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[🇧🇩] UN investigation into enforced disappearances /deaths of students/citizens at the hands of security agencies

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[🇧🇩] UN investigation into enforced disappearances /deaths of students/citizens at the hands of security agencies
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Enforced Disappearance: Commission finds Indian involvement
Staff Correspondent 16 December, 2024, 00:34

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance has found prima facie evidence of the involvement of Indian authorities in the system of enforced disappearance in Bangladesh.

In its first interim report titled Unfolding the Truth submitted to chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Saturday, the commission stated that it came to the conclusion after recording statements of victims, their families and members law enforcement agencies.

The commission recommended the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Foreign Affairs to extend their best efforts to identify any Bangladeshi citizens who might still remain in India, according to a part of the report shared by chief adviser’s press wing on Sunday.

More detailed analysis will be required to fully understand the extent of the involvement of the Indian authorities and its implications for both the countries, said the report.

‘There is a persistent suggestion in law enforcement circles that some prisoners may still remain in Indian jails,’ the report said, adding that it was beyond the jurisdiction of the commission to follow this trail outside Bangladesh.

‘We have found Indian authority’s involvement in enforced disappearances. Some victim families also told us about the matter,’ said commission member Nur Khan Liton, also a human rights activist.

Some Bangladeshi people may be still in Indian jails, he said without providing further details.

He said that they submitted their recommendations to the interim government’s chief adviser and they would send it to the ministries concerned.

Officials of foreign ministry’s South Asia wing and the home ministry could not be reached for comments.

The formal nature of the handover of victims of enfroced disappearence in the presence of suspected Bangladeshi and Indian security personnel, all wearing ‘jom tupi’ (a type of disguise that covers the entire head) to avoid recognition, well inside Indian territory, underscores the high level of coordination between the two governments and their respective security forces, the report said.

There are two highly publicised cases that provide valuable insights into how such operations were carried out: the case of Shukhranjan Bali, abducted from Bangladesh Supreme Court premises who resurfaced subsequently in an Indian jail, and that of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Salahuddin Ahmed, said the report.

Besides these incidents, Hummam Quader Chowdhury describes hearing Hindi-speaking people outside his cell with a number of inquiries such as ‘when was he picked up, has he given any information, what interrogation has been done yet’.

BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed’s case exemplifies certain practices of the Bangladesh India rendition system, the report said.

Detained while hiding at Uttara in 2015, he recounts being imprisoned in a barren cell, where a hole in the ground served as a toilet.

The blanket provided to him bore the letters ‘TFI’, indicative of ‘Task Force for Interrogation’.

‘During that period, the only operational TFI centre that we know of was managed by the Rapid Action Battalion Intelligence Wing working under the aegis of RAB headquarters, although it was located within a walled compound inside RAB 1 battalion headquarters at Uttara in Dhaka’ the report said.

The commission has visited this location and confirmed that the RAB Intelligence Wing was still controling access to it, including holding the keys thereof.

The commission recommended disbanding the RAB and on December 10, 2021, the United States Treasury Department imposed sanctions on the RAB for human rights abuse.

Commission member Sazzad Hossain told New Age that the case of BNP leader Salahuddin and Shukhranjan Bali could be defined the involvement of Indian authorities.

‘We are yet to know the whereabouts of Shukhranjan Bali. We are trying to contact his family. The home ministry and the foreign ministry should contact the Indian authorities about the detained Bangladeshis,’ said Sazzad.

He said that they had found involvement of the Indian Border Security Force and the RAB Intelligence Wing in sending people from Bangladesh to India crossing the border.

‘We are yet to find any direct involvement of Border Guard Bangladesh,’ he said.

Interviews with soldiers deputed to the RAB Intelligence Wing have yielded further information about the practice of captive exchanges between the two countries and the possible subsequent fate of the detainees, the report said.

One soldier described being present on two occasions in 2011 when the RAB Intelligence Wing received three captives from India via the Tamabil border in the presence of uniformed Indian Border Security Force personnel.

On one occasion, two captives were received and subsequently killed by the side of the road after the exchange.

On the other occasion, one captive was received and handed over alive to another team inside Bangladesh, said the report.

In return, RAB Intelligence Wing handed over two captives from Bangladesh to India, it said.

The commission in its first interim report found prima facie evidence of involvement of the deposed prime minister Sheikh Haisna and some high-ranking officials of security forces and her government, including her defence adviser retired Major General Tarique Ahmed Siddique in enforced disappearances.

