[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Hundred days of hope

It’s time we started walking away from exclusionary politics and towards inclusivity.

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Hundred days of hope
100 days of the interim government

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

I was far from home attending a conference when I saw the tweet from Donald Trump. He was trying to tell the world that Bangladesh was in chaos, that minority communities here were being subjected to "barbaric violence." This was the same narrative that the Indian media has been promoting all along. It reminded me of a cartoon by Debashish Chakrabarty, whose work moved many during the days of the July uprising. The cartoon tells India, "Stop acting like you've lost your colony." The US president-elect's tweet reminded me that the India media isn't going to stop its propaganda against Bangladesh anytime soon.

Recently, while addressing the nation on the 100 days of the interim government's rule, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has warned of deep-rooted conspiracies against Bangladesh. It's a grim reality we face every day. The murderous dictator, Sheikh Hasina, fled the country on August 5 when millions marched on the streets of Dhaka. None of the parliament members were to be found. It was as though the Awami League, which had ruled the country for over 15 years, vanished into thin air. Unfortunately, it was too late for many. By then, Hasina had claimed the lives of at least 1,500 individuals, many of them children and students.

During AL's reign, the country's economy was pushed to the brink of collapse. Money laundering reached new heights, essentially bleeding the country dry. Now, we can feel this huge amount of black money playing its part in conspiracies against Bangladesh. Sajeeb Wazed Joy, son of the former dictator, has been reported to have hired a US lobbying firm. There are also reports of a massive number of bot accounts on social media. Although the rank and file of the former ruling party have disappeared from the streets, they are still very much active online. Their role in creating divisions among the forces of the July movement and attacking prominent figures of the uprising seems well-organised. On top of that, the Indian state apparatus remains relentless in its propaganda against Bangladesh.

We must remain mindful of what is at stake. We must not forget brave souls like Abu Sayeed who gave their lives for a better Bangladesh. When we managed to overthrow the dictator, hopes understandably ran high. But now, after a hundred days, we must think practically. Because if we continue to tread down different paths leading to different visions for the nation, external forces will exploit this disunity to wreak havoc in the country. Thus, no time can be wasted in finding a common ground. Open dialogue among the forces of the uprising is paramount.

During the July uprising, the entire nation was united for one purpose alone: the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. People from all walks of life joined the movement. Different political parties, with different visions for Bangladesh's future, came together to address the immediate threat. When the edifice of AL's fascism collapsed, however, that single uniting goal was gone. For over a decade, we had lived in an environment where only a few dared to speak, and those who did were often tortured or forcibly disappeared. Now, in the newfound freedom, everyone has found their voice. There are countless gatherings and seminars across the country. People are flooding auditoriums, participating in debates about what the new nation should look like. When people speak their minds, differences of opinion naturally emerge. That is the essence of democracy—people agreeing to disagree. However, we must not lose sight of the fact that there are strong forces at play, both domestic and foreign, that would exploit any opportunity to disrupt the unity among the forces of the uprising. This is why it is crucial to find a bottom line upon which all forces can agree.

Undoubtedly, the interim government has many shortcomings. Prices have not come down as expected. Garment workers in some factories are still owed their arrears, forcing them to continue protests. Public disorder still remains a concern. These issues—to name just a few—need to be addressed as we work towards a greater unity. Improvements in these vital areas would surely enhance confidence in the interim government, paving the way for sustainable unity.

Finding the minimum to agree upon isn't that difficult. No one would question our desire for a fair electoral system that allows people to choose their leaders. People with diverse religious and cultural backgrounds participated equally in the uprising. The graffities on the walls dreamt of an inclusive Bangladesh where everyone—regardless of ethnicity, religion or political views—enjoys the same rights. Unity and equity among the people, while recognising our differences, is also something we can all agree upon. People took to the streets with the hope that the growing economic disparity would be reversed someday—another area of consensus. By holding onto this short list of achievable goals, we can remain united for the cause of Bangladesh while agreeing to disagree on the more complex issues.

We must remain mindful of what is at stake. We must not forget brave souls like Abu Sayeed who gave their lives for a better Bangladesh. When we managed to overthrow the dictator, hopes understandably ran high. But now, after a hundred days, we must think practically. Because if we continue to tread down different paths leading to different visions for the nation, external forces will exploit this disunity to wreak havoc in the country. Thus, no time can be wasted in finding a common ground. Open dialogue among the forces of the uprising is paramount.

What is happening in Bangladesh is not unique. Countries like Sudan, Egypt and Sri Lanka have all gone through similar experiences. In Sudan and Egypt, the divide between liberals and Islamists led to civil war, while Sri Lanka fared better in establishing a pluralistic society. Attempts to exclude or annihilate one's political opponents lead only to chaos, and rarely succeed. Over the past 15 years, the Awami League has done everything possible to eliminate its political opponents, which eventually only strengthened opposition. This should serve as a warning to those who continue to promote division. It's time we started walking away from exclusionary politics and towards inclusivity. If we fail to do so, fascism will inevitably return, in one form or another.

Manzur-al-Matin is an advocate of the Supreme Court and a freelance anchor at Channel 24.​

 

[Saif]

We are only facilitators, not rulers, says Yunus

The Daily Star Editor Mahfuz Anam sat down with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus for an exclusive interview where he spoke about issues ranging from reforms and election to media and foreign policy.

www.thedailystar.net

We are only facilitators, not rulers, says Yunus

The interim government that took the helm of Bangladesh amid high expectations completed its 100 days in office recently. These few months have been fraught with challenges for Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus. The Daily Star Editor and Publisher Mahfuz Anam sat down with the Nobel peace laureate for an exclusive interview where he spoke about issues ranging from reforms and election to media and foreign policy. An abridged version of the interview was published on Wednesday. Following is the full interview.


The Daily Star: You gave your first interview to The Daily Star in 1992, and now, as the chief adviser, you are giving us your first interview. Thank you very much for that. You've dedicated your life to work on poverty alleviation and women's empowerment. How does it feel to suddenly step into political life?

Muhammad Yunus: I'm trying to get a grasp of it. This is an unfamiliar world for me. I'm trying to see how the work I've done all my life can be reflected in this ... how it can be and from which direction.

This is a world that is very difficult to enter, but sometimes opportunities arise. For example, at COP29, I had the chance to speak, and I shared what I've been saying all my life. Many people thought this was not coming from a government. And I made it clear that these were my own words. I speak for myself. Whether people like it or not is up to them. I will continue to say the same thing, whether I am in government or outside it. Whenever I get the opportunity, I will raise these issues.

TDS: That is your world, but politics is not. Politics, this politics of change, politics of charting new horizons, how do you feel in this realm?

Muhammad Yunus: It's a very difficult thing, but it has to keep moving forward. Politics has its own pace, and it moves that way. It's hard to fit my work into it. Not everything aligns perfectly. But where there's an opportunity to contribute, I keep trying. Take the Sustainable Development Goals, for instance. There's an opportunity there. I talk about the Three Zero Club, which is aligned with what the Sustainable Development Goals are all about. The things I've spoken about, I've said to bring them here, not leave them outside.

So, wherever possible, I speak up. If people like it, it will continue; if they don't, it will fade. But at least we have to keep saying them. We talk about building a new civilisation. I've long been saying that the civilisation we've created is self-destructive. We have to break free from this self-destructive civilisation and build something new. Where can this change happen? Where in this civilisation of ours can we make changes? I try to bring up these issues whenever there's an opportunity. Those who'll come in the future may not fully understand or may even ignore what has been said, but we will keep trying. It's not like we are forcing it.

TDS: Do you see any reflection of this among global leaderships?

Muhammad Yunus: Yes, I do, especially among the youth. Globally, young people represent a rising force with tremendous potential. There too, Bangladesh holds a significant sway, as it is a country of young people. Two-thirds of the population here is under the age of 50. You won't find such a young demographic elsewhere, especially in countries like Japan, where the population is declining. Japan is a nation with a largely ageing population, where people don't know one another. No one is aware how someone passes away. Despite accumulating vast wealth, when they die, no one is there, no children, no next of kin. An elderly person might tell another, "I'll keep the light on here. As long as the light is on, know that I'm alive." Despite their affluence, death in Japan is tragic and lonely. It's only when a smell emerges that people realise a body has been left unattended.

