[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Govt to hold talks with political parties in phases

The interim government is likely to hold talks with the political parties in phases.

www.newagebd.net

Govt to hold talks with political parties in phases
Staff Correspondent 29 August, 2024, 18:39

| UNB photo.

The interim government is likely to hold talks with the political parties in phases.

A meeting of chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus with a delegation of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party leaders also resolved that the government would start the dialogue soon.

‘There will be talks with political parties in phases and the interim government would make the invitation soon,’ BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told reporters after the meeting at state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka.

He also said that his party was optimistic that the interim government would go for holding an election by restoring stability soon in the country.

‘We are hopeful that this interim government, led by Professor Yunus, can take the country to a stable situation shortly with their sincerity, patriotism and competence. At the same time, they can go for an election,’ he said.

Talking about the meeting that lasted for over an hour, the BNP leader said the chief adviser invited them for a discussion.

‘It has been a very fruitful discussion, we believe that this government would bring necessary reforms [to different systems and institutions of the state],’ he added.

Replying to a question if the date for election came up for discussion during the meeting, Fakhrul said that they have not discussed any date for holding election.

‘We won’t propose the date. It is they who will reveal it,’ he said, adding that there will be talks with political parties in phases.

The BNP secretary general was accompanied by BNP standing committee members Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury and Salahuddin Ahmed in the meeting that started at 4:00pm.

Planning and education adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud and law adviser Asif Nazrul were present at the meeting.

Besides, a three-member delegation led by Fakhrul earlier on the day held a meeting with Russian Ambassador to Bangladesh, Alexander Vikentyevich Mantytskiy.

After the meeting, Khasru said, ‘Business, investment, scientific, energy and cultural cooperation were discussed between the two countries. They [Russia] want to know what we are thinking about the current situation and the future of this crisis. It has been made clear by us that BNP believes in relations with all countries.’

‘Apart from this, they wanted to know about the current context of Bangladesh... elections etc. As we have said, we have already made our position clear that power can be transferred to an elected government through the election by an interim government as soon as possible,’ he said.

Khasru said about the discussion about election, the Russian ambassador asked to know the time frame of the elections.

‘We did not discuss any time frame. As we have said, we give full support to this interim government and its activities. As soon as possible, the reforms that will be discussed, they will be held in a timely manner,’ he added.

He also mentioned that they talked about removing barriers to financial transactions between the two countries.

‘Overall, we discussed how the relationship between the two countries can be advanced in a manner similar to our relations with other nations. The relationship between the people of Bangladesh and the people of Russia will continue, as will the relationship between the two countries,’ he said.​

 

[Saif]

Bill approved to scrap special security for Mujib family

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair on Thursday decided to amend the Special Security Force Act 2021, lifting special security for...

www.newagebd.net

Bill approved to scrap special security for Mujib family
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 29 August, 2024, 18:28

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair participates in a meeting at chief adviser’s Jamuna office on Thursday. | BSS photo

The council of advisers with chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in the chair on Thursday decided to amend the Special Security Force Act 2021, lifting special security for deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina and her close relatives.

‘Against the backdrop of student-people mass upsurge, the interim government has been formed on August 8, 2024, comprising the chief adviser and other advisers,’ the chief adviser’s office said in a statement following the advisory council’s meeting at state guest house Jamuna.

It said that in the changed scenario, it was not possible to implement under administrative management the provisions relating to the founding president

of the country Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s family in line with the existing law.

The statement said that the installation of the new interim government required security of the chief adviser.

It was felt some of the provisions were required to be scrapped and therefore the council unanimously decided to amend the SSF Act, 2021, read it.

The statement said that the advisory council gave final approval to the draft ‘Security of Family Members of the Father of the Nation (Repeal) Ordinance, 2024’ subject to vetting by the legislative and parliamentary affairs division.

Talking to reporters after the meeting, advisory council member Syeda Rizwana Hasan said that the interim government was the outcome of an anti-discrimination movement.

Rizwana, who is entrusted with the portfolio of environment, forest and climate change ministry, said that the council took the decision to amend the law considering it ‘discriminatory’.

She said that the Bangladesh signed the instrument of accession to the international convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance, ‘demonstrating its commitment to investigate each and every case of enforced disappearances’.

‘The chief advisor has signed the instrument. About 700 people are still missing for enforced disappearance. Different organisations, including ‘Mayer Dak’, are working on this issue,’ she said.

She underscored the need for formulating a mechanism that none could make any enforced disappearance by using the law enforcement and security agencies cashing in on the power.

‘Many of us are victims of enforced disappearance. . . .we have signed the convention as no citizen can be forcibly disappeared by any forces or any means on the plea of anti-government activities, deteriorating law and order situation and national security,’ Rezwana said.

She said that the interim government had decided to cancel the provision of whitening black money as part of reforms in various sectors.

A clear decision had been taken against the provision of whitening black money as the government gave importance to ethics related to the issue, added the adviser.​

 

[Saif]

The interim government must not fail

We now have another opportunity to get things right and the challenge is to manage aspirations and expectations.

www.thedailystar.net

The interim government must not fail

Our impulse for instant gratification runs strong as we righteously scream for the resignation, arrest, incarceration, etc, , expecting the government to immediately deliver. VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

We now have another opportunity to get things right and the challenge is to manage aspirations and expectations. We want everything—safe roads, cheap and quality health services, good schools, inexpensive electricity, low inflation, zero corruption, professional police services, an accountable administration and judiciary, rule of law, social justice, jobs, etc. The list is endless. And we want all this right away! Our impulse for instant gratification runs strong as we righteously scream for the resignation, arrest, incarceration, or even "phashi" of anyone and for anything, expecting the government to immediately deliver.

Unfortunately, there are no quick fixes. The challenges facing us are complex and will require time and effort. Time, however, is not unlimited. For one thing, the current mood of victory and jubilation will soon give way to recrimination, infighting, and impatience. As these intensify, our poor advisers will find themselves beleaguered, and only the toughest will keep going while others will decide to leave. It would be naive to think that all the major stakeholders will keep their peace and hold their tongues for very long. The chaos has not subsided yet; we are ruled by emotion, instinct, and plain disregard for rules, norms, and values—these have been the worst casualty of a long period of abject disregard for the rule of law. In the meantime, vultures are circling the skies and have begun to sweep down upon media houses, banks, and vantage positions from which economic rents can be extracted.

Same old wine?

Initial signs show that the playbook of governance has not shifted very much. Just as top BNP leaders were once accused of setting buses on fire, so now we see top AL leaders being accused of killings occurring even in the remotest of districts. The horrific scenes we see at our court premises are no different, even though we have a neutral, non-political government in place. Nobody is talking about judiciary reforms before calling for the annulment of constitutional amendments. This is a problem for a new Bangladesh.

What is the interim government to do? It must be pragmatic and realistic. It must carefully assess what reforms it can deliver and what must await a democratically elected government. It should, however, lay out a concrete plan of action indicating its priority areas. We have discussed reforms for many years, even decades so an action plan ought not to pose any serious challenges.

At the very outset, the new government should send out strong powerful signals that indicate its broad commitment to democratic practice, judicial reforms, rule of law, and intolerance to corruption. Perhaps the most important signal it should send out is our belief in an inclusive and just socio-economic system under an overall liberal democratic-secular framework. These signals remain weak.