The commission also found involvement of former National Telecommunication Monitoring Centre director general and sacked Major General Ziaul Ahsan, senior police officers, including former Special Branch chief Monirul Islam and former Dhaka Metropolitan Police detective branch chief Md Harun-Or-Rashid, in several incidents of enforced disappearance.

The second method of target selection appears to involve direct orders from politically connected or otherwise influential figures, the report said.

For example, in the notorious seven-murder case in Narayanganj, the accused Tareque Sayeed Mohammad (former RAB 11 Commanding Officer) stated in his confession under section 164 of the Code of Criminal Procedure that he had received the go-ahead signal from Ziaul Ahsan (hen RAB additional director for general operations), it said.

according to the report, enforced disappearance victim Hummam Quader Chowdhury, recounted being told at the point of his release, ‘The honourable prime minister is giving you a second chance, but there are certain conditions. You must refrain from politics, leave the country, and return only when the situation improves. Understand that the honourable prime minister is granting you a second chance in life..’

The commission said that they already recorded 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances, while 758 complaints were already scrutinised.

The commission estimates the number of enforced disappearances in the country would cross 3,500.

Of the 758 scrutinised disappearances 27 per cent of the victms were still missing and 73 per cent reappeared alive later, the report said.​
 

Ensure justice for the disappeared
Arrest and try those involved in such heinous crimes

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VISUAL: STAR

Ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's direct involvement in cases of enforced disappearance, as revealed in the finding of the inquiry commission's preliminary report, confirms our foreboding that these gross human rights violations were state-sponsored, with orders coming from the highest echelon of power. Otherwise, this heinous crime could not have continued for so long without any perpetrator ever being tried.

The inquiry commission, formed on August 27 to investigate cases of enforced disappearances from 2009 to August 5, 2024, also found prima facie evidence against Hasina's defence adviser Maj Gen (retd) Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former director general of the National Telecommunication Monitoring Centre Maj Gen Ziaul Ahsan, and senior police officers Monirul Islam and Md Harun-Or-Rashid. Of the four, Tarique, Monirul and Harun are still absconding. The commission's report detailed how trained professionals in forces, including Rab, DGFI, DB, CID, and CTTC, "deliberately designed the system of enforced disappearances over 15 years in a fashion calculated to avoid detection and attribution of responsibility."

In fact, the commission estimates that the actual number of enforced disappearances might exceed 3,500—more than double the 1,676 complaints they received so far. To date, the commission has examined 758 complaints, and in 27 percent of the cases, the victims never returned. The report revealed how many victims were executed mercilessly and evidence buried. The victims' families have the right to know details including the locations of the execution. Another interim report will be published by the commission in three months, but the final report will take at least another year. While it is necessary to take as much time as needed for a proper investigation, the concerns of the families and rights activists that much evidence might be lost or destroyed during this time should also be taken seriously. The government must ensure that no perpetrator goes free because of any lapse in collecting and preserving evidence or delay in starting the trial process. It is, therefore, imperative to unearth and preserve all the Aynaghars, which, according to the latest findings, now total nine.

Meanwhile, we welcome the commission's recommendation to enact a new law criminalising enforced disappearance and amend the Anti-Terrorism Act 2009, which has been used as a weapon to victimise many innocents. The commission's recommendation to disband Rab, which was found involved in 172 cases of enforced disappearance, should be considered and weighed against the alternative of extensive reform. Most of all, everyone, including Sheikh Hasina, must be held accountable for their involvement in enforced disappearances, which not only traumatised surviving victims for life but broke many families who, not knowing the fate of their loved ones, cannot get closure.​
 

Enforced Disappearance: Victims killed or jailed in fictitious cases
Staff Correspondent 18 December, 2024, 23:43

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The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance in its first interim report has found that most victims were either killed or ended up in jail implicated in fictitious cases.

A tiny minority of the victims have been released without any charges. Some of the victims were released after August 5 changeover, according to the commission’s first interim report titled ‘Unfolding the truth’ submitted to chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Saturday.

The report said that the commission had received some verified documents detailing the methods of execution for those who were killed.

‘In cases where bodies were recovered, post-mortem examinations revealed that the victims had been shot in the head and disposed of in rivers with cement bags tied to their bodies,’ said a part of the report shared by the chief adviser’s press wing on Sunday, quoting military officers who had served in the Rapid Action Battalion as a standard procedure to ensure that the bodies would sink.