We don't want to go in that direction. We have the opportunity to use the power of youth. Youth means new dreams, new thoughts and creativity. We strive to inspire them and encourage them not only to dream, but to actively pursue those dreams and make them come true. I always say, if you dream, there is a chance to make it a reality. How can it be realised if you don't dream? Dreams are our greatest strength. We must not be afraid of dreams or view them as something negative. We often believe that dreaming means being detached from reality, as if becoming a poet. In truth, it is the poet who envisions the future. That's why we honour poets. They see what we cannot. Dreams come true because they are dreamt. How will they come true if they are never dreamt?

TDS: Let's get a bit more realistic from this beautiful world. Your government has crossed the 100-day milestone. What are the successes during this time, and where have you not been successful?

Muhammad Yunus: There have been some successes and some areas with no progress. Overall, it has been a mixed experience. These 100 days have been very challenging for us. This government emerged from an absolutely chaotic situation with no prior government in place. One government typically hands over responsibility to the next, but we didn't have that opportunity. We were born out of a revolution.

TDS: You had to take over state responsibilities directly after coming from the Olympics.

Muhammad Yunus: Yes. It took time to understand what is needed to be done and getting familiar with the machinery. There was an uprising and everything was in disarray. Wherever we went, we found chaos, be it restoring order, bringing back peace, re-establishing law and order, reviving business and trade, and getting the banking system functioning again. No institution was operational. Our foreign exchange reserves were depleted, and we didn't even have the capacity to repay our foreign debts. This was the situation when we took over. On one hand, the economy was in turmoil, and on the other, there was social instability. It took time to gradually restore stability from that point.

TDS: How much progress have you made in 100 days?

Muhammad Yunus: In 100 days, we have made significant strides. We've brought this chaotic economy under some semblance of order and regulation. We've managed to stabilise the collapsing banking sector, and not a single bank has closed. Even in these challenging 100 days, no bank has shut down, and we are hopeful that there will be none in future.

TDS: Is there any unfinished business?

Muhammad Yunus: The main area of incompleteness lies in law and order. There are movements being staged across the country. People come here [in front of Jamuna, the official residence of the chief adviser] with endless desires and expectations. They come here to press that they did not receive anything in the past 15/16 years, they have been deprived, and their demands must be met today. But how can we give them in one day what hasn't been given in 15/16 years? It's been difficult to make them understand these issues.

You can express yourselves; we are not telling you to stop. But don't do it by shutting everything down, because people are suffering. For example, students demanding the upgrade of Titumir College to a university had blocked the trains. We are trying to make them understand.

We can't be harsh either, because we've come through a difficult situation. We won't go back to the way things were before. We will not use the police or army as it was done in the past. So where will our strength come from? There was no police, no one else. That's the reason it took time. Meanwhile, the Ansars started a movement, demanding an extension of the retirement age. We had to make them understand. Things are happening all at once. We have to make everyone understand that these things will take place; some are already being addressed, while others are being promised. But after a few days, they return saying it's not happening. We have to explain again. Perhaps we are not good at getting our point across, which is why they come back with their demands.

Claims are being made time and again that the injured are not receiving proper care. Why wouldn't they receive treatment? We are dedicating time and resources to each individual. Yet, the newspapers are carrying reports that the injured are not being looked after. This government is giving the highest priority to those injured in the movement.

TDS: So, there is no lack of commitment?

Muhammad Yunus: There is no lack of effort or service either. But one reported to a journalist that he is not recovering. The time it takes to heal cannot be done overnight with a magic wand. I don't blame him either, because he's thinking: 'how long will I be like this'? Many have been sent abroad for treatment. After being sent to one country, they've said they need to go to another for better treatment.

TDS: Is there a possible communication gap here?

Muhammad Yunus: Yes, there is a communication gap, and we are working to address it. I wouldn't say we have been completely successful, but we are making efforts to publicise it through our communication. We have a website, but many don't even try to visit it. I asked the doctors, and they said they check regularly. If the doctors see them once a day, they [the patients] may feel it should be twice. Everyone is feeling a bit jittery.

A foundation has been set up, allocation made, and manpower deployed. The whole country's attention is focused on them, so there is no chance of neglecting them. This government was formed with their support, and we are constantly by their side.

They are being given financial support, though not everyone has received it yet. As the distribution continues, everyone will get it. We have said that we are committed to supporting them for life, not just for one or two years. Governments may change, and attitudes may shift, which is why we've set up a separate foundation, allocated funds, and arranged for future funding to ensure there is no shortage of money. Yet, they still do not find consolation.

TDS: After your interview with Al Jazeera, there has been a debate about your government's term being four years. However, your press secretary said you didn't say that. Can you clarify this?

Muhammad Yunus: It was clearly stated in that interview. I talked about the term of parliament, saying it could be four years. Then the interviewer asked if our term would also be four years, and I said it would be less. That's all I said.

The Daily Star Editor and Publisher Mahfuz Anam interviewing Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna. Photo: Star

TDS: So, it can be assumed that it could be more than three years but less than four years?

Muhammad Yunus: I didn't mention three years either. I'm trying to keep it vague intentionally because if I state the term, people would be looking at that and try to hurry us to finish it quickly. We want the reforms to be carried out, and that's what all our efforts are directed towards.

TDS: When asked about the election roadmap, you said that let the reforms happen first. So, is it possible to provide a roadmap for the reforms?

Muhammad Yunus: We are working simultaneously on two parallel paths, with equal attention and efforts given to both. One is the path of reforms, and the other is of elections, which has nothing to do with the reforms. The Election Commission will likely be unveiled within a day or two. The commission will operate independently, and it's not under my control. Whatever is necessary will be provided.

However, the commission will have to consider what the election will be based on. It will not have that answer until the reform committee submits its report. Even after receiving the report, they can't proceed without a [political] consensus.

TDS: The reform committees have been given 90 days. Recently, four more reform committees have been formed.

Muhammad Yunus: The first six are the main ones. If those committees submit their reports, it will be sufficient. The rest can be addressed later.

TDS: So, the reports [of the commissions] are likely to be submitted by the end of December. What are the next steps?

Muhammad Yunus: Consensus. We will hold meetings with political parties. Efforts will be on to reach an agreement on what they want and what they don't. We won't impose anything. We would say that we have prepared the document, now it's up to them to tell us their views. Editorials will be written in the media, and their opinions will be considered. We will also take the views of the civil society.

TDS: How much time will you allow for this process?

Muhammad Yunus: The quicker the consensus, the quicker the process. If there's no consensus, the election train will come to a halt. Different issues are being discussed. For instance, the number of women's reserved seats and how they will be elected. These will have to be resolved. If political parties tell us there's no need for reforms, and instead they want elections, we will do that too. How long it will take to complete the reforms depends on the parties. If no one gets ready for the election and yet insists on holding the election before the reforms, we will do that. Who are we to stand in the way? Everyone wanted reforms, but if that's to be done, time must be given. If they give us time, it will happen. If not, we will hold the election.

How long does it take to hold an election? 90 days.

TDS: Yes, as stated in the constitution.

Muhammad Yunus: The election will be held within 90 days.

TDS: The debate started due to the ambiguity regarding the term. If we look at the process of the reforms, you'll get all the reports by the end of December or January, or possibly even February. After that, discussions will take place with all political parties, which could take three or four months. By July, you will have a clearer picture. Even then, there will still be about six months left in 2025. This creates some ambiguity among people ...

Muhammad Yunus: There is no ambiguity. As far as the time you mentioned, if the political parties want the election at that time, we will do that. We are not making any decisions on our own.

TDS: The responsibility for reforms lies with you.

Muhammad Yunus: I'm urging them for reforms. I'm saying that we have got an opportunity, please use it. If all political parties decide today that reforms are not necessary and want elections, then who am I to carry out these reforms?

TDS: The reality is that the major party is the BNP, then there are Jamaat and a few smaller parties. If these parties tell you that reforms are not needed and elections should be held, what will you do?

Muhammad Yunus: I will do it.

TDS: There are many people outside these parties. How will you take their opinions into account?

Muhammad Yunus: This is a new question. In that case, a referendum may be necessary.

TDS: You've said you would act according to the people's verdict.

