted regime continue to demonstrate the same behaviour, it would not be tolerated.

"We will not indulge in injustice. Those who have broken the law will face the consequences. But to those who have not, we will tell them that 'you have caused me a lot of pain, but I will not do the same to you. This is your country too. The country belongs to all of us. We are all children of this soil'," he said.

Yunus went on to say, "They need to be brought to the right path. They need to be told that what you have done was wrong. You have to make them understand that their path is wrong and they should apologise for what they have done. This is how our country should move forward. Constant conflict will only hold us back."

"We have to win them over. If you think that you will hit them and they will hit back, then there will be no end to this. You have demanded justice and the government will complete the trial," he said, adding that justice cannot be served in hurry.


"The main thing about a trial is that it should be fair... There should be no injustice... The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?

Family members of July uprising martyrs and victims, who received financial assistance yesterday, pose for a photo with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office. Before that, the chief adviser inaugurated a programme for providing state help to the families of uprising victims. Photo: PID
"Our country's future depends on our ability to overcome conflict. We must find a way forward together," he said.

At the programme, the chief adviser reassured the families of the victims that all killings and enforced disappearances would be investigated, and the perpetrators would be brought to justice. He also urged them to be aware of any moves to perpetrate violence or cause bloodshed.

He inaugurated a government programme for providing state financial assistance to families of July uprising victims and martyrs by handing over 21 cheques.

Members of three families of martyrs and three protesters of the July uprising spoke at the meeting. They broke down in tears while describing their experiences.

They raised various issues, including receiving state honours, financial assistance, and rehabilitation.

The chief adviser said, "I think that the sacrifices of those, for which I can call my country a new Bangladesh, cannot be measured by any scale.

"You are living history. I am grateful to you … A nation that cannot remember its history, has no future. This recognition is my gratitude to you on behalf of the nation.

At the meeting, the injured and families of the martyred were informed about the government's programme.

"From today, the state has formally taken the responsibility of you," Yunus said.

The martyrs of the July uprising will be called "July shaheed" and the injured will be called "July joddha". Identity cards would be issued for them.

The family of each July shaheed would receive one-time financial assistance of Tk 30 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 10 lakh would be provided in national savings bonds in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 20 lakh would be given in the bonds in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each July shaheed's family would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000. The shaheed's family members would get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

The July joddhas would get medical benefits in two categories.

The seriously injured ones would be given a one-time aid of Tk 5 lakh as per the "Category A".

Of the amount, Tk 2 lakh would be provided in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and Tk 3 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each seriously injured July joddha would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000.

They would receive medical treatment at various government hospitals all their lives. They would also be able to get medical services at domestic and foreign hospitals on the recommendation of their medical boards.

In "Category B", the July joddhas would be given a one-time aid of Tk 3 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 1 lakh would be given in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 2 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

They would receive a monthly allowance of Tk 15,000.

July joddhas would also get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

So far, the government has published a list of 834 July shaheeds. The list of the injured will be published soon.

At the programme, Adviser Nahid Islam apologised for the delay in recognising the July shaheeds and July joddhas. He said the delay happened despite them being sincere about the issue.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam and Health Adviser Nurjahan Begum were present on the occasion.​