Specific sites of killing and disposal include the River Buriganga, Kanchon Bridge, and Postogola Bridge. The Postogola Bridge location, in particular, had a boat—confiscated during a raid on a pirate hideout in the Sundarbans—that was modified for use in these nefarious operations, said the report, adding that officers of law enforcement and security agencies ofen actively participated in these executions.

One witness, himself a RAB battalion commander, recounted an ‘orientation’ session conducted by the then head of its intelligence wing, during which two victims were shot on a bridge in front of him as part of his initiation into the elite force.

Another soldier, previously deputed to RAB intelligence, described a victim attempting to escape by jumping into the river.

He retrieved the victim who was immediately executed on the spot.

The commission said that they already recorded 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances, while 758 complaints were already scrutinised.

It estimates the number of enforced disappearances would cross 3,500.

Of the 758 scrutinised disappearances 27 per cent of the victims remain still missing and 73 per cent reappeared alive later, the report said.

Commission member and human rights activist Sazzad Hossain said that their inquiries found a pattern of killings.

‘We have found majority of the victims either killed or framed in cases. But the number of those framed in cases is higher than those killed,’ said Sazzad.

The report also revealed sordid ways followed to dismember victims’ bodies, including placing body to the rail tracks.

One soldier reported to have been ordered to carry a body to a railway line in Dhaka, where it was placed on the tracks.

The officers and soldiers waited in their vehicle until a train passed, dismembering the body.

In another instance, a surviving victim said that he was shoved onto a highway in front of an oncoming vehicle by a police officer. But the driver swerved and avoided hitting him and drove on.

The officer did not make a second attempt, sparing the victim’s life.

The commission in its reports infers that the methods of execution were varied with a common intent to eliminate the victims and, in some cases, dispose of their remains in ways that would prevent recovery or identification.

Disproving claims of being the work of rogue officers, the systemic nature of these practices, involving multiple locations and agencies, highlights the coordinated efforts behind these crimes, it observes, suggesting an in-depth investigation is required to fully uncover the scale and specifics of these operations.

Many disappeared individuals were later handed over to the police or produced in courts under baseless allegations made using various laws, including the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009, Arms Act, 1878, Explosive Substances Act, 1908, Special Powers Act, 1974, and the Digital Security Act, 2018 (replaced by the Cyber Security Act, 2023), the report says.

The commission also said that the accounts of torture they documented were both profoundly brutal and disturbingly methodical.

A notable distinction has emerged between the premises under the management of military officers and those overseen by civil forces, said the report.

For example, in 2010, a young man was abducted by the Rapid Action Battalion from Dhanmondi.

The victim reported that he was taken to a room where his lips were immediately sewn without the use of any anaesthetic.

In a separate incident eight years later, a middle-aged man recounted that his genitals and ears were electrocuted.

This torture also took place at a RAB facility.

The commission found prima facie evidence of involvement of deposed prime minister Sheikh Haisna and some high-ranking officers of security forces and her government, including her defence adviser retired Major General Tarique Ahmed Siddique in enforced disappearances.

The commission also recommended the disbanding of RAB.​
 

Mobile surveillance used in pinpointing victims’ location: Commission
BSS
Published :
Dec 22, 2024 20:00
Updated :
Dec 22, 2024 20:00

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The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance has found that the mobile surveillance system was used in pinpointing the location of the victims of the enforced disappearance prior to picking them up secretly.

“Interviews with the victims and the members of the Armed Forces confirm that mobile technology was integral to the surveillance process. In interviews, RAB and military officers indicated that ‘silent pick-ups’—unobtrusive abductions—were virtually impossible without mobile surveillance to pinpoint the victim’s location with precision,” said the Commission report.

The five-member commission, led by retired justice Mainul Islam Chowdhury, recently presented the report, titled "Unfolding the Truth," to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna.

Prior to the establishment of the National Telecommunication Monitoring Centre (NTMC) as an independent agency, the report said that the mobile surveillance was conducted through its predecessor, the National Monitoring Centre (NMC), which was housed within the DGFI (Directorate General of Forces Intelligence) Headquarters.

The DGFI provided dedicated surveillance systems, which were also used by other forces, such as RAB and DB, it said.

A former DG of DGFI also confirmed to the Commission that his organization provided logistics support related to surveillance to various law enforcement teams whilst NMC was housed at the DGFI Headquarters.

However, preliminary reports suggest that some surveillance capabilities still reside within individual forces.

The extent of these capabilities remains an active line of inquiry, particularly because there appears to be no judicial oversight on the surveillance process, the Commission report said.