Muhammad Yunus: Not the people, only the political parties. I don't think we will be able to go to the people. A referendum would be needed for that, and that's cumbersome. We are only taking the opinions of political parties, and this is clear.

TDS: Do you have any thoughts about the participation of the Awami League?

Muhammad Yunus: We won't impose this. The BNP has said discussions must be held with them [Awami League]. We assumed this reflects their [BNP's] opinion.

TDS: What if other political parties say that discussions cannot be held with them [Awami League]?

Muhammad Yunus: It will depend on which party is larger, and which is smaller. If the political parties agree that the Awami League should participate in the discussions, then it will happen. We don't subscribe to any specific ideology. We're not imposing anything. We're just making the arrangements.

TDS: The country's economy is a crucial issue. The finance adviser informed that the state of the economy is very bad. In your address to the nation, you said you would leave a strong economy before handing over power. How will you make that possible, and what initiatives are you taking?

Muhammad Yunus: We are fixing the banking system, stabilising foreign exchange reserves, and improving business, trade, and exports. Through these efforts, it will be done.

TDS: Foreign investment is crucial for our economy. Recently, Moody's has downgraded our rating. This will have a significant impact. Shouldn't there be a stronger economic message? What is your government doing in this regard?

Muhammad Yunus: We are trying. As I mentioned in my speeches, everyone is supporting us. No one has said they cannot accept this government and will wait for elections instead. Everyone is supporting us and enthusiastically stepping forward to help. They are showing interest, allocating funds, but it will take time. I've urged them not just to allocate funds but to release them quickly, and they have agreed. So, in that sense, we are reassured. When we hand over responsibilities to the next administration, we can at least leave them with signed agreements and incoming funds. They won't inherit a complete pandemonium.

TDS: Coming back to elections, you are saying that the sooner the reforms ...

Muhammad Yunus: … the sooner the elections. And if the political parties decide that reforms are unnecessary, elections can happen even sooner. We are not acting like rulers. We are merely acting as facilitators here.

TDS: The police were harsh in subduing protests during the previous government's tenure. Now, there seems to be some uncertainty among them about who might eventually retain their jobs and who might not.

Muhammad Yunus: That issue has been resolved. Those culprits have been identified. Those reinstated have resumed work, while those excluded remain out. Those who are to be punished are now going through that process. The current officers have been assured that they will face no further issues. However, on the ground, they still feel insecure. There's a fear of attacks.

How long it will take for the public to trust the police again remains to be seen. The people might forget gradually. At one point, there was a demand for changing the police uniforms, but that hasn't happened.

TDS: Can there be clear measures taken to alleviate the police's unease?

Muhammad Yunus: We are trying. We are making adjustments, offering encouragement, and training them. We can't immediately recruit new police officers, as that will take time. However, the process of new recruitment has also started.

TDS: A criticism of your government is that you often cave in under pressure from certain groups. For instance, the decision to extend the age limit [for entering government jobs] in the face of student protests. There was no study on it at all. Doesn't this make the government appear uncertain?

Muhammad Yunus: I wouldn't call it uncertainty of the government. Rather, it is a reflection of the uncertainty of the time. Everyone wants immediate results now. The campaign to extend the age limit to 35 years had a rationale, and a committee was formed to assess it. The committee recommended 35, but we decided that wasn't appropriate. After much internal debate, we settled on 32. Even then, there was some uproar, but we explained our position.

There are multiple demands all at once. We must address some. We can't simply ignore them. Sometimes, a decision is made, but later, we realise it doesn't resolve the issue, so we must revisit it to find an amicable solution for everyone.

TDS: There's talk about a lack of transparency in appointing advisers. Questions have been made regarding the criteria used in your latest appointments.

Muhammad Yunus: These appointments were made on the basis of necessity. There are no strict policies per se. The decision is made when we perceive that a certain sector is weak and needs strengthening. That is when we appoint someone.

TDS: Why appoint someone who seemed weak in the first place?

Muhammad Yunus: We felt they could manage. Also, this is a short-term matter. No one is staying here for the long term. If it were long-term, we would have deliberated much more.

TDS: But what if the government ends up staying in power for several years, more than three years but less than four?

Muhammad Yunus: That is exactly the signal we are giving, that we are not here for long. This is a very short-term government.

TDS: What is the government's position on Sheikh Hasina? You have mentioned that efforts will be made to bring her back after her trial.

Muhammad Yunus: A trial will take place. Once concluded, any legal processes for her return will follow accordingly. Until the trial is over, we cannot proceed on that matter.

TDS: Will Sheikh Hasina have the opportunity to defend herself?

Muhammad Yunus: This government's central focus is justice. If we handle her trial differently, it would undermine that principle. This entire movement and the change have been about establishing justice. If we deviate, the movement would lose its purpose.

TDS: And the trial will conform to international standards?

Muhammad Yunus: Whether we follow domestic standards or international, justice is justice.

TDS: There's a perception that you are closer to the Democrats than Republicans in the US. What is your view on this?

Muhammad Yunus: During my time in the US, when I lived there, Democrats were in power. So, naturally, I was closer to them. However, I never faced issues with the Republicans either. I built connections with them, and they worked with me. For example, president Clinton and Hillary Clinton supported microcredit initiatives, and we collaborated. That created a bond with them and many others, including members of the Congress and Senate. I haven't had such connections with the current Republicans, but that doesn't mean they oppose me.

I was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal, which was a unanimous decision. Everyone voted in favour, including Republicans. If anyone disliked me, they would have said so then. No one did.

TDS: What steps are being taken to establish relations with the Trump administration?

Muhammad Yunus: Let him assume office first. We have our embassy, which might already be working on this. The Bangladeshi diaspora is active as well. From here, we haven't initiated anything yet.

TDS: Indian-American groups are reportedly trying to influence the Trump administration against Bangladesh, including imposition of sanctions.

Muhammad Yunus: Bangladeshi-Americans are there too. We are encouraging them to speak out for the Bangladesh government.

TDS: But the Indian-Americans seem to be a lot better organised.

Muhammad Yunus: There's not much we can do. They've been there for much longer. We've only recently started going there. One cannot quite compare one with the other. They're well-established in business, politics, and other fields.

During the Liberation War, when I was there, finding Bangladeshis was a struggle. We had difficulty finding addresses even for sending newsletters about Bangladesh. I remember we managed to locate only 342 addresses across all of North America. Perhaps we missed another 350. But that gives you an idea of our numbers at the time.

TDS: Could you share more of your experiences from 1971?

Muhammad Yunus: At that time, we formed Citizens' Committees and the Bangladesh Defence League in America. We visited embassies, urging them to recognise our new country. Their response was, "Where is your government?" This was immediately after the declaration of independence when there was no formal government. Without a government, we couldn't effectively pursue diplomatic efforts.

So, we decided to send someone to Kolkata to work on this matter. The person reported back after a few days that preparations were under way to form a government. This reassured us. Once the government was formed, we could approach the embassies with more credibility.

TDS: Did you have contact with Tajuddin Ahmad's team back then?

Muhammad Yunus: Yes, the person we sent to Kolkata had connections. Through him, we established communications with the government. Policies were set, including procedures for people wanting to return home. Many of us had torn up our Pakistani passports. We were no longer Pakistani citizens. The new government provided us with travel documents.

I myself travelled back with one such document. I was detained at Paris airport for three to four hours. They simply would not accept the paperwork as an authentic travel document. After extensive explanations, they finally allowed me to proceed. Many others faced similar challenges.

TDS: Our younger generation knows little about the Liberation War. They don't seem to share the same emotional connection to it. Is this a cause for concern?

Muhammad Yunus: Perhaps we've failed to communicate with them effectively. Or, we've turned the history of the Liberation War into such a mess that no one knows what to believe. It's unfortunate that we couldn't provide people with accurate information.

TDS: The Indian government recognises Sheikh Hasina as a former prime minister, implying that they've acknowledged this government.

Muhammad Yunus: Their high commissioner met us. There was also a phone call with Modi. So put together, they have already recognised this government.

TDS: However, Indian media seems to distort our evolving situation. Reports include allegations of attacks on minorities. Have you expressed concern about this?