Priorities

The first question is how do we prioritise our interim goals? Should we establish a maximal set of goals or a minimal set of critical goals? Or perhaps strike a note somewhere between the two?

The second, and far more important question is, how do we implement reforms, especially institutional ones? We have almost zero experience here, and so must rediscover the wheel. We could learn from the experience of other countries, such as Singapore, that made the transition. Their experience is more recent. They too were a British colony like us and have inherited similar systems of governance, and more importantly, they have been able to modify and build upon those systems to create superb outcomes. However, following another South Asian country in this regard is not advisable.

We should simply use our common sense and be ready to make mistakes, learn from mistakes, and then move forward. This will require setting up a task force for each department or institution to draw up plans after careful study and discussion. Consultants from, say the Singapore government and international agencies, can aid the task forces, which will operate within a specific time frame. We need to restructure, get rid of obsolete positions, put in place new positions, clearly identify qualifications and experience for recruitment and promotion, have a proper system for staff evaluation, re-examine the system of salaries and incentives, and place special emphasis on building a strong HR department, a strong and reliable system of financial accounts, and a dependable audit mechanism. Third-party monitoring of HR and finance would be crucial. While some of these mechanisms exist, they should be reformatted and revamped. Anyone who has worked in government will know how intractable these quite basic governance prerequisites are likely to be.

We need to start the reform journey by initially picking one sector to pilot out ideas and approaches and throw sufficient resources at the project to prevent failures. If we can fix one institution, we can scale up quickly. The most difficult sector nor the least difficult one should be chosen. An "average" sort of sector will do fine. The set of priority reforms must reflect and inform our overarching goal: to bring in a vibrant democracy with all the necessary components required for its success.

For instance, a free, credible, and independent media is crucial to fight the war against unscrupulous social media, fake news, and false narratives while a powerful and independent election commission is needed for credible elections. The key question is whether some form of interim arrangement will need to continue. If so, how will such an arrangement be constituted?

This is our last chance to usher democracy into Bangladesh. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

We all understand that fundamental reforms must be carried out in public administration, the judiciary, the police, NBR, state-owned banks and industries, and within political parties. The interim government may not have sufficient time to see all these through. They may want to set out a road map, begin the process earnestly, and ensure that all political parties commit themselves to the reforms publicly and through their manifestoes. They can start by implementing the appropriate legal frameworks after due changes, modifications, and refinements.

For democracy to work, a sector that should be addressed head-on is the reform of political parties and the need to abide by a code of conduct. All of us have ideas about what such a code might involve, and the current government should be well-positioned to come up with one, obviously after discussion with stakeholders.

Some policy reforms as opposed to institutional reforms are significant low-hanging fruits, which only require a few signatures to change. The separation of the executive from the judiciary should be top on the list. Reforms to the Bangladesh Bank charter to ensure its autonomy should also be relatively easy. Various crony-friendly rules in the banking and financial sectors could be changed. In addition, the autonomy of various institutions in the public sector including the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies could be re-established and returned to its status quo ante. Subtle benefits given to crony capitalists in the guise of tax forgiveness, subsidies, and duty waivers should be weeded out too. Our duties and taxes must be realigned to promote diversified exports and employment.

Conspiracy

The student-led uprising was undoubtedly native. However, various analysts including Jeffrey D Sachs have spoken of possible US involvement and infiltration of the movement. Such a serious allegation will require a thorough investigation.

We should not have any qualms about forging a better relationship with the West. This relationship, however, would only be meaningful if it goes well beyond the usual Western rhetoric urging democracy, good governance, labour rights, and so on designed to expand its own empire. We have had enough of that sort of advice. We have strong developmental aspirations to follow in the footsteps of the Asian Tigers. We need access to Western markets, transfer of technology, and assistance in capacity building in science, engineering, technology, and AI. We should have at least one world-class institute of technology within the next five years as well as massive investments in infrastructure. Help us with these and you will have our friendship and access to a potentially huge market of 170 million people.

End note

This is our last chance to usher democracy into Bangladesh. Too many lives have been lost in its pursuit since 1947 when we became free from colonial rule. It was thwarted time and again by hostile forces within and without. We cannot afford to waste this chance again. We do not want to witness another mass upheaval, another bout of violence to settle scores or another political crisis—all because of the greed and arrogance of our rulers and their cronies, and their desire to rule forever. Nor do we want to witness the beginning of another set of authoritarian rulers and despots.

We are lucky to have Professor Yunus to lead the charge. I think he is the only person in the country who can unite us and find a way for us to resolve our differences so that we can emerge as a strong democratic country with a vibrant economy. Let us show the world that we can be a Muslim-majority state with a strong democracy, continue our great economic journey inclusively and develop our own model of a just society. Professor Yunus enjoys tremendous international goodwill, which Bangladesh needs at this critical juncture.

Our enemies are waiting for us to fail. We cannot afford to oblige them. My sombre warning to all is: failure now would leave the door open to foreign intervention and subsequent loss of sovereignty and independence.

KAS Murshid is an economist and former director-general of Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS).​

 

[Saif]

New security agenda for the interim government

Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies (BIPSS) organised a roundtable on “Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government” at The Westin Dhaka on 29 August.

en.prothomalo.com

New security agenda for the interim government
Prothom Alo English Desk
Published: 30 Aug 2024, 14: 16

Guests at a roundtable titled 'Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government on 29 August 2024.

Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies (BIPSS) organised a roundtable on “Bangladesh 2.0: A New Security Agenda for The Interim Government” at The Westin Dhaka on 29 August, stated a press release.

As speakers, former defence attaché to Myanmar and former ambassador to Libya Major General (retd) Md Shahidul Haque, senior research fellow at BIPSS Shafqat Munir, and former associate editor and editor of defense and strategic affairs at The Daily Star Brigadier General (retd) Shahedul Anam Khan shared their knowledge on the discussion topic.

Moderator of the event, BIPSS president Major General ANM Muniruzzaman (retd), at the outset of the roundtable, stressed that Bangladesh stands at a critical juncture in its political and social history. Politically, as it transitions from fascism to an aspirational democratic order, the interim government must play a pivotal role to ensure a smooth and peaceful transition to democracy, but it faces unique challenges in maintaining national security during this period.

He stated that a comprehensive and forward-thinking security agenda is crucial to effectively address these challenges. General Muniruzzaman added that one of the first tasks that need to be undertaken is comprehensive security sector reform which will include the military, the intelligence services, and the police.

Major General Md Shahidul Haque (retd) shared his viewpoints on the security threats faced by Bangladesh as well as gave his views on what policies the interim government should adopt with regards to the issue. He explicitly stated that Bangladesh needs to implement a policy that dictates how to communicate with non-state actors such as the Arakan Army which controls the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and trade routes.

He also talked about how Bangladesh should handle the Myanmar crisis through a geo-strategic lens and not be biased with regards to the Rohingya refugees. He discussed how the interim government should constantly keep Bangladesh’s sovereignty and national interest in mind while negotiating with all countries.

Shafqat Munir emphasised the need for a full-time National Security Advisor (NSA) and a fully empowered national security coordination secretariat. He also stated that such a secretariat needs to have domain and subject matter experts. Shafqat Munir highlighted the need to address new and emerging threats such as cyber security, climate security, and a continued focus on countering terrorism and violent extremism.