“Despite the lack of judicial oversight, several victims reported signs of surveillance prior to their abductions,” it said.

For example, the report said that one victim revealed that his captors referenced a private phone conversation about his wife’s dental treatment, suggesting that mobile surveillance had been conducted beforehand.

Other victims described receiving suspicious phone calls shortly before their abductions, during which no one spoke at the other end of the line, it also said.

“These calls were presumably used to pinpoint the victim’s location,” it added.

In another instance, the report said that eyewitnesses recounted how the security forces entered a room, instructed the occupants to place their phones in a line, and, when a call came to one of the phones, detained the individual who claimed it.

“That person was never seen again,” it said.​
 

Another victim of enforced disappearance returns home from India
Staff Correspondent 23 December, 2024, 10:55

Another enforced disappearance victim returned home allegedly from India on Saturday, one

year four months after he was picked up by people identifying themselves as Rapid Action Battalion members on August 29, 2023.

The victim is Rahmatullah, an electrician who was picked up from his own house in Dhamrai, human rights organisation Odhikar revealed in a statement issued on Sunday.

His family searched RAB offices, various Detective Branch offices and police stations but all law enforcement agencies denied picking Rahmatullah up.

Rahmatullah was blindfolded and threatened in various places in Bangladesh for nine months and later was taken to India where he was held in Dum Dum jail for ‘illegal entry’, the statement said.

He had been in India for seven months.

The statement read that Indian Border Security Force sent Rahmatullah back to Bangladesh through the Mahananda River on Saturday night.

After entering the country, he arrived at Gomastapur police station in Chapainawabganj from where police contacted his family.

The family later went there and rescued him.

The statement cited examples of Sukharanjan Bali and Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Salahuddin Ahmad being relocated to India after abduction.

Such incidents prove that Indian authorities were involved in the system of enforced disappearance in Bangladesh, Odhikar said in its statement.

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance recently revealed that they found prima facie evidence of the India’s involvement in the system of enforced disappearance.

According to Odhikar, 721 people have fallen victim to enforced disappearances from 2009 till September 2024. Of them, 158 people were still not found.

Odhikar believe that there is a possibility that more victims may be held in Indian jails after being disappeared from Bangladesh.

The human rights body said that the government should immediately check the information of all Bangladeshis imprisoned in Indian jails to determine if there are any enforced disappearance victims.

It demanded compensation for Rahmatullah and punishment for those involved in his disappearance.​
 

What Bangladesh can learn from Argentina’s struggle with enforced disappearance

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The families of the disappeared in Bangladesh, like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, have refused to stay silent. FILE PHOTO: PRABIR DAS

In Bangladesh, Argentina is more than just a footballing nation; it's a symbol of passion, resilience, and shared identity. The famous "Hand of God" moment and Maradona's dazzling 1986 World Cup victory are still celebrated with immense enthusiasm. But beyond the footballing legacy, there's another connection between the two nations—a shared pain and sorrow that ties them together in ways most would never expect.

Between 1976 and 1983, Argentina endured one of the darkest periods in its history, known as the "Dirty War" (Guerra Sucia in Spanish). The country was ruled by a military junta that used brutal tactics to eliminate perceived threats. Thousands of citizens, including political activists, intellectuals, union leaders, and students, were disappeared without a trace. These individuals, often the brightest and most outspoken members of society, were subjected to torture, imprisonment, and death. Their families, left in torment, had no idea whether their loved ones were alive or dead. This led to a profound trauma that still echoes in Argentina today.

In many ways, Bangladesh's modern-day struggle mirrors this painful past. Since Sheikh Hasina assumed power in 2009, Bangladesh has seen a troubling rise in cases of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, particularly between 2009 and 2022. Human rights organisations estimate that more than 3,000 people have vanished over the last decade, many of them political activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens who dared to challenge the government. The tactics used by Bangladesh's security forces, especially the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), are chillingly similar to those of authoritarian regimes, with violence wielded as a tool of political control. The Digital Security Act, introduced in 2018, further silenced dissent by criminalising free speech, in essence, and empowering the government to target critics.

Although the political contexts in Argentina and Bangladesh differ in many ways, both countries have been profoundly impacted by authoritarian rule and the heavy human cost of enforced disappearances. However, the paths they have taken to address these abuses and the extent to which justice has been served are markedly distinct.