Muhammad Yunus: We've consistently said that these claims are mere propaganda. When Modi mentioned attacks on minorities during our conversation, I told him outright that these allegations are baseless. I even invited Indian journalists to visit Bangladesh to see for themselves. Our country is open, journalists can go wherever they want without restrictions.

Although some journalists did come after that, the narrative didn't change, which is disappointing.

TDS: Some Indian media have gone as far as to use terms like genocide against the Hindus.

Muhammad Yunus: They even had Trump make similar statements. This deeply saddened us. We've repeatedly emphasised that Bangladesh and India share a deep friendship. Such tactics won't sustain in the long term. Our shared history and geographic realities mean there's no scope for distance between us.

Some temporary friction may arise, but it won't define our bond. The sooner we move past these narratives, the better.

From the beginning, I've advocated revitalising SAARC. Everyone was enthusiastic about SAARC initially, but now it's practically a dead organisation. When I asked, they said it was because of Pakistan. So, I suggested that we could leave that aside for the time being and proceed. We were all there at the UN General Assembly, a photo-op would have been a matter of half an hour at most.

India says it's focusing on BIMSTEC. My response is, "Fine, pursue BIMSTEC, but SAARC is still here." We have expressed interest in joining ASEAN as well. These aren't conflicting endeavours. Every country has the right to build alliances. SAARC, with its established secretariat in Nepal, is just sitting idle. This is disheartening.

The youth are being deprived. SAARC had the potential to be like the European Union, facilitating free movement, trade, and education across member states. While this wasn't achievable immediately, it would have been possible step by step. Instead, it has regressed.

TDS: Considering US-China tensions and competition in the Indo-Pacific, Bangladesh may find itself caught in the middle. What's your perspective?

Muhammad Yunus: I don't see this as a tug-of-war. We have the opportunity to act as influencers. If misunderstandings arise between our two neighbours, we can mediate. We're friends with both and can work to defuse tensions. We may be a small nation, but we have a big role to play.

We're not seeking conflict; we want peace. And because of our size, neither side would feel threatened by us. They might even laugh at our attempts, but we'll continue advocating for peace.

TDS: The worsening US-China relations are troubling.

Muhammad Yunus: No country benefits from deteriorating relations with another. Many years ago, I wrote an article in The Daily Star titled "Growing Up with Two Giants".

TDS: It was for The Daily Star's 15th anniversary issue.

Muhammad Yunus: Yes. We're not denying their significance. This is an opportunity for us, and it remains so.

We still have the chance to make the most of it. Why would we want to create enemies? We don't wish harm upon anyone.

TDS: Is our relationship with China the same as before?

Muhammad Yunus: They are very enthusiastic about working with us. During my visit to the United Nations, the Chinese head of state didn't attend. According to protocol, I cannot hold formal meetings with anyone other than a head of state. However, the China's foreign minister was present, and he wanted to meet. We didn't have an official meeting, but we sat down informally.

For two evenings, we discussed various issues with his entire team. He outlined, point by point, the extent of China's relationship with us. He gave a lengthy statement, and I reciprocated with one of my own.

He had detailed records of my personal connections with Chinese universities that have centres named after me, places where Grameen microcredit operates, when I visited China, and whom I met.

China's largest bank, the China Construction Bank, once sought my advice on microcredit. Today, they operate microcredit programmes there. They even introduced new banking laws for the poor because of my influence. Establishing a new banking law is no small feat. It couldn't be done in our country, except for the Grameen Bank law. But in China, the law applies to all banks.

TDS: Could the distance between China and India impact us?

Muhammad Yunus: We are friends with everyone. We want to maintain close friendship with both India and China. We are excluding no one.

TDS: Murder cases have been filed against journalists without concrete evidence. Recently, the accreditation cards of 150 journalists were revoked. This has had a negative impact on press freedom.

Muhammad Yunus: This is what happens when things are done hastily. We have stopped such actions.

A committee has been formed to review the cases filed against journalists. The committee will examine whether these cases have any basis. The government will take appropriate steps based on its recommendations.

TDS: Has a timeline been set for this process?

Muhammad Yunus: No, not yet.

TDS: What about the accreditation cards?

Muhammad Yunus: I've been informed that these cards are for entry into the Secretariat, not for practising journalism. The revocation affects only access to the Secretariat. Journalists can continue their work otherwise. Legally, the government has the authority to regulate Secretariat access.

TDS: Do you have a message for journalists?

Muhammad Yunus: We now have a significant opportunity to move past everything from the past. Let us not make the same mistakes again. We need to rebuild based on truth and learnings from past errors. If we make mistakes during this process, point them out to us. That's why we value independent journalism. Your feedback helps us notice what we might otherwise miss.

TDS: We are optimistic, too. We see new opportunities and potential and want to advance along this path.

Muhammad Yunus: This is the aspiration of the entire country. We are talking about reforms to establish a proper framework to make it sustainable. Otherwise, we might return to the old ways after a single election. We must ensure that we break free from this cycle.

TDS: Thank you so much for your time.

Muhammad Yunus: Thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak.​

 

[Saif]

New Age editor harassed at airport

Editor of New Age Nurul Kabir yesterday said he faced harassment at the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport twice this week while flying to and from Colombo to attend a media conference.

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New Age editor harassed at airport
Chief Adviser’s Office orders probe

Nurul Kabir

Editor of New Age Nurul Kabir yesterday said he faced harassment at the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport twice this week while flying to and from Colombo to attend a media conference.

Prominent journalist Kabir went to Colombo on November 18 to attend the Asia Media Forum 2024 and arrived in Dhaka on Friday.

"The country's immigration authorities have been harassing me at the Dhaka airport every time I go abroad for more than two decades," Nurul Kabir wrote in a post on his verified Facebook account.

Describing his troubles with immigration in the past, Nurul Kabir said despite having proper documents, he had to face interrogation about his visits, had his passport confiscated by intelligence officials, and sometimes had to wait for hours as they photographed its pages -- violating his privacy -- and only to return them minutes before his flight.

He added that these occurred mostly when leaving the country, not upon returning.

"This time, on November 18, as I was going abroad for a media conference, I expected that my days of harassment at the Dhaka airport were over, at least for some time. I was wrong," he wrote.

"It has been rather doubled this time. One hour while departing and one hour while returning home on November 22," he added.

"Being patriotic is a matter of being a suspect by the intelligence agencies of the country. I am forced to question the patriotism of the country's intelligence agencies concerned and those in the government/s who supervise them, if at all," Nurul Kabir wrote.

After his post gained significant traction among his followers, the press wing of the Chief Adviser's Office released a statement regretting the incident and said an investigation has been ordered.

"We sincerely regret the incident. The Interim Government will not tolerate harassment of any journalists in the country," it reads.

"Nurul Kabir has been one of our most respected editors, a leading voice of reason and a top champion of journalistic integrity during his long career. Chief Adviser Professor Yunus has ordered an investigation into the incident," it added.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt. should get enough time

A recent survey conducted by a research body under the Voice of America (VoA), a US-based international broadcasting agency, about the public's view concerning various issues including the time the incumbent interim government of Bangladesh should take to hold the next general election, a mixed res

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Interim govt. should get enough time
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Nov 24, 2024 21:50
Updated :
Nov 24, 2024 21:50

A recent meeting of the advisory council headed by chief advisor Muhammad Yunus —Photo: PID

A recent survey conducted by a research body under the Voice of America (VoA), a US-based international broadcasting agency, about the public's view concerning various issues including the time the incumbent interim government of Bangladesh should take to hold the next general election, a mixed response was received. According to survey findings, slightly above 61 per cent of the respondents were for holding the election within a year, while close to 66 per cent wanted the election to be held after completion of all necessary reforms. Considering that higher percentage of the interviewed are in favour of completing the electoral and other vital reforms, the priority of the interim government, obviously, should be to complete that task. But how can the interim government complete all necessary reforms within a year? In fact, the opinions of the sampled 1,000 individuals interviewed over telephone from all the eight administrative divisions do hardly represent what over 121 million voters of the country are really thinking about election and other issues covered by the survey. Even so, let us assume, for the time being, that they do. In that case, completing all the reforms of some six sectors, namely, the electoral system, police admin, judiciary, anti-corruption commission, public admin and the constitution is a time-consuming affair. At the same time, it (the government) has to do the routine work of governance as well as look after the emerging issues involving law and order and meeting demands of the pressure groups as well as different segments of the population, which have, of late, proliferated. So, if the political parties are sincere about the reforms, they must allow the government to finish the work unhindered. But it appears they are behaving like the various pressure groups who are too impatient to wait about realising their demands.