He urged that it is now high time to review Bangladesh’s security threats and challenges and formulate a national security strategy. He stated that the aspirations of the “Monsoon Revolution” will not be fully realized unless Bangladesh has a rejuvenated security agenda. He called attention to the worldwide support Bangladesh 2.0 has garnered.

Shafqat Munir emphasised the need for greater politico-military coordination especially at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in view of Bangladesh’s widespread overseas operations especially peacekeeping operations. He also talked about revamping and revitalising military education and training in Bangladesh. Shafqat Munir also reiterated the need for complete depoliticisation of the Security sector.

In his own remarks, Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan first asked the audience why the revolution needed to happen. He highlighted the need to first identify security threats, both internal and external before talking about a security agenda. He said, “Unless the people of Bangladesh are secured, the nation cannot be".

Emphasising the people’s security over all else, he passionately mentioned how without good governance, security cannot be maintained. He added that the Hasina regime had none of the characteristics of good governance. He then went on to say that the elected representatives of our country are servants, not masters and that they must govern and not rule.

Brig Gen Anam underlined that the security forces and intelligence services had been misused and politicised and there must be complete de-politisation stressing that the fault lies not with the agencies but with the corrupt politicians of the Hasina regime who have misused them for their own gains.

Lt Gen Abdul Hafiz (retd), special assistant to the chief advisor of the interim government of Bangladesh for defence and national solidarity was present at the roundtable and shared his valuable thoughts on the subject.

In his final remarks, the moderator stressed on the need to revitalize parliamentary oversight on defence and security. He particularly stressed the need for democratic oversight arrangement of the country’s intelligence services so that never again we revisit the horrors of the past such as ‘Aynaghor’.

He also mentioned that the Bangladesh armed forces must prepare for the new and emerging threats such as hybrid warfare and capacities to fight in the ‘grey zone’. He also emphasised the need for modernisation of armed forces.

During the interactive session, issues like the future of the Rohingya people, border security, importance of defense and security strategies, how we will deal with the enormous debt the nation has accrued, etc. were raised and discussed.

The audience included former chief of the army staff, ambassadors, senior diplomats, representatives of various ministries and government agencies, members of civil society, media personnel and academics as well as several coordinators of the Student Against Discrimination movement among others.​

 

[Saif]

Challenges facing the interim govt

Close to a month after a popular mass uprising led by students forced the despotic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, ending her 15 years of tyrannical rule, the interim government that took over the reins of power in the country on August 8 continues to consolidate its authority. B

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Challenges facing the interim govt
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Aug 31, 2024 23:11
Updated :
Aug 31, 2024 23:11

The front page of The Telegraph, an Indian daily, on August 6 focusing the fall of Hasina — Collected

Close to a month after a popular mass uprising led by students forced the despotic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, ending her 15 years of tyrannical rule, the interim government that took over the reins of power in the country on August 8 continues to consolidate its authority.

Bangladesh's path to a functioning democratic future after the fall of the despotic Sheikh Hasina regime remains uncertain and difficult. The government also faces formidable macroeconomic challenges, in particular, reining in inflation. The country now also grapples with slowing GDP growth, currency devaluation, a financial crisis, and looming debt. However, the interim government's priority now is to restore law and order across the country and stabilize the economic situation, offering a glimmer of hope for the nation's economic recovery.

In fact, the country that the interim government has inherited is far from stable. High inflationary pressure, endemic corruption, and undermining democratic institutions have left the country in a political and economic mess. The actions of the military are also being closely watched, given that Bangladesh has experienced 29 actual or attempted coups in its half-century-long history.

Hasina has used her control of levers of state power - the police, judiciary and civil service to keep her in power and rigged all the elections during her 15-year rule using those state levers. Her party (Awami League) loyalists have also deeply penetrated all these levers of power. Security forces including the army also face severe legitimacy crisis. Most people lost their trust in all these institutions. A few months ago, even a recently resigned Supreme Court Judge declared himself in public as a "politically committed judge".

Under Hasina's rule, the political culture was defined by zero-sum politics, making it almost impossible for opposition political parties to function. Bangladesh's road forward is now littered with hazards. The greatest danger comes from the Awami League (AL) and its alliance partners and international backers. Their followers, who are still active in politics, and their loyalists, who remain in various branches of government, will try to destabilise the interim government to bring back, if not Hasina but one of her family members, to power.

While the interim government works to rebuild political stability and trust in democratic processes, its inherent vulnerabilities, combined with AL loyalists' creation of political instability, will weaken it.

It is not surprising to see the AL actively mobilising sporadic demonstrations and instigating sectarian discord to destabilise and weaken the interim government. Just three weeks after Sheikh Hasina fled the country, as the nation was emerging from the shadows of turmoil, a faction of Ansar members initiated violent protests, prompting police intervention to restore order. This demonstration serves as a stark reminder of how deeply AL loyalists have penetrated all state institutions, including the security and law enforcement apparatus, and how they continue to pose a threat to political stability.

Hasina enjoyed close ties with India, especially with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In fact, India greatly emboldened her to consolidate her repressive regime to achieve its objectives in Bangladesh. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the first foreign leader to congratulate Hasina on her rigged election victory in January 2024, providing crucial international support to her despotic regime. Therefore, the ouster of Sheikh Hasina constitutes a significant setback for India's regional hegemonic policy.

Under Hasina's despotic rule, Bangladesh, with which India shares its longest land border along five Indian states stretching over 4,000 kilometres, became India's closest ally and an effective enforcer of its security goals. This enabled India to fulfil its dream of becoming the regional hegemonic power on the way to becoming "Vishawaguru"- a term coined by eminent Indian historian Ramchandra Guha.

She not only addressed India's security concerns but also agreed to allow India rail transit through Bangladesh. However, India left Bangladesh's concerns about Teesta River Water Sharing unaddressed. The Teesta River, which flows through both India and Bangladesh, has been a point of contention between the two countries due to the unequal distribution of its waters, affecting the livelihoods of millions of people in Bangladesh.

She was entirely dependent on India in conducting three rigged elections. India was singularly responsible for destroying democracy and democracy-supporting institutions in Bangladesh and helped perpetuate Hasina's despotic rule. In this venture, the BJP, the ruling party in India, and the Congress, the main opposition party, fully agreed, indicating a bipartisan consensus on India's policy towards Bangladesh.

Bangladesh also stands as India's foremost trade partner in South Asia, accounting for 12 per cent of India's total exports. Bilateral trade has grown significantly over the last few years, overwhelmingly favouring India. In 2023, India exported US$12.20 billion worth of goods to Bangladesh. Bangladesh has had a large and persistent trade deficit with India for a considerable period.

Hasina's ouster is a major blow to India, which has, under the Hindu supremacist Prime Minister Narendra Modi, effectively staked its relationship with Bangladesh on Hasina's despotic regime. As protesters sought to overthrow the Hasina regime, their anger has also been directed at Modi, her biggest international ally and supporter. Therefore, the protest movement led by students and supported by opposition parties has an anti-Indian bent.

When the deposed Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled Dhaka by military helicopter on August 5, there was little doubt about where she was heading for. When Hasina landed at an Indian air force base near New Delhi, she was received by Ajit Doval, Indian Prime Minister Modi's security adviser and who also oversees the external intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), which has been accused of meddling in the internal affairs of Bangladesh and other neighbouring countries. This indicates the Modi government's hostile attitude towards the regime change in Dhaka.