After the fall of Argentina's brutal military dictatorship in 1983, the country began the long and difficult process of confronting its past. One of the most significant steps was the formation of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP), which investigated the forced disappearances and human rights violations committed during the dictatorship. Their report, Nunca Más ("Never Again"), was a landmark document that detailed the scale of the atrocities and gave voice to the victims' families. For the first time, the suffering was acknowledged, and the public could no longer ignore the truth.

In the years that followed, Argentina took important steps toward achieving justice. Laws that had previously shielded military officials from prosecution, such as the Full Stop Law and the Law of Due Obedience, were repealed in 2003. In the subsequent years, former military officers were put on trial, and some were convicted of crimes against humanity, including torture, forced disappearances, and murder. While justice was delayed, it wasn't denied. The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a group of mothers whose children had disappeared during the dictatorship, became a powerful symbol of resistance, relentlessly demanding truth and accountability. Their courage and determination brought the issue of human rights violations to the forefront, forcing Argentina to reckon with its past.

In contrast, Bangladesh's struggle with enforced disappearances remains largely unresolved. In 2024, after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government, an interim administration led by Muhammad Yunus signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED). Later, a commission of inquiry into the disappearances was established. While this is a positive step, it remains to be seen whether the commission will be independent enough to carry out its work without political interference. Moreover, ensuring that the victims' families receive reparations and recognition for their suffering will be crucial if any real healing is to occur.

The families of the disappeared in Bangladesh, much like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, have refused to stay silent. Through the Mayer Daak movement, they have taken to the streets, demanding answers and justice. These families, most of them mothers and wives, have been vocal about their pain, their hopes, and their grief. They continue to march, protest, and speak out, hoping that one day, they'll get the closure they so desperately need. But their struggle has not been met with the same level of national support or legal recourse that Argentina's victims received.

The Mayer Daak movement in Bangladesh has emerged as a powerful symbol of resistance, not just to the state's systematic efforts to suppress dissent, but also to the culture of impunity that allows the state's security forces to operate with minimal accountability. Like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina, the Mayer Daak group has demanded justice for the victims of forced disappearances, courageously standing up against the government's repression and the silence that surrounds these atrocities.

Despite the intense political and legal obstacles, they face, the Mayer Daak movement continues to gain momentum. The group's members, many of them mothers, sisters, and wives have become the public face of resistance. Their constant presence at protests and public demonstrations is a testament to their refusal to let the truth be buried. Through their tireless efforts, the Mayer Daak movement has kept the issue of enforced disappearances in the national conversation, pushing for recognition of the victims and accountability for the perpetrators.

Bangladesh has not yet seen the same level of institutional reforms as Argentina, such as the creation of a national truth commission. However, the activism by Mayer Daak has the potential to spur a broader movement for justice, one that might eventually lead to formal inquiries, legal accountability, and reparations for the families of the disappeared. The group's insistence on truth and justice offers a glimmer of hope in the face of a long history of government oppression.

Both Argentina and Bangladesh have suffered through brutal authoritarian regimes that used forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings to maintain control. Argentina's eventual commitment to justice, accountability, and truth has allowed the country to begin the healing process.

With the right commitment and action, there is hope that Bangladesh can take meaningful steps toward healing, and the painful legacy of enforced disappearances can eventually be addressed. By learning from Argentina's example and ensuring accountability, recognition for the victims, and a genuine process of truth-telling, Bangladesh has the potential to move forward. While the journey may be long, it is not without hope. In time, the families of the disappeared may find the justice and closure they deserve, and the country as a whole can begin to heal from this dark chapter.

Barrister Md Zahid Hasan Akhand is a human rights lawyer, activist, and founder and head of Akhand and Associates.​
 

Enforced disappearances occured mainly due to political reasons

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Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury

The enforced disappearances would be carried out under orders from the highest level of government. The orders would come from the top most level through Tarique Siddique (former prime minister Sheikh Hasina's security-related advisor)

The commission formed to look into the enforced disappearances that occurred over the 15 and a half years of the Awami League rule, has submitted its interim report, ‘Unfolding the Truth’. Head of the committee, retired Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury, on 19 December spoke to Prothom Alo’s news editor Rajib Hasan and staff correspondent Mahmudul Hasan at the commission office in Gulshan, Dhaka.

Prothom Alo: The interim report has been submitted three and a half months after the commission was formed. Within this span of time have you been able to gather enough information and evidence to prove the crimes involved in the incidents you all have been investigating?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
Our commission is a fact-finding commission. No chargesheet or FIR against any accused will be filed as a result of this commission's report. The report to be submitted by the investigating body of the International Crimes Tribunal will be the police report. This commission is not any investigative agency, not any prosecuting agency. The commission report can serve as a basis for the tribunal's investigations. It has plenty of necessary material required for the investigations.