But the politicians should not behave like a pressure group. For they cannot be unaware of the fact that Dr Yunus's is not a caretaker government constituted with the particular mandate of holding a general election. Neither is it a normal constitutional government. On the contrary, it is the product of an extraordinary situation that happens only once in a century or centuries in the life of a nation. Thousands of students and members of the general public laid down their lives in a spontaneous mass uprising against the overwhelming odds to wrest the people's freedom, human and democratic rights from a ruthless autocrat.What defies imagination is that the violent and bloody struggle was not led by any existing traditional political parties. It was a revolution, though no revolutionary political party was in charge. And it is through the ultimate sacrifice of the youths from universities, colleges, even school children, members of the working classes and the general masses who braved the bullets of the oppressive regime's security outfits and armed goons. Who or what inspired them to make the supreme sacrifices? It is nothing but the call of their conscience and love of freedom. Leaders of the existing political parties often claim that they have also their contribution in that struggle in the form of the street protests, rallies, etc. they held in the past against the autocratic ruler. True, nothing happens in a vacuum. But the fact remains that the leadership of those public protests appeared not fully prepared to fight to the last, though the situation at hand demanded a different kind of leadership where the ruling clique was not playing in line with the accepted rules of the game. Small wonder that the forces of autocracy finally got the upper hand and the struggles failed in the long run. It is not that the rank and file and the supporters of the parties they (the existing leadership) led lacked the courage. Party workers and supporters are part of the masses and they never shy away from facing the forces of oppression however mighty and cruel those may be. It is exactly why the July-August's uprising under a new kind of leadership became necessary.

So, the main task before the interim government is to muck out the prevailing Augean stables of the old political system prone to breed monsters like the deposed immediate past government. Ironically, it is through elections and popular votes that many past dictators of this country as elsewhere in the world came to power. It is the traditional system of politics that enables all state powers to be concentrated in the hands of a single individual.The reforms are meant to set the stage for future government so they may not fall into the old political trap and end up as fascistic regimes.

Which is why while speaking to the Qatar-based Al Jazeera, a cable television network, the chief adviser (CA) to the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, requested all concerned to be 'patient'. In the same breath he also promised that if given the scope, he would facilitate holding the desired elections after completing some necessary reforms.

Shouldn't Chief Adviser Dr Yunus be given the time to complete the tasks the revolutionary students and masses entrusted him with? The students under the banner of 'Anti-discrimination Student Movement' who put the current interim government into power is willing to give Dr Yunus the required time. In this connection, the ICT adviser Nahid Islam, who is also a leader of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, echoed a similar view during his recent meeting with the Assistant Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, Professor Luis Franceschi. He stated that various commissions had already been formed for institutional reforms and the polls would be held after the reforms were completed.

The political leadership should in every way help the interim government to complete its task. That is the only way to arrange the next polls as soon as possible.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt needs to navigate competing priorities skillfully

The abrupt collapse of Sheikh Hasina regime has already sent shockwaves through Bangladesh's geopolitical relations, but Donald Trump’s election victory is further intensifying the country's strategic challenges. With alliances, economic interests, and regional stability at risk, the interim

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Interim govt needs to navigate competing priorities skillfully
BRIDGING VOICE
CAF Dowlah
Published :
Nov 27, 2024 00:31
Updated :
Nov 27, 2024 00:31

The abrupt collapse of Sheikh Hasina regime has already sent shockwaves through Bangladesh's geopolitical relations, but Donald Trump’s election victory is further intensifying the country's strategic challenges. With alliances, economic interests, and regional stability at risk, the interim government must urgently redefine Bangladesh's foreign policy. This means maintaining strategic ties with India, carefully managing economic relations with China, and engaging purposefully with the United States. Navigating these relationships will require diplomatic dexterity, a strategic vision, and a deep understanding of evolving dynamics across South Asia and beyond.

Under Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh successfully maintained a fragile but stable balance among regional and global powers. Her administration forged a close alliance with India, which responded with robust support. The two countries collaborated on security, economic, and infrastructure projects, with Hasina taking decisive action to curb extremist threats that endangered Indian interests and tackling cross-border insurgencies. By granting India long sought transit routes through Bangladesh, Hasina strengthened India's strategic posture against northeastern secessionist movements.

Economically, Hasina's policies were heavily tilted in India's favor. Bangladesh became a major recipient of Indian investments in energy, transportation, and connectivity, while Indian businesses came to dominate much of its consumer market. Indian nationals even formed a significant portion of Bangladesh's workforce, fueling domestic discontent amid high unemployment.

Simultaneously, Hasina deepened ties with China, aligning Bangladesh with Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and attracting significant investments in infrastructure and energy. China became a major trade partner and arms supplier, as Hasina carefully balanced these developments with her pro-India policies, ensuring Bangladesh benefitted from both regional giants.

However, Hasina's relations with the United States were more complex. While Bangladesh collaborated with the U.S. on trade, development, and counterterrorism, tensions frequently surfaced over governance and human rights. As Bangladesh grew in strategic importance in the Indo-Pacific -- key to countering China's influence -- Washington raised concerns about democratic backsliding and media repression. Hasina even accused the U.S. of orchestrating her downfall, claiming her refusal to host a U.S. military base on St. Martin's Island led to strained ties.

In the wake of Hasina's departure, Bangladesh faces a transformed geopolitical landscape, requiring a major recalibration of its relationships with India, China, and the U.S. The interim government must assess its economic dependence on Chinese loans, especially if debt sustainability concerns intensify. A shift away from Beijing could jeopardize critical infrastructure projects and hinder economic growth. Yet, should China see Bangladesh's political transition as a chance to expand its influence, Beijing may double down on diplomatic and financial efforts. This creates a highly unpredictable future for Chinese-Bangladeshi relations.

India's relationship with Bangladesh also faces uncertainty. The interim government may deprioritize or even reverse pro-India policies, sparking friction. Contentious issues like the Teesta River water-sharing dispute and border management could worsen. If the interim government adopts a nationalist, less India-friendly, or a pro-Pakistani approach, India may worry about rising anti-Indian sentiments, complicating security cooperation and destabilizing a once-reliable alliance.

The return of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency adds another layer of complexity. Trump's "America First" policies -- characterized by economic protectionism, skepticism toward multilateralism, and a realignment of foreign priorities -- could profoundly impact Bangladesh. A key concern is trade. Bangladesh, heavily dependent on the U.S. market for its ready-made garments sector, could suffer if Trump reimposes tariffs, curtails benefits of Generalized System of Preferences (GSP facilities) or enforces stricter trade regulations. The textile industry's vulnerability to such policies poses a threat to economic stability and employment.

Trump's stance on climate change is another pressing challenge for Bangladesh. During his first term, he withdrew from the Paris Agreement, undermining global climate efforts. If his administration once again deprioritizes climate funding, Bangladesh, one of the world's most climate-vulnerable nations, may have to scramble for financial support. Rising sea levels, severe weather, and river erosion make international assistance crucial, and a climate-indifferent U.S. could leave Bangladesh exposed.

From a security perspective, Trump's hardline approach to China could further complicate matters for Bangladesh. If U.S.-China tensions escalate, Bangladesh may find itself caught in the crossfire, having to delicately balance its infrastructure ties with China against potential U.S. demands for alignment. Also, if US-China tensions escalate, the U.S.-India relations may strengthen further. In that case, the interim government will have to navigate increasing pressure from Washington while protecting critical strategic and economic partnerships with both Beijing and New Delhi simultaneously.

Additionally, Trump's hardline immigration policies and controversial stances on Muslim-majority countries may affect Bangladesh. Addressing the Rohingya refugee crisis, for instance, requires sustained international engagement. If a new Trump administration deprioritizes humanitarian issues, Bangladesh might struggle to secure U.S. support for the Rohingya community's needs. Bangladesh also needs to be extra careful about the human rights of the Hindu minority group, anti-Muslim groups in the U.S. may capitalize on any breach in this regard.