Hasina is still in Delhi as a guest of the Modi government, and there has been no decision about her plan to leave India. In fact, she enjoys bipartisan political support for her being the guest of the Indian government, as has the bipartisan support for the destruction of democracy and democracy-supporting institutions in Bangladesh to keep Hasina in power.

In a clear display of a hostile attitude towards Bangladesh, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah has made several controversial and unfounded claims against Bangladesh to incite hatred and division against Bangladesh. He specifically alleged that Bangladesh is systematically reducing the Hindu population within its borders. This Hindu card is now being used to create pressure on the interim government.

Prime Minister Modi, in his official statement on his recent telephone discussion with US President Joe Biden, said, "We also discussed the situation in Bangladesh and stressed the need for early restoration of normalcy, and ensuring the safety and security of minorities, especially Hindus, in Bangladesh." This is a statement coming from a person known as the "Butcher of Muslims in Gujrat". A Bangladeshi Hindu leader told Al Jazeera that attacks have been politically motivated, not communal.

Modi "made Islamophobic remarks" in 110 out of the 173 speeches he delivered during the recent Lok Sabha election campaign, according to the Human Rights Watch (HRW) report released on August 14, 2024. The HRW report further added that violence against religious minorities has also continued since the election, pointing to the deaths of 12 Muslim men and a Christian woman in 28 reported attacks across the country.

Also, the media in India has been using the current situation in Bangladesh to whip-up anti-Muslim rhetoric in India using the Hindu card. Recent events in Bangladesh show how Prime Minister Modi's Hindu supremacist project harmed India's regional interests.

Then, in the last week of August, India was accused of being responsible for devastating floods in Bangladesh, which have affected millions of people. Bangladesh claims that the flooding was caused by the decision to open the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in the Indian state of Tripura, which shares an 800-km-long border with Bangladesh. Of course, India denies the allegation.

According to a media report, Modi is all set to unleash a new form of conflict, an economic war against Bangladesh. This upcoming economic confrontation will involve a series of measures aimed at undermining Bangladesh's financial stability and growth. The implications of this economic war could be far-reaching, affecting trade relations, investment opportunities, and overall economic cooperation between the two neighbouring countries.

Hasina's close relationship with India was detrimental to Bangladesh's interest and heavily tilted towards India. But that does not mean the interim government will have to take an anti-Indian stance. Bangladesh needs to recalibrate its foreign policy to put the bilateral relationship with India on an even keel. The adage "one can not choose one's neighbour" applies as much to Bangladesh as it does to India. Now is the time to wait and watch to see how India, over time, responds to Bangladesh's recalibrated foreign policy.​

 

[Saif]

The speech by Dr Yunus: A vision for new Bangladesh

Dr Yunus’s humility in admitting the challenges ahead was appreciated.

www.thedailystar.net

The speech by Dr Yunus: A vision for new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus addressed the nation on August 25, 2024. PHOTO: PID

The interim government's Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus's address to the nation on August 25 resonated deeply with the public, striking a chord of authenticity, humility, and aspiration. Social media has been abuzz with comments such as "Dr Yunus's vision for a new Bangladesh gives me hope" and "We needed this kind of leadership years ago." His speech was remarkable not only for what it said, but for how it was delivered—free of arrogance, malice or personal gratification. Instead, it was a call to action, focusing on the urgent need for national unity and the commitment to building a new, democratic, and inclusive Bangladesh.

Dr Yunus emphasised the interim government's dedication to restoring democracy, combating corruption, and overhauling key sectors such as the judiciary, banking, and education. He called on all political parties to support these efforts, urging a consensus-driven approach to rebuild the nation on a foundation that truly serves the public interest. His vision for a new Bangladesh is one where the sacrifices made during the recent uprising translate into a just and democratic society.

A significant part of his speech was his focus on transparency, particularly the declaration of assets by government advisers and the prioritisation of eradicating bribery and rampant corruption. His metaphor of the nation as a family, though powerful, also drew mixed reactions, with some concerned that it might oversimplify the complexities of governance.

While the speech hit the right notes on many fronts, it also left some wanting more. Critics have pointed out that, while Dr Yunus's vision is inspiring, the real challenge lies in its implementation. Comments like, "Talk is cheap—let's see some action," and "Can he really clean up the mess left by 15 years of misrule?" reflect the scepticism that still lingers.

The "country as a family" metaphor, while evocative, may not fully capture the diverse realities and challenges facing the nation. Unity is essential, but it must also respect and embrace diversity. Citizens are not just looking for unity; they want a sense of autonomy and inclusivity within the broader national framework.

Moreover, there was an expectation for Dr Yunus to delve into the specifics of how the interim government would introduce substantive reforms. While procedural changes are necessary, the public is eager to see fundamental structural shifts that address the deep-rooted issues in Bangladesh's governance. Whether this requires constitutional amendments or a complete overhaul was a question left unanswered.

Dr Yunus's humility in admitting the challenges ahead was appreciated. He acknowledged that enacting these changes will not be easy and that mistakes will likely be made along the way. However, he also asked for time and patience, promising transparency and a commitment to course correction as needed. This approach aligns with a broader understanding that nation-building is a complex, adaptive journey.

The interim government's swift leadership change at the home ministry and the formation of an economic panel to draft a white paper are pragmatic steps towards addressing immediate challenges. However, citizens demand more than procedural justice—they seek genuine institutional reforms that will lay the foundation for a new Bangladesh. To build and sustain public trust, the government must prioritise meaningful reforms over superficial actions, avoiding the appearance of arbitrary decisions in recent high-profile arrest cases.

A promising start has been made with the appointment of a student leader as a special assistant to the chief adviser, signalling openness to fresh ideas and perspectives. However, the specifics of the structural changes needed for Bangladesh 2.0 remain unclear. The interim government must continue this dialogue, engaging a broad spectrum of stakeholders to ensure that the reforms are not merely cosmetic, but truly transformative.

This is a crucial moment for Bangladesh. The vision of a new, inclusive, and just society is within reach, but it demands collective effort and a clear path forward. As Dr Yunus aptly said, the journey has just begun. The interim government must now focus on earning the trust and engagement needed to navigate this path.

Citizens aren't looking for quick fixes; they want a sustainable, principled approach that respects the complexity of the task. Using the journey metaphor, building the nation from Tetulia to Teknaf isn't about instant results, but about starting with a strong foundation of principles and pragmatism. It's encouraging to see conversations already underway on how to align people's will with the ideological vision and a strategic thinking for a new Bangladesh—one rooted in autonomy, equity, dignity, and fairness.

Dr Yunus's speech was a strong start, but the real test lies in how the interim government turns this vision into reality. The people of Bangladesh are hopeful and ready to contribute to building Bangladesh 2.0. The road ahead is tough, but with the right actions, it's a journey worth taking. Now, the interim government needs to prove it can deliver on its promises.