The commission report will have a lot of evidence. The victims of enforced disappearance who have returned and the families of those who have not returned, have given us their depositions. We physically visited the areas or detention prisons that they described to us. These match 98 per cent of the victims' descriptions. All this will serve as circumstantial evidence.

We are also getting first-hand evidence from the victims. There is no scope to get any neutral witness. Those who abducted these people, tortured them, unlawfully kept them imprisoned for year after year, will not speak against themselves. For instance, those who unlawfully kept Barrister Arman and General Azmi incarcerated for eight years, will not admit to their own crimes.

They held Hummam Quader Chowdhury for seven months. They kept former ambassador Maruf Zaman in detention for two and a half to three years. Without any cases, they kept their prisoners in detention and tortured them for year after year.

Prothom Alo: What sort of evidence did you get from the secret detention units? Is there any apprehension that the evidence may be destroyed? A lot of evidence, for example, had been destroyed in the case of Argentina's commission on the disappearance of persons.

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
Changes had been brought about in a couple of the secret detention units. Walls were painted to erase the writing by the prisoners, where they had jotted down their names, mobile phone numbers, their thoughts and feelings and so on. In some places such evidence had only been partially destroyed. In some places where there were several cells, the walls were demolished to make a single cell, or where there was one cell, that has been made into three.

These are not major changes. In most of the cases the changes have been minor. We went there, telling them to keep things as they were. Until the investigations are over and in some case, until the trial or case is over, things must be kept as they were. All this is circumstantial evidence. We wrote letters too, informing them of this. In our final report we will say whether these secret cells are to be made into museums or not.

Prothom Alo : Have you found any documents about the internment of the victims of enforced disappearance?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
In most instances we did not find documents regarding internment in these detention cells. The reason behind this is that because these were unlawful deeds, no documents were kept on record. Once the prisoners were released, all records were destroyed. This is particularly true in the case of DGFI.

Prothom Alo: How were the decisions taken to abduct anyone and how was this implemented? Were there any special perks or prizes for those carrying out such tasks?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
First it would be decided who was to be abducted. The persons would be kept under surveillance and then picked up from a convenient spot. Most of these incidents would happen after dark. At times one force and at time several forces would be involved in these enforced disappearances. For example, DGFI doesn't have the capacity to conduct such operations and so they would at times take RAB along or at times wear RAB or DB jackets and carry out the operation. The force involved in the enforced disappearance and the concerned persons would work in an extremely well-coordinated manner. This would be carried out by means of a central command structure. Those involved in the process would be given promotions, sent on overseas missions and provided with other benefits and facilities.

The enforced disappearances would be carried out under orders from the highest level of government. The orders would come from the top most level through Tarique Siddique (former prime minister Sheikh Hasina's security-related advisor).

In most instances the orders would be made over mobile phone. The matter was revealed in the statements of those victims or witnesses who have a standing on society. We summoned those were accused of being involved in the enforced disappearances. Their statements also reveal that the orders came from Sheikh Hasina. A retired senior army official, for example, admitted this to us.

Prothom Alo : Some victims were killed after being abducted, some were released after a few days, some were at a later date shown to be arrested and some were kept in detention for years on end. How was all this determined?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
From what has been learnt so far, these matters would be decided upon after the person was picked up. A person would be picked up and questioned. The information gathered from this person would be assessed. Sometimes a person would be picked up to fulfill a certain objective. After that their fate would be decided upon at the behest of the central command. If the person was a political personality or some important member of the civil society, the next step would be taken in accordance to orders from the top level of government. For example, when Hummam Kader Chowdhury was released from incarceration, he was told, “The prime minister has granted you a second life. Leave politics and go abroad. Do not return to the country until the situation improves.”

Outside of all this, we have confirmed that there was the matter of exchange of certain abducted persons with India. This was not done under the extradition treaty, but informally. There probably was a secret understanding in this regarding between our intelligence agencies and Indian intelligence agencies. Once those persons were in India, they would be questioned on various issues.

Prothom Alo: The junior officers and soldiers, constables or field level persons may argue they were just carrying out orders. What about that?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
Those who issued the commands for enforced disappearance, those who were at a senior level in the structure involved in enforced disappearance but took no action despite seeing it all, or those who followed the orders from above, are all guilty. It is a crime to obey unlawful orders.