In conclusion, the departure of Sheikh Hasina has undeniably reshaped Bangladesh's geopolitical landscape, complicating its delicate balancing act among three critical partners: India, China, and the United States. The return of a Trump administration introduces additional economic, environmental, and security challenges, intensifying the stakes for Dhaka's foreign policy recalibration. The interim government must skillfully navigate competing priorities -- addressing India's regional security concerns, managing China's formidable economic influence, and aligning with U.S. strategic imperatives aimed at countering Beijing. Successfully charting a course through these complexities will require a nuanced and multifaceted approach, marked by skillful diplomacy and strategic foresight to steer through the turbulent geopolitical waters ahead.

Dr. Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chair and Executive Director of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies (www.bipsglobal.org).​

 

[Saif]

Build national unity, prevent division among people

The BNP yesterday shared its concerns over recent violence in Dhaka and Chattogram with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, calling for national unity to tackle such challenges.

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Build national unity, prevent division among people
BNP urges govt; Fakhrul holds talks with Yunus

The BNP yesterday shared its concerns over recent violence in Dhaka and Chattogram with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, calling for national unity to tackle such challenges.

The party's Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said they urged the government to hold discussions with all political parties to build unity and prevent division among the people.

"We hope the chief adviser will promptly arrange a peaceful solution. The country should not reach a point that leads to division," he told reporters outside State Guest House Jamuna, where the meeting took place in the evening.

Photo: Sajjad Hossain BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and other BNP leaders brief media after their talks with the chief adviser at State Guest House Jamuna in the capital today.

"At this moment, what is most needed is national unity, which we have conveyed to him," he said after leading a five-member BNP delegation in the hour-long meeting.

"We are facing significant challenges. To address these challenges, particularly those that threaten independence and sovereignty or seek to undermine them, we must build national unity to resist and counter such threats," Fakhrul said.

He also raised concerns over the law-and-order situation at the meeting, mentioning clashes between students of different colleges in Dhaka earlier this week and violent protests in Chattogram on Tuesday against the arrest of a former ISKCON leader.

"The main purpose of our meeting was to convey our party's concerns to the chief adviser regarding the recent developments, particularly the law-and-order situation in the past few days, the issues surrounding ISKCON, and the problems of students of some colleges," Fakhrul said, according to the UNB.

Fakhrul further stressed the need to hold elections as soon as possible after completing necessary reforms.

The BNP leader also called for withdrawing cases filed against party leaders and activists and also called for the dissolution of union parishads.​

 

[Saif]

বিভাজন এড়াতে প্রধান উপদেষ্টাকে জাতীয় ঐক্যের কথা বলেছি: মির্জা ফখরুল​

 

[Saif]

Take firm control of ongoing situation

BNP’s Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday said the recent events in Dhaka and other parts of the country should not be seen as isolated incidents, but as a part of a conspiracy to destablise the country.

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Take firm control of ongoing situation
Tarique calls upon interim govt

Photo: UNB

BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday said the recent events in Dhaka and other parts of the country should not be seen as isolated incidents, but as a part of a conspiracy to destablise the country.

He claimed that a coordinated attempt to create chaos across the nation is becoming increasingly evident, with growing signs of intolerance among the public.

He made the statement in a press release signed by BNP's Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi.

Tarique expressed concern over the growing activities of those who are destabilising the state's stability, calling it alarming.

He also called on the interim government to take firm control of the situation, warning that if the government fails to demonstrate effective leadership, the public may become increasingly intolerant.

Addressing the rising cost of living, Tarique said if the government fails to control the market and bring essential goods within the reach of the people, conspirators may use this issue to destabilise the government.

He pointed to the associates of the fugitive autocrat, claiming they are waiting for an opportunity to capitalise on the situation.

In his statement, Tarique urged the public to remain calm and exercise patience, emphasising the importance of staying vigilant and alert to the situation.​

 

[Saif]

Minority communities more secure under interim govt: VOA survey

Minority community people are more secure under the incumbent interim government compared with how they lived under the ousted Awami League government, revealed a survey by the Voice of America on Thursday.

www.newagebd.net

Minority communities more secure under interim govt: VOA survey
Staff Correspondent 29 November, 2024, 20:34

Minority community people are more secure under the incumbent interim government compared with how they lived under the ousted Awami League government, revealed a survey by the Voice of America on Thursday.

A total of 64.1 per cent of respondents thought that the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government was providing more security to the religious and national minority people than the AL government, revealed the survey conducted in October.

A total of 15.3 per cent of respondents think that security provided by the incumbent government to the minorities is worse than the previous one while 17.9 per cent think that the situation is the same, the survey said.

The VOA selected 1,000 respondents to compare the Sheikh Hasina-led government with the interim government, with 92.7 per cent of them being Muslims.

Over half of the respondents were under the age of 34, and about a quarter resided in urban areas.

‘The survey has found a slight difference in opinion between Muslims and non-Muslims about the survey result,’ the VOA survey said.

At least 13.9 per cent of Muslim respondents and 33.9 per cent of religious minorities think that the situation is worse than the previous government.

Torture took place against religious minorities, especially against the Hindus, including attacking on houses, temples and business after the fall of Sheikh Hasina government amid a student-led mass uprising on August 5, the survey said.​

 

[Saif]

Unite to foil conspiracies against interim govt : Ganosamhati

Ganosamhati Andolan leaders on Friday at a protest rally called upon all the political parties to be united to foil conspiracies against the interim government.

www.newagebd.net

Unite to foil conspiracies against interim govt : Ganosamhati
Staff Correspondent 30 November, 2024, 00:33

New Age photo

Ganosamhati Andolan leaders on Friday at a protest rally called upon all the political parties to be united to foil conspiracies against the interim government.

A vested-interest group was hatching conspiracies against the interim government to foil the achievements of the recent student-people movement, they said.

Dhaka city unit of Ganosamhati organised the rally in front of the National Press Club where Dhaka city leader Alif Dewan chaired.

Abul Hassan Rubel, executive coordinator of the party, said that different quarters both at home and abroad were hatching conspiracies in the country to foil the spirits of the recent student-people movement.

After the fall of the fascist government of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, a scope was created for establishing democratic Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

But the Indian government’s reaction after the arrest of Bangladeshi Hindu leader Chinmoy was contrary to the national interest and sovereignty of Bangladesh, Abul Hassan said.

He called on all the political parties favouring the student-people movement to forge national unity to foil all the conspiracies against the interim government.

Bachchu Bhuiyan, a central leader of the party and also labour leader, said that Bangladesh was a country of communal harmony, so no sectarian violence happened in Chattogram after the brutal killing of a Muslim lawyer.

Another central leader Dipok Roy said the people of the country would favour implementation of sprits of the student movement and form a democratic country.

Dhaka city unit leaders Mahbub Ratan and Selimuzzaman also spoke at the rally.

The rally was followed by a protest procession that paraded different city roads.​

 

[Saif]

Cumilla to be made division soon: Asif Mahmud

Cumilla will be declared a division soon, said Local Government and Youth and Sports Adviser Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan today

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Cumilla to be made division soon: Asif Mahmud

Cumilla will be declared a division soon, said Local Government and Youth and Sports Adviser Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan today.

"Cumilla demands division due to geographical considerations. So, it will be declared a division soon," he said.

The adviser made the comments during a public reception programme in Muradnagar, his birthplace in Cumilla.

He emphasised that although the country has gained independence, every citizen must contribute from their own position to make the country beautiful.

The adviser was given a public reception in Muradnagar, Cumilla, hosted by the residents of Muradnagar at the Muradnagar DR Government High School ground in Cumilla district.

The meeting, chaired by Barrister Nasher Alam, was attended by the adviser's father, Billal Hossain Master, Muradnagar Upazila BNP leader Kazi Junnun Bashari, leaders of BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e-Islami, and family members of those martyred and injured in the July revolution.

Earlier in the afternoon, the adviser held discussions with government officials at the Kabi Nazrul Auditorium of the upazila.​

 

[Saif]

Challenges abound for the interim government, but sound policymaking can help

With thoughtful policymaking and a commitment to leaving a credible legacy, this administration can transform a period of uncertainty into a moment of renewal.