Shafiqul Islam is director of Water Diplomacy, professor of civil and environmental engineering and water diplomacy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, US.​

 

[Saif]

Stability key to interim administration’s success

Though the Dr Yunus-led interim government is still in a nascent stage, yet expectations from it from the various disgruntled sections of administration and society seem to be unlimited. However, the methods being used to realise the demands are also the age-old tactics like blocking the traffic at

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Stability key to interim administration’s success
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:56
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:56

Though the Dr Yunus-led interim government is still in a nascent stage, yet expectations from it from the various disgruntled sections of administration and society seem to be unlimited. However, the methods being used to realise the demands are also the age-old tactics like blocking the traffic at sensitive city intersections or staging gheraos at the different administrative headquarters of the government. The supposedly aggrieved quarters holding such demonstrations are in most cases too aggressive to be calmed down by simple assurances. Some members of the paramilitary auxiliary force, the Bangladesh Ansar, for instance, held such a day-long gherao programme at the Bangladesh Secretariat on August 26. As some seven advisers of the interim government and other senior officials were prevented from leaving office till late in the evening, students from the university had to intervene and clear the way for the government officials to leave the secretariat. But the ansar put up a bloody fight with students before they were forced to leave the place. The armed forces were also called to flush out the troublemaking ansars.

One wonders, why have the programmes to press home demands to be so bellicose and violent when the government in question is new and yet to put its house in order? Since the present government has come into existence to fill in the vacuum left by the previous government due to its sudden exit, is it not too early for those various aggrieved quarters to place their demands? This raises question about the sincerity of their cause and an apprehension if they have any secret agenda up their sleeve. Seeing that the executive branch of the previous government, except some minor reshufflings, is still intact, it won't be surprising if some in the administration who have not given up hope of a return to the old order might still try to destabilise the interim government. There is no reason to believe that such attempts at destabilising the interim government will stop shortly. However, handling of disturbances in most cases will require prompt mobilisation of the law-enforcement agencies. But the incident involving ansars has proved that the law-enforcement agency, the police to be specific, is not yet ready to respond to the law and order issues as and when they arise. Students cannot intervene in every such case. One cannot also expect that the armed forces, in every case of disturbance, big or small, will appear to restore order. Take the case of some ninth graders of the Barishal Government Technical School and College who reportedly ransacked the reception room of the Barishal Kotwali Model Police Station, broke glass and vehicle on the thana premises in the late afternoon of last Friday (August 30). The teenagers went violent as the police allegedly failed to resolve a dispute between them (enraged teens) and the members of their rival group. Another reason for those teenagers' anger, as reported, was that, the Kotwali Model Police Station police advised students to take the army's help to resolve their dispute.

However innocuous, such incidents raise concern about the police's preparedness and ability in its present shape to maintain law and order at a time when the country is passing through one of its most critical phases in history. Why can't the police handle such minor problems themselves, but have to seek the military's support to resolve? Are they so scared that they cannot face even a small group of unruly teens?

True, they have recently gone through a traumatic experience of mob violence against police across the country. But the disruptive time of extreme volatility is over. The hostile crowds have returned home. Gradually, things are settling down. In the changed circumstances, the interim government has given them (the police) the assurances they need to join work and, encouragingly enough, they have responded well to the interim government's call and have already joined their duties. So, what is holding them back from doing their duties wholeheartedly?

The adviser of the interim government for home affairs needs to address the issue seriously towards boosting the morale of the police force. This is urgent if the armed forces are to return to their barracks and the students to their studies.

The police must be adequately equipped to deal with normal law and order issues as well as any act of sabotage by forces of destabilisation. It is only in exceptional circumstances that the military's intervention should be sought.

Commendably, the interim government has meanwhile taken up a number of challenges including restoring discipline in the financial sector. Also, it has, in a welcome move, signed the international convention on enforced disappearances. Some big guns of the previous government have meanwhile been held on charges of corruption and various misdeeds. It is expected that charges brought against them are based on adequate evidence to substantiate those. However, success of all these good gestures of the interim government will depend largely on its main strength, its stability. So, before everything else, the internal challenges to the nterim government's stability have to be dealt with in earnest. The key posts of the civil and military establishments should be replaced with people having unquestionable loyalty to Dr Yunus's interim government. Such replacements have to be made promptly, because the enemies within are still at work to create instability. Also, the government should be alert to any constitutional crisis. The chief adviser should consult experts on this issue and act swiftly to avert any contradictory clauses challenging the legitimacy of the interim government.​

 

[Saif]

Two hours with the chief adviser

The most challenging task the CA sought our help in was to work towards unifying the nation.

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Two hours with the chief adviser

The most challenging task that the chief adviser sought the media's help in is to work towards unifying the nation. FILE PHOTO: PID

For me, it was after 12 years that I could get anywhere close to the highest seat of power, leave alone have an exchange of views. The former prime minister never allowed the largest circulated English daily of the country, its editor or any of its journalists access to the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) or to cover any event where she would be present. The reason I mention it is to point out that, by law, any position—except perhaps those devoted to national security—that is run using public money cannot be kept out of the process of accountability, including and especially that of the media. She broke the law by denying us access to the highest seat of governance. When former US President Donald Trump threw out CNN's White House correspondent because he loathed the news network, a federal court reinstated him in less than two weeks, saying no office run by taxpayers' money can be denied access to the media. But here she was, the "law" and the courts were at her beck and call. For us to go to the court would—as we thought, and our suspicion was justified by examples—have led to a judgment that would give a legal veneer to an illegal act. We were denied access for 12 years until the chief adviser (CA) of the interim government called us on Tuesday. The same fate was meted out to the highest circulated Bangla daily in the country, Prothom Alo. Our only crime was that we wanted to hold power to account.

Hopefully, that story has ended forever in Bangladesh, along with one-person rule, one-person bank loot, one-person-led loan default culture—who changed his looks and garb to pretend piety while looting the stock market, bond market, etc, and at the same time destroying financial discipline. Hopefully, we also have seen the end of abuse of power, cronyism, corruption, extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances—an endless list of degeneration that 15 years of unaccounted for rule led us to.

Yesterday, we commemorated one month after the end of this repressive regime. It was a transformative moment when people from all walks of life spontaneously joined the students in a united struggle for freedom.

The two hours with the chief adviser, Prof Muhammad Yunus, began with a refreshing modesty. Instead of "I know everything, listen to me, wonder, and applause," he began by unhesitatingly sharing how onerous the tasks he faces are, how little time he has to accomplish it, how limited his own and his team's expertise is, and how desperately he needs the support of all people, and especially of the media. What a breath of fresh air it was—especially for those of us who tried our best to speak truth to power in the last 15 years—when Prof Yunus urged the editors to say, as loudly as possible, whenever we saw something wrong being committed by his cabinet. From a culture of "I cannot make any mistake because I love my people and Bangladesh always benefits when my party and I are in power," to an open and sincere invitation to criticise the government which—the CA understood and the former PM did not—would only help him achieve the goals that the people want him to. The modesty, the humility, the openness and, above all, the sincerity won our hearts and minds.

The most challenging task the CA sought our help in was to work towards unifying the nation. He felt, and we agreed, that today we stand dangerously divided, which must be ended as soon as possible. It is this division that gravely corroded all our previous attempts to take the country forward. He did not explain the issue in detail, and neither could we, but we all felt, intuitively and deeply, the centrality of that particular challenge.