Prothom Alo : How far are those at a field level being identified?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
Most of those who would pick up the people would be do so at night, wearing caps, sunglasses and masks and so were unrecognisable. They would nab the persons and immediately pull a long cap over their heads up till the neck. In many instances they would create a smokescreen by identifying themselves as members of a different force. So it is difficult to identify those at a field level. What we will do is identify those who issued the orders and those in higher positions of the concerned agencies, forces or their units.

Prothom Alo: Are the concerned forces or agencies cooperating? Are the accused responding to the summons of the commission?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
Till now the law enforcement, such as the police, RAB, DB, CTTC have been more or less cooperating. DGFI is less cooperative. They claim that as these matters were unlawful, no records were maintained. It was clear that this was at the behest of the top person of the government at the time, that is the prime minister.

Many of those involved in the enforced disappearances have retired. Many are still in service. Three or four of those who did not respond to the commission’s summons have fled abroad. In keeping with the law, there will be “adverse presumption” against those who have not responded to the summons. In order words, the accused does not want to reveal anything about the accusations.

For example, we summoned the five persons against whom former army officer Hasinur Rahman brought about specific allegations. One came after the stipulated time, the remaining four didn’t show up. They will face advance presumption, meaning they didn’t turn up because they were involved. In the case of former and serving army officers, we are issuing the summons via the army chief. Some are coming, some are not.

Prothom Alo: The main targets of enforced disappearance were supporters of the political opposition. Outside of that, who else were the victims of enforced disappearance?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
When anyone disappeared, the government at the time would say that they have eloped or are hiding from moneylenders or such, but we have proof that such statements were untrue and baseless. Basically four types of persons were abducted. For example, the political opposition or, to be more specific, leaders and activists of BNP and Jamaat. Then there were representatives of the civil society or persons who criticised the past government. Such criticism could have been on Facebook, on various online platforms or in newspaper columns, talk shows or other means. Former ambassador Maruf Zaman, for example, would write on online platforms. Then there was Lt Col Hasinur Rahman who was told to work with the Indian intelligence RAW. He refused. That is why even while in service he was picked up. Just imagine fellow officers holding a gun to the head of a serving army officer and abducting him. He was abducted twice. Lt Col Abdullah Zahid was also picked up while in service. He was kept in detention for nine months before being court-martialed and sacked.

Then there were those subject to enforced disappearance on suspicion of being militants. We are examining the allegations of enforced disappearance that have come to us. For instance, of the 100 enforced disappearances on grounds of involvement in militancy, 80 of the allegations were false. The remaining 20 per cent may have had some truth.

Then there were the cases of business or personal conflict or family feuds over land and property, where money was paid for the rivals subjected to enforced disappearance by means of the law enforcement. For example, if anyone had a family feud with an important Awami League person, he would tell RAB or the police to abduct them. In certain isolated cases, some members of the law enforcement could have carried out the enforced disappearance in their personal interests.

Prothom Alo : Have you found any instances of money being taken from the victims of the victims' families after the enforced disappearance?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
In some cases when DGFI, RAB, DB and others who would abduct the people, they would take money from the family of the victims. They would say that they would release the victims or provide information about him in exchange of money. But there are no instances of instant release upon receiving payment. We have found instances of release a few days after the payment was made. But then sometimes they would simply be shown arrested in some other case.

Prothom Alo: The families of persons still missing are waiting. What possibility do you see of these missing persons being recovered alive? Do you all have any initiative in this regard?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
So far we have examined 758 of the 1,676 complaints we have received. From that we have come to know of 204 who have not returned. And of the total complaints, there is no trace of 400 to 450 persons.

We are working to find the people of whom there is no trace. We are endeavouring to locate them. But in investigating these incidents, from what we have understood so far, it seems that these missing persons may never be found. For example, there is very little possibility of finding BNP leader Ilias Ali, the Sylhet Chhatra Dal leader Dinar, former member of parliament Saiful Islam Hiru of Laksham, Cumilla, because after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, we for information of people leaving the secret detention cells. But there has been further information of any releases after that.

If the family of the victims filed cases with the International Crimes Tribunal regarding those still missing, these matters may come up in the investigations of the investigating agencies.

Prothom Alo : How will the trial of these involved in the enforced disappearances be ensured?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
In our final report we will state how the enforced disappearances occurred during Sheikh Hasina’s rule, who carried these out who are responsible for these. This report will assist in the investigations of the International Crime Tribunal’s investigating agency.