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Challenges abound for the interim government, but sound policymaking can help

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The interim government of Bangladesh stands at a critical juncture, balancing daunting challenges and unforeseen opportunities akin to navigating a labyrinth—requiring the ingenuity and tact of a Daedalus, not the reckless ambition of an Icarus. Tasked with stabilising essential commodity prices to tackle food insecurity, restoring demoralised law enforcement agencies, keeping businesses and financial institutions operational, and rebooting reforms to dismantle entrenched extractive institutions, it must also organise a free and fair election to secure its legitimacy both prospectively and retrospectively. This election is not merely a procedural milestone to be completed perfunctorily, but rather the litmus test for transferring power judiciously to a legitimate political government.

Unlike its predecessor, which clung to power for more than 15 years before being unceremoniously toppled, this administration must traverse a volatile landscape with tight timelines and limited authority. Its success or failure is contingent on how gracefully it avoids overstaying its welcome with the public, leaving behind a legacy that outlasts its tenure.

By definition, the interim government operates in an environment rife with conflicting demands and entrenched interests. It must chart a path through chaos without succumbing to inertia or overaccommodation. The "Garbage Can Model" (1972) by Michael Cohen, James March, and Johan Olsen offers a lens to understand the unique policymaking challenges the government faces. The model highlights the interplay of problems, solutions, participants and choices in situations where clarity is elusive and decision-making often borders on the chaotic. This resonates with the current reality in Bangladesh, where political fragmentation and institutional inertia exacerbate governance challenges. John Kingdon's "Multiple Streams Framework" (1984), a refinement of the Garbage Can Model, sheds further light on this. Kingdon emphasises the convergence of three streams—problems, politics, and policies—as a critical window of opportunity. For instance, stabilising food prices necessitates aligning public demand, technical expertise, and political will. Without this convergence, even the most well-intentioned policies risk falling flat.

While the Garbage Can Model captures the current disorder, alternative policymaking theories provide additional insights. Charles Lindblom's "Incremental Model" (1959), often summarised as "muddling through," emphasises small, pragmatic adjustments over sweeping reforms. While this approach may suit resource-constrained contexts, it risks perpetuating inefficiencies in extractive institutions.

Similarly, Herbert Simon's concept of "Bounded Rationality" (1957) is highly relevant. Decision-makers often "satisfice"—a portmanteau of "satisfy" and "suffice"—by choosing options that are good enough rather than optimal, constrained by limited information, time, and resources. This is evident in the government's balancing act between controlling inflation and maintaining business confidence. However, while satisficing expedites decisions, it may defer essential structural reforms, leaving deep-seated problems unaddressed and untouched.

Aaron Wildavsky's (1986) focus on the politics of budgeting adds another layer of complexity. The interim administration's ability to prioritise funding for essential commodities, law enforcement, and election logistics will be a decisive factor in its success (World Bank, 2024). Effective resource allocation is not just a matter of economics, but also a political act that reflects the administration's priorities and moral compass.

Organising a credible election remains this government's most significant responsibility. This task transcends procedural obligations; it is a moral and political imperative to restore public faith in the democratic process. The stakes are immense: without a free and fair election, the government risks eroding its legitimacy and perpetuating political instability. Addressing voter education, ensuring electoral transparency, and maintaining neutrality in law enforcement are critical. For example, voter education campaigns can counter misinformation, while transparent ballot management and neutral policing can reinforce trust. Failure in any of these areas could derail the transition process and deepen public cynicism about governance.

Beyond immediate priorities, symbolic reforms play a crucial role in setting the stage for long-term change. Actions such as curbing corruption in procurement or making transparent appointments in key institutions may not transform governance overnight, but they send a message that accountability and reform are priorities. Such steps can serve as confidence-building measures, paving the way for deeper institutional changes under a future political government.

The interim government of Bangladesh is not merely managing a country in transition; it is laying the groundwork for a future anchored in democratic principles, economic stability, and institutional integrity. Stabilising the economy, restoring public trust, and organising a credible election are interconnected imperatives that demand a nuanced balance of chaos and compromise. Drawing from the Garbage Can Model, Multiple Streams Framework, and the concept of Bounded Rationality, this administration must adopt adaptive decision-making to tackle immediate crises while keeping long-term objectives in view. Stabilising the prices of essential commodities, rebooting financial systems, and instituting symbolic reforms may not solve all problems, but they can set the stage for more profound changes under a future political government.

The ultimate litmus test, however, remains the organisation of a free and fair election. By addressing electoral transparency, voter education, and neutrality in law enforcement, the government can redefine public expectations of transitional governance. A successful election would not only validate its legacy but also set a precedent for peaceful power transitions, a cornerstone of resilient democracy.

That said, the path forward requires navigating the delicate balance between paralysis in the face of chaos and overaccommodation in the name of expediency. Drawing upon Daniel Kahneman (2011), one may suggest that the advisers of the interim government should engage both System 1 and System 2 thinking in tandem to integrate "thinking fast and slow." While System 1 provides intuitive, rapid responses to urgent crises, it is through System 2's more deliberate and reflective reasoning that long-term reforms and stability are planned. The two systems, far from being opposites, must be used contrapuntally, with quick, intuitive decisions informed by deeper reflection and vice versa.

In this vein, as Kurt Lewin (1957) aptly puts it, "There is nothing so practical as a good theory." The current administration must embody Lewin's assertion by continuously integrating theory into practice. It must combine strategic foresight with pragmatic decision-making to address the multifaceted challenges it faces. By posing questions, critically examining answers, and adapting its approach as circumstances evolve, it can craft a responsive, adaptable strategy that addresses both immediate needs and long-term aspirations. If successful, it will not merely serve as a bridge between administrations but as a catalyst for a stronger, more accountable, and more equitable Bangladesh.

The stakes could not be higher, but with thoughtful policymaking and a commitment to leaving a credible legacy, this administration has the potential to transform a period of uncertainty into a moment of renewal. Governance under constraint can still serve as a beacon of hope for a better future.

Dr Faridul Alam writes from New York City, US.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh at a Crossroads: Can the interim government steer the nation forward?

The unfolding events in Bangladesh leave no room for doubt-the nation stands precariously at a perilous crossroads. The interim government, once heralded as a beacon of hope following the ouster of a despotic regime, now faces a rapid and alarming collapse of public confidence. While countless citi

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Bangladesh at a Crossroads: Can the interim government steer the nation forward?
CAF Dowlah
Published :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25
Updated :
Dec 03, 2024 23:25

The unfolding events in Bangladesh leave no room for doubt-the nation stands precariously at a perilous crossroads. The interim government, once heralded as a beacon of hope following the ouster of a despotic regime, now faces a rapid and alarming collapse of public confidence. While countless citizens, including this commentator, desperately hope for its success, the government's glaring incompetence and disorganized handling of critical issues have ignited widespread fears of imminent failure, threatening to plunge the nation into deeper turmoil.

The political landscape has been increasingly volatile, with surreal and frightening incidents becoming alarmingly frequent. Lawyers, tasked with upholding the rule of law, disgracefully hurled eggs at a judge in his chambers. Numerous impoverished citizens flocked to Dhaka, duped by false rumors of interest-free loans.

Angry protesters attacked newspapers for their political stances.Unruly students vandalized streets and campuses in the capital with vague demands. Disgruntled rickshaw pullers clashed with police and military personnel. Communal rioters invaded public spaces, and murdered a lawyer who opposed their leader's bail.
These incidents are not isolated aberrations-they are rather symptomatic of a nation unraveling, exposing the interim government's inability to manage even routine governance, let alone the profound crises confronting the country.

The interim government, nearly four months into its tenure, has miserably failed in its most fundamental responsibility-maintaining law and order and ensuring public safety. This failure raises serious questions about the government's ability to implement the wide-ranging reforms it has promised, reforms that are certain to invite fresh waves of opposition. Unlessthe government urgently changes course,its failure may plunge the nation into prolonged chaos.

Recent statements from some government leaders attributing turmoil to external influences, ingrained domestic interests, and other disruptive forces only underscore their inexperience and lack of governance capacity.Given that they assumed power by dislodging a deeply entrenched political regime, they should have anticipated these challenges from the very outset. While the government has engaged with some political parties, it should realize that these actors are clearly pursuing their own agendas, and their cooperation will endure only as long as the government aligns with their interests.