There were talks about the reform of the constitution, especially devolving the unrestrained power that our constitution gave to the head of the government. There were talks of making the judiciary independent, empowering the Anti-Corruption Commission (which is described by one of its chairmen as a "toothless tiger"), human rights and all other statutory bodies powerful and independent enough to do their job. Special attention was focused on the Election Commission, whose repeated failure since 2014 crippled our representative government, debilitated our parliament, and made voters lose their faith in the "once in five years" prospect to have a say in choosing who should govern them. The fact that none of our chief election commissioners, since 2008, had the self-respect and dignity to resign when they discovered that the government of the day—having abolished the caretaker system—would not allow a free expression of the public will says it all about the moral bankruptcy of our select elite citizenry. To handle these legal but tricky questions, it was suggested that a special committee be formed—like the one headed by Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya to publish a white paper on the economy—to recommend a set of constitutional and other amendments of legal nature that would satisfy the need of time and give the CA a clearer notion about his programmes ahead.

The idea mooted by the information adviser of setting up an information commission received echoes in the discussion, with special mention of granting functional autonomy to the state-run Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Bangladesh Television (BTV), and Bangladesh Betar so that public money is no longer wasted on propaganda for the government.

In his introductory remarks, Prof Yunus raised the question of the length of the interim government's tenure. He added that the political parties he had spoken with so far had given two broad views: "take as long as you need," and "take a reasonable amount of time" without defining what reasonable meant. Most of the editors responded by saying that the interim government should first set out its agenda and use that to determine the time it needed, and not go the other way of allowing the specificity of time to determine it agenda. The very few who gave any specific time frame, which varied between one and three years, added that the "honeymoon period" may not last for long, adding that much will depend on public perception of how effective, focused and pro-people programmes the interim government undertakes. The editors pointed out that a perception is gathering ground that all members of the interim government are not working effectively, actively, spiritedly, and creatively. They seem more desk-oriented than performance-driven. They don't give the impression that they are fully aware of the complexity of their tasks, and the enormity of public expectation on them. They are not visible.

As editors, we obviously focused a lot on the current harassment of journalists and strongly protested the recklessness with which media professionals were being charged with murder without a shred of evidence. This is giving a wrong signal to the media in the country and is damaging the image of the interim government to the world.

As for the relationship between the interim government and the media, it was a refreshing start after one and a half decades of abuse, harassment, baseless suspicion, and demonising. Regrettably, a section of our own community played an ignominious role, casting aside all ethics and norms of good journalism, thereby shaming all journalists.

There are two fundamental streams of work that the interim government needs to do: one is to run the everyday affairs of the government, and the other is to reform it. The first is itself a massive task that would occupy the full energy and resources of a full-fledged elected government in any country, made more so by the injustices, discrepancies, corruption and bad governance left behind by the ousted regime.

The second is the task to create for us a chance to build a better future. A one-minute pause by any of us would bring to our focus the tremendous challenge that the interim government faces.

Let us help them and give them time, patience, understanding and, most importantly, trust.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

One month of interim govt: Yunus navigating thru high hopes

A month ago, as Bangladesh teetered on the brink of chaos after the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus returned home to steer the nation through political turbulences.

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One month of interim govt: Yunus navigating thru high hopes

A month ago, as Bangladesh teetered on the brink of chaos after the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus returned home to steer the nation through political turbulences.

It was a dramatic turnaround for Yunus, who faced relentless legal peril at home but ultimately emerged as the saviour of a scarred nation. Many feared that Yunus, the nemesis of Hasina, would land in jail during her tenure, but on August 8 he came back from Paris to a hero's welcome and headed to the presidential palace to take over the helm of Bangladesh, a country in flux. His long-time tormentor, Hasina, had fled three days earlier.

The students, who had spearheaded the protests and catalysed the people's uprising, championed Yunus as their choice for the head of an interim government. People were relieved that he had indeed agreed to take charge. And as such, the economics professor came to personify the hopes and aspirations of Bangladesh.

His arrival ended a four-day power vacuum. He spoke to the media as if he was already in charge, celebrating what he said was a "second liberation", imploring the countrymen to keep faith in him and sending a message of unity to the nation in times of an unprecedented crisis. At Dhaka airport, he shared words of empathy with anti-government protesters. At times, he struggled to fight back tears, a rare display of grief, when he remembered Abu Sayed, who died in a hail of bullets fired by the police. The first few days, as expected, were steeped in symbolism. His carefully chosen words – the rebirth of Bangladesh and renewal after a period of turmoil – resonated deeply with the audience.

Then came the hardest part. The interim government nervously began the heavy task of restoring law and order after weeks of deadly protests. A month went by, but the morale of the police force was still low. The police administration underwent major reshuffles in the past month. Officers largely stayed away from work and appeared to be reluctant to respond to disturbances. Reprisal attacks spiked in the immediate aftermath of Hasina's downfall, although it has now come down. But extortion and murder cases against journalists continue to be a big concern. All of this means that maintaining law and order remains a formidable challenge for the interim government, as various groups try to exploit the social disorder to their advantage.

Yunus has initiated a major clean-up of key institutions, appointing a former IMF economist as the central bank governor to bring discipline to the banking sector. Additionally, he has tasked another prominent economist with drafting a white paper on the entrenched corruption during Hasina's 15-year tenure. While the economy is still facing challenges, businesses are gradually recovering. The advisory council now faces the crucial task of implementing effective economic policies and reforms to rebuild public trust and attract foreign direct investment, ensuring long-term stability.

In the decades since the end of HM Ershad's military rule in 1990, Bangladesh experienced an "economic miracle" that lifted tens of millions out of poverty, driven largely by a booming garment sector. However, since emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic, the country has suffered from high inflation, particularly in food prices, and shortages of foreign currency.

These issues are largely attributed to corruption and government mismanagement. For political reasons, Hasina's administration was reluctant to pursue serious economic reforms. The recent unrest has only exacerbated the country's economic problems, with garment buyers cancelling orders, which require serious and urgent attention.

POLITICAL RENEWAL

One priority for Yunus should be re-establishing the independence of the Election Commission to build confidence in the forthcoming polls with the top bosses gone. Under the former prime minister, parliament became a rubber stamp, the civil service and judiciary were highly politicised, and the media and civil society were closely controlled.

"While some of these institutions will quickly flourish in a more open environment, others will bear the scars of subordination for years to come," the Crisis Group said in a report.

It's a race against time for Yunus who took over on August 8 with a fledgeling team. He brought swift changes to the civil administration, police, the Rapid Action Battalion, the Detective Branch and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence that Hasina exploited to create a culture of fear and intimidation.

They enjoyed almost total impunity under Hasina's administration. It's a monumental task for Yunus to make sure people have confidence they will not be arrested, abducted or even killed extrajudicially for political reasons.

Yunus also faces significant challenges in navigating the evolving geopolitical landscape, especially considering the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people. The relationship with India, traditionally seen as Hasina's strongest supporter, has been strained due to Dhaka's push for her extradition. Although the interim government has stated that Hasina's stay in New Delhi won't affect bilateral relations, the changing public sentiment in Bangladesh requires careful management to maintain strategic cooperation with India and adopt a more balanced approach in foreign relations.

"In supporting her administration so staunchly despite its clear unpopularity, India has badly damaged itself in Bangladeshis' eyes. If it now seems to be standing in the way of reform, it will only amplify anti-India sentiment, which could linger to the detriment of neighbourly relations," the Crisis Group said.

India should instead support the interim government, and revive links with other parties too as part of a political renewal in Bangladesh.

The interim government faces numerous challenges as citizens demand justice on multiple fronts. It must prioritise addressing the grievances of those affected by Hasina's 15-year rule, implement necessary reforms and manage a smooth political transition. The new administration, at least for now, seems focused on "managing expectations from all sides."

The domestic political landscape is fraught with challenges, as the uprising reflects deep dissatisfaction with the current system. The interim government, recognising the urgency of the situation, has initiated dialogues with established political parties, civil society members, development partners and journalists to pursue reforms to create a more stable political environment. One key option could be the revival of the caretaker government system, which was abolished by Hasina's administration in 2011. This system could help ensure fair and transparent elections, reducing the risk of another autocratic leader emerging.

Hasina's departure offers a unique opportunity to move beyond the hyper-partisan, winner-take-all electoral dynamics that have harmed Bangladeshi politics for the past three decades. It's an opportunity to undo the past wrongdoings.​

 

[Saif]

Reflecting on one month of the interim government

The interim government faces challenges on the path to reform due to the complexity of the political situation

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Reflecting on one month of the interim government

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It has been precisely one month since the interim government, led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, took office following a series of traumatic and dramatic events that tragically claimed more than 700 lives throughout July and August 2024. With its hopeful outlook and promises, the interim government has come to power to create an enabling framework for election for peaceful power transfer and sustainable economic growth that the nation's 170 million people aspire to see.

The student-led movement, a powerful force that has significantly reshaped the social ecosystem and public attitudes towards governance, politics, and security, has inspired hope and optimism. It has shifted the balance from elite and partisan entitlement to a more inclusive society. One must be mindful that all the grievances were and are still written on the wall.

People, particularly the youth, have put remarkable trust in the new government despite the past regime's infrastructural boom that widened disparity and encouraged the culture of kleptocracy. The anti-discrimination movement, led by the students under unforgettable gun-points and state-sponsored hostilities on the grounds, supported by the opposition parties, participated by the mass public and the remittance earners, and aided by the military, resulted from apolitical and rational demands reflecting the dire socio-economic crises.

So, what do we get from the agony of the past, hope of the present, and expectations for the future? The simple answer is "reform".

However, the interim government faces challenges on the path to reform due to the complexity of the political situation.

First, reform is a painful process and is often seen as unpopular when it begins with political institutions. In a rare historical situation, a civil government in Bangladesh took on its responsibilities when political institutions were almost non-existent and state institutions had been converted into partisan clubs. The existing political vacuum, hence, is more profound than one would expect.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is gradually reforming and rejuvenating itself, which will take some time. Jamaat-e-Islami is working to address the barriers imposed by the previous government. A political party to be set up by the students to sustain the movement's spirit is gradually gaining prominent space in public discourse, underscoring their continued influence on the new political landscape.

The debate about the nature of future elections—whether they should be inclusive and fair, or participatory and credible—will unfold in the coming days. The ultimate goal of the interim government should be to create an environment conducive to elections. At some point, whispering campaigns from the messiahs of textbook democracies or a neighboring country to hold an "inclusive election" will pop up, even though Awami League is tainted by an unforgivable past and crimes against humanity.

Ceteris paribus, a critical mass of the population, the students, or the two main political parties, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, will congruently exclude the AL and forge their own paths. Nonetheless, both parties have reaffirmed their public commitments to support reforms.

The necessary constitutional reform to ensure fair elections will be challenging due to varying public expectations and differing ideologies among political parties. Our political culture has not yet reached a point where the public can be confident that future governments will continue the constitutional reform efforts initiated by the interim government. The key focus here is to achieve political consensus on the ideological underpinnings of the parties. The left, right, far-right, and the left-right must agree on a state ideology reflecting the public aspirations. The sooner the national consensus is reached, the better the electoral and political reform prospects.

Secondly, reforming public institutions is equally necessary. Dr Yunus's cabinet has promptly initiated public sector reforms with the students' support. The focus should be on uprooting the kleptocratic structure. Given our past experiences, it would be wiser to have a limited agenda for reform rather than expanding extensively.

The interim government has logically not yet determined its life span for handing power over to an elected government. It has to be pragmatic about its course of deliverables to the public. The longer it stays at the helm of power, the greater the perils and crises it will embrace. Nonetheless, there is no alternative to radical but pragmatic thinking. It should now confine its reform agenda to the economy: banking, investment climate, energy, social safety network, education, and law enforcement.

The judiciary and the accountability institutions such as the commissions for elections, public service, university grants, and anti-corruption need fundamental but organic overhauling. Independent commissions for the police and media are essential to restoring public confidence in these two crucial pillars of society. Its breakneck speed in repairing these institutions has garnered public support.

However, the present government's success would lie in finding the right human resources to replace the subservient ones and, indeed, in how the advisers perform beyond their political prejudices. As we hear, the politics of grasping on to power have returned at the grassroots level, denoting a need for radical responses.

External and internal instigations will keep the security environment volatile, whether in the labour sector, communal harmony, the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Myanmar front, or cyber domains. The key to the solution lies in coordination between the present government and the political parties. Mob rule, media trials, bulldozer justice, and social media disinformation and misinformation continue to dent public psychology.

It is imperative to urge students to resume classes and the public to return to regular life, enabling them to express their voices through rights, institutions, and political sanity. The interim government must not allow the glory of the precious student movement to be tarnished by fringe elements and toxic precedence.

If we want history to recognise the "anti-discrimination students' movement" as a revolution, we must be fully prepared to embrace radical and profound ideological and cultural shifts. But of course, as Audre Lorde said, revolution is not a one-time event.

Shahab Enam Khan is professor of international relations at Jahangirnagar University.​

 

[Saif]

A paradigm shift is needed for a new Bangladesh

Paradigm shifts on a large scale involve the transformation of society.

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A paradigm shift is needed for a new Bangladesh

Thousands of students took part in the Shaheedi March in remembrance of the martyrs of the July revolution, in Dhaka, on September 5, 2024. Photo: Amran Hossain

Bangladesh is often emotionally referred to as a "new Bangladesh" today. This new identity has been shaped by a lot of pride, sacrifice, and bloodshed. It is akin to the rebirth of a nation, one that emerged after a bloody revolution to overthrow an autocratic and brutal government.

The former regime blatantly disregarded human rights, manipulated institutions, and allowed rampant corruption and torture throughout society, including against political opposition. It turned key institutions—financial, educational, judicial and political—into tools of oppression. Society had been systemically dismantled, like the Ayyam al-Jahilliyyah (the pre-Islamic period of ignorance in Mecca).

When the students peacefully demonstrated for equity and non-discrimination in employment, the government brutally suppressed them—leading to a bloodshed. This triggered a nationwide uprising and the birth of a new Bangladesh.

What is the new Bangladesh?

When the very fabric of a society—social, economic, institutional structures such as religious, cultural, sports, civil, and military administration—is destroyed and banks are plundered, one can easily imagine what is needed to build a new country out of these ruins.

It is not simply about reforming or restructuring some areas in a non-systematic manner. It requires a holistic and systems-based approach to inspire and implement reforms across different sectors.

During this period of transition, we have to build a Bangladesh in which equal rights, diversity, justice, and access to all are ensured. This is not a short-term project. There should be a national plan which must include short-term, mid-term, and long-term visions. Such a transformation cannot be accomplished by the interim government alone, it requires the participation of all political parties.

It is unrealistic to expect that the interim government can complete this task very quickly. Their primary responsibility is to set the wheels of change in motion and then hand over power to an elected government that will work to realise the people's aspirations for this new Bangladesh.