The government must also acknowledge that foreign powers-especially India, China, and the United States-each with significant geopolitical stakes in Bangladesh, are constantly adjusting their strategies to the rapidly changing dynamics. While the recent expressions of support for Professor Yunus by some European diplomats are encouraging, these actors are not the central players in Bangladesh's complex geopolitical landscape.

Perhaps most troubling is the government's failure to grasp the fact that unlike prior caretaker governments, which were the product of negotiation and consensus, they came to power riding on a revolutionary event that overthrew a well-entrenched authoritarian regime. Yet instead of leveraging this revolutionary mandate to dismantle the old power structure, the government has appeared hesitant, disorganized, and ill-prepared for the monumental task at hand.
As a result, the country is in a critical juncture in all practical purposes. The situation-involving both domestic and external forces-is extremely alarming. The government must take decisive and bold action. The alternative is a descent into anarchy that will irreparably harm the nation's prospects for stability and progress.

HERE IS WHAT THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT MUST DO

1. Restore Law and Order Immediately. Easier said than done, no doubt-but ensuring public safety must be the government's absolute, unwavering priority. Law enforcement must be deployed strategically and decisively to contain unrest and violence before it spirals out of control. Acts of lawlessness-be it communal riots, vandalism, or vigilante justice-must be met with a firm yet judicious response that reinforces public trust, not erodes it. Establish rapid-response teams equipped to address flashpoints of disorder with speed, precision, and visible authority, demonstrating the government's firm resolve to restore order and protect citizens.

2. Engage Stakeholders and Address Grievances. Conduct dialogues not only with selected political parties, but also with labor unions, and protest groups to negotiate feasible interim solutions. At the same time, take firm steps to counter misinformation and rebuild public trust through transparent communication campaigns that clarify the government's intentions and dispel damaging rumours spread through social media outlets.

3. Overhaul Governance Mechanisms. Establish a crisis management task force incorporating capable experts in law, public policy, and administration to guide the government's policies and actions. Replace ineffective advisers with competent individuals who can develop and execute strategies to restore order and public confidence. Make transparency and accountability hallmarks of the administration.

4. Clarify Constitutional Mandate. The government has squandered precious time in addressing the glaring constitutional ambiguities that threaten its very legitimacy. It must immediately engage eminent legal and constitutional experts to validate its legal authority, clarify its constitutional position, and chart a transparent, actionable roadmap for governance. Take the bold step of replacing the embattled president, whose continued presence erodes the government's legal and moral authority.

5. Deliver Tangible Results Now. The government must urgently prioritize delivering tangible results to restore public trust and stability. Key actions should include reducing crime and violence, ensuring justice for victims of the previous regime's abuses, and alleviating economic hardships by lowering the prices of essential goods. The government must also remove public officials complicit in the fallen regime's misrule and despotism, while holding corrupt elements accountable.

6. Reignite Revolutionary Zeal. The government must urgently reconnect with the revolutionary spirit that propelled it to power. To sustain its legitimacy, the government must align its policies and actions with the aspirations of those who fought for the change. The government must acknowledge the magnitude of the challenges, rally public support with bold leaderships, and implement a robust and consistent communication strategy.

7. Establish a Clear Transition Timeline. Finally, to reassure the public of its intentions, the government must set a realistic but firm timeline for key milestones, including stabilizing law and order, addressing economic challenges, and transferring power to an elected government through free and fair elections. It must send a clear and credible message about its temporary mandate, and leave long-lasting reforms to the elected governments.

THE CLOCK IS TICKING: The interim government must recognise that the nation stands at a critical juncture, where inaction or wavering is no longer an option. It must act boldly and decisively-not merely to restore stability, but to fulfil the revolutionary mandate entrusted to it. Every day of wavering deepens the crisis, erodes public trust, and threatens the country's future.

To navigate this perilous moment, the government must focus on its core priorities, reshuffle the cabinet with competent individuals, and hold them individually accountable for delivering results. The government must understand that it has a fleeting opportunity to turn the tide. Failure to seize it will condemn the country to chaos, and history will not forgive those who let this moment slip away.

Dr. Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chair and Executive Director of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies www.bipsglobal.org​

 

[Saif]

Yunus hints at unveiling reform, election process soon

Reiterating that required reforms should be accomplished before holding the next national election, chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday hinted that they could come up with a kind of announcement that month on the reform and election process...

www.newagebd.net

Yunus hints at unveiling reform, election process soon
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 09 December, 2024, 17:22

Bangladesh interim government chief Professor Muhammad Yunus and foreign adviser Md Touhid Hossain pose for a photo with envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka on Monday. | CA press wing

Reiterating that required reforms should be accomplished before holding the next national election, chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday hinted that they could come up with a kind of announcement that month on the reform and election process.

Referring to the election reform commission, he said that there were certain reforms that were required to finish before the election to avoid old-fashioned problems.

In an interactive session with the envoys of European countries at chief adviser’s office in Dhaka, professor Yunus said that they had to wait for the reports of the reform commission to incorporate its proposals in the election process.

‘If the government holds the election now, it will be an old-fashioned one and all the old-fashioned problems will come back,’ the chief adviser observed.

He highlighted the interim government’s commitment to building a new Bangladesh that required new policies and new institutional framework. ‘The political parties are very interested in holding the election. We are also interested in holding the election.’

Yunus told the diplomats that he was trying to explain the people about government’s two responsibilities - holding the election and carrying out reforms in various areas.

He said that there were 15 different commissions and the government was expecting reports from these commissions by the end of that month to middle of January.

‘We will be ready for the election if the election process reforms are accomplished. This is the direction we are going....two processes are moving in the same direction towards our goal,’ he said.

‘This is a very exciting moment for Bangladesh as this is the month of Victory. And this is a very special occasion to have you all together. It shows the support to Bangladesh - political, economic and moral support,’ professor Yunus said.

He added that there was a strong sense of unity that existed in Bangladesh despite some propaganda and misinformation campaign against the country.

The chief adviser also presented the initiatives the interim government had taken to reform banking, economy and labour sectors before the European diplomats.​

 

[Saif]

Political parties trying to prove interim government a failure: Nahid

Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Nahid Islam on Wednesday said the political parties want the reform initiatives to be implemented under them and they are trying to prove the interim government a failure. “Political parties want the reforms to be under their control, and thus they are

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Political parties trying to prove interim government a failure: Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Dec 11, 2024 23:43
Updated :
Dec 11, 2024 23:51

Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Nahid Islam on Wednesday said the political parties want the reform initiatives to be implemented under them and they are trying to prove the interim government a failure.

“Political parties want the reforms to be under their control, and thus they are trying to prove the current interim government a failure. They are giving more importance to elections than reforms,” he said.

The adviser made the remarks while responding to a question on reform initiatives and national election by Former Chilean Minister of Social Development Giorgio Jackson in a meeting today with a delegation from the British Global Partner’s Governance (GPG) at the ministry, said a press release.

Nahid Islam stated an interim government has taken responsibility in Bangladesh through a Mass uprising. “This is an unprecedented event that has never happened before. I am not aware of any other country where something like this has occurred. We are trying to work in such a situation,” he said.

Replying to another question of former member of the Scottish Parliament Lord Jeremy Purvis on the challenges the interim government faces, the advisor said the main challenges are maintaining law and order, addressing economic issues, advancing reform efforts based on consensus with political parties, and establishing global communication.

When Matt Charter from the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office asked what kind of assistance the interim government expects from them, Nahid said, “Your experience and advice on the post-coup democratic process and the trial of genocide are crucial for us”.

The advisor further said, “Various kinds of propaganda are being spread internationally. Many are unable to correctly interpret the people's coup”.

“People do not understand how such a large dictator fell in such a short time. As a result, there are various conspiracies happening both inside and outside the country. Propaganda is also being spread about minority repression. Many are trying to deny that this movement was a democratic uprising”, said the adviser.

Nahid Islam said Bangladesh has been facing a long-standing human rights crisis. “People could not vote, and thousands of people were forcibly disappeared. The people of the country were in a suffocating situation. Therefore, protecting human rights is one of the primary goals of the interim government”, said Nahid.

The GPG delegation assured full support to the interim government.​