I call this movement to realise the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people the "paradigm shift."

What is a paradigm shift?

A paradigm shift refers to a fundamental change in the way people think, perceive, and understand concepts, theories, or practices. It demands a transformation in norms and values, covering various fields such as science, philosophy, culture, sociology, politics, religion, or technology. Paradigm shifts lead people to act and think differently, develop new perspectives, and embrace innovation and discovery. Sometimes, they give birth to entirely new societies. In our case, I believe a new society is indeed being born, and everything that comes with it represents a paradigm shift.

Paradigm shifts on a large scale involve the transformation of society. These shifts require a combination of strategic planning, adaptability, and people's willingness to evolve.

Steps to implement a paradigm shift

The first step in implementing a paradigm shift is to conduct internal audits of key areas to assess the current state of operations, identify weaknesses or failures, document them, and initiate remedies to align changes with the overall mission.

Adopting such a shift involves actions such as initiating and encouraging corrective processes by changing the environment to promote creativity. This includes experimentation, innovation, and learning in areas like education, strategy, reward systems, evaluations, and incentives. It is also crucial to invest in education, re-skilling citizens, and equipping them with the necessary skills to thrive in the new environment.

More detailed efforts involve investing in research to cultivate intellectual capital and develop a thinking society. To achieve inclusion and diversity, fostering global collaboration is essential. This means engaging with other nations to share knowledge, best practices, and resources, and departing from traditional approaches.

To build resilience and adaptability, society must adopt coping mechanisms to deal with unexpected challenges and leverage technology and data to drive informed decision-making. Furthermore, a society experiencing moral decay must rejuvenate itself by revisiting ethical and moral values, aligning them with the people's expectations and leadership visions at all levels. This is critical to restoring trust and respect in society.

Government and strategic focus

Government and strategic planners should focus on revisiting economic models to align with the new paradigm. This may involve shifts from traditional capitalism to newer models such as social capitalism, green capitalism, or stakeholder capitalism. Dr Yunus, for example, promotes social and green capitalism, and some of his cabinet members advocate for social business. He has proposed a double or triple bottom line for evaluating success at the national, institutional, and individual levels, going beyond GDP to measure overall well-being.

In addition, our performance in regards to the following should also be reassessed:

a) Adoption of modern technologies

b) Globalisation and trade policies, including tariffs, agreements, gig-economics

c) Remote work, automation, and alternative labour markets

d) Environmental policies and their influence on business practices and consumer behaviour

e) Addressing evolving societal attitudes toward inequality, diversity, social justice, and corporate social responsibility

f) Reforms in tax laws, monetary policies, and regulatory frameworks

g) Investment in new industries and business models, fostering entrepreneurial ecosystems

h) Accommodating the voices and visions of Gen Z.

Mawdudur Rahman, PhD is professor emeritus, Suffolk University, Boston, US.​

 

[Saif]

Bangabandhu’s family protection law abolished

The “Father of the Nation Family Members’ Security Act, 2009” which was enacted to provide security for Bangabandhu's family has been abolished

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Bangabandhu’s family protection law abolished

The "Father of the Nation Family Members' Security Act, 2009" which was enacted to provide security for Bangabandhu's family has been abolished.

The president issued the "Father of the Nation Family Members' Security (Abolishment) Ordinance, 2024," repealing the 2009 act.

The ordinance draft was approved by the advisory council on August 29.

On August 25, a writ petition was filed in the High Court challenging the legality of the act as well as the Special Security Force Act, 2021.

The Advisory Council's approval noted that the 2009 Act was implemented under the previous government's decision, with a gazette issued on May 15, 2015, granting special security and privileges exclusively to one family.​

 

[Saif]

Eager to work with Prof Yunus-led interim government: US

The United States has trashed the speculation on US involvement in the recent student-led anti-government protests in Bangladesh

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Eager to work with Prof Yunus-led interim government: US

The United States has trashed the speculation on US involvement in the recent student-led anti-government protests in Bangladesh.

"We continue to be ready and eager to work with interim government that's led by Dr Muhammad Yunus as it charts its democratic future for the people of Bangladesh," Deputy Principal Spokesperson Vedant Patel told reporters at a regular briefing in Washington yesterday (September 9).

He said they are continuing to monitor the developments in Bangladesh closely.

Drawing his attention, one of the reporters said there have been claims about Chinese influence in Bangladeshi recent student protests.

In reply, Patel said he is just not going to speculate.

The reporter said some Indian media outlets have suggested US involvement in the anti-government protest in Bangladesh while India has historically been a close ally of the ousted government.

Patel said he has not seen those reports. "But what I can unequivocally say is that they are not true. That's probably why I've not seen them," he added.​

 

[Saif]

US plans talks on economy with Bangladesh leader Muhammad Yunus, FT says

The United States is set to launch economic talks this week with Bangladesh's interim government, including its leader, Muhammad Yunus, the Financial Times reported on Tuesday

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US plans talks on economy with Bangladesh leader Muhammad Yunus, FT says

File photo

The United States is set to launch economic talks this week with Bangladesh's interim government, including its leader, Muhammad Yunus, the Financial Times reported on Tuesday.

The government led by the Nobel Peace laureate was sworn in last month with the aim of holding elections in the South Asian nation after the ouster of prime minister Sheikh Hasina following deadly protests against quotas for government jobs.

"The United States is optimistic that, by implementing needed reforms, Bangladesh can address its economic vulnerabilities and build a foundation for continued growth and increased prosperity," Brent Neiman, assistant U.S. Treasury secretary for international finance, told the newspaper.

A delegation of treasury, state and trade officials, is expected to discuss Bangladesh's fiscal and monetary policy and also the health of its financial system, the paper said.

The talks will be held on Saturday and Sunday in the capital, Dhaka, it added.

Officials in Bangladesh's finance ministry and Yunus' office said they were not aware of the visit.

Bangladesh's $450-billion economy has slowed sharply since the Russia-Ukraine war pushed up prices of fuel and food imports, forcing it to turn to the International Monetary Fund last year for a $4.7-billion bailout.​

 

[Saif]

RMG, Pharma industries to be taken to peak of their potential: Prof Yunus

Acknowledging the pains of workers, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus today said the government wants to take the pharmaceutical and garment industries to their potential peak and there is no question of weakening these two key industries

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RMG, Pharma industries to be taken to peak of their potential: Prof Yunus

File photo of Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus

Acknowledging the pains of workers, Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus today said the government wants to take the pharmaceutical and garment industries to their potential peak and there is no question of weakening these two key industries.

"The pharmaceutical and garment industries are the pride of the country. Through this, our workers' brothers and sisters and their efficiency have impressed the world. Its success has now been hindered. We want to remove the obstacles by identifying the problems of these two industries," he said.

In a televised speech to the nation marking the first month of the interim government, Prof Yunus said they will gather foreign buyers and seek their cooperation so that these two industries of Bangladesh can become more reliable than other countries in the world.

"Everything is possible if we can make the labor-owner relationship a reliable and enjoyable one," he said.

He said the first month of the government has passed and from the second month they want to start a new labor-owner relationship as part of building a new Bangladesh.

"It is desired by everyone in the country. We are working towards that goal so that the new generation of the country can move forward with their future without fear," Prof Yunus said.

The nobel laureate said they have many responsibilities. "We have to work together on a number of issues to build a just society," he said.​