A few names including that of Sheikh Hasina have appeared in the interim report. We have not published many other remaining names. We have not revealed all names in the interests of the safety of the victims and their families, and also so the criminals cannot flee. Many of them face a ban of foreign travel. And there is scope of bringing back those who have already fled abroad, especially to India, under an extradition treaty.

Also the International (Tribunal) Amendment Ordinance-2024 will make the trial proceedings easier. The most important part of this amendment is it has been modeled on the lines of the Rome Statute based o which the International Crimes Tribunal was established. It contains many of the provisions from there. It seems that the limitations of the law have been eliminated. That has created the scope of this trial to be of international standards.

Prothom Alo : Do you have any recommendations to ensure that no environment arises again in future for enforced disappearances? Will the commission have any recommendations?

Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury:
The political culture that had grown up over the past 15 and a half years must be finished. The enforced disappearances that occurred in this span of time were basically due to political reasons. The government, state and ruling party had all merged as one. The judges who were trustees of sovereign judicial powers, the ministers who were trustees of sovereign executive powers, the members of parliament who were trustees of sovereign legislative powers, did not carry out their duties correctly. That is why there was a lacking emerged in the rule of law. The law was not applied equally for all, it was done selectively. It was seen that nothing happened to those in the ruling party even if they committed crimes. Yet cases were filed against innocent persons who were in the opposition.

A balance of the prime minister’s powers is essential to overcome this situation. A balance must be brought about between the powers of the president and the prime minister so that absolute power does not rest with anyone. This will require an amendment or change of the constitution. Good governance will also be required. Unless politics is cleaned up, good governance cannot be established. Enforced disappearances will not stop. It is the duty of the politicians to clear up politics. Only politicians who have honestly, no greed, of good character, efficient and patriotic will be able to clean up politics. Whether an end will come to enforced disappearance will depend on the will of the ruling party politicians.

* This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​
 

Children also became enforced disappearance victims with mother: commission
Staff Correspondent 20 January, 2025, 00:29

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The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance on Sunday informed the interim government chief adviser, Professor Muhammad Yunus, that it found children were also victims of enforced disappearance along with their mothers.

The commission had interviewed several children, allegedly victims of enforced disappearance, several commission members told New Age.

The members who attended the meeting with the chief adviser at the state guest house Jamuna said that the head of the government assured them of visiting Joint Interrogation Cell and secret detention centres, popularly known as ‘Aynaghar’, soon.

They said that such a visit would decrease their fears, said a press release of the chief adviser’s press wing.

They also said that even disappearance of a six-year-old child was revealed during the investigation, the release said.

‘The shocking stories have come to light in your investigation. I will visit Aynaghar soon,’ Yunus said, responding to the commission’s call.

Commission member and BRAC University teacher Nabila Idris told New Age that the chief adviser assured them of visiting Aynaghar but the date had not been fixed yet.

‘We are scheduled to visit the joint interrogation cell located in the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence compound in Dhaka and two other detention centres,’ Nabila said, adding that they had found that some children were victims of enforced disappearance with their mothers.

She said that they had interviewed several children and they saw that they were traumatised.

‘We think that the number would be higher than what we recorded,’ she added. A pregnant woman and her two children, one aged one and a half years and another three years, were also victims of enforced disappearance, Nabila said.

Referring to recording a statement of a child, who became victim of enforced disappearance at the age of 10, she said that the child became traumatised and could not share full interview due to trauma.

The commission was formed by the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus after it had assumed office on August 8 following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime on August 5 through a student-led mass uprising.

A total of 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances were recorded in the commission.

In its first interim report submitted to the chief adviser on December 14, the commission found prima face involvement of Sheikh Hasina and some high-ranking officials of security forces and her government, including her defence adviser retired major general Tarique Ahmed Siddique in enforced disappearances.

It also found prima facie evidence of the involvement of Indian authorities in the system of enforced disappearance in Bangladesh.​
 

Jt Interrogation Cell evidence destroyed after August 5
Says commission probing enforced disappearances in report

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VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

Evidence of "Aynaghar" was destroyed even after August 5, 2024, to hide the complicity of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), said the commission investigating enforced disappearances in its report to Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus.

The commission was formed on September 15, 2024, and it inspected the Joint Interrogation Cell (JIC) housed inside the DGFI headquarters on September 26, 2024.

At the time of the commission's visit, Maj Gen Muhammad Faizur Rahman was the director general of the DGFI. He was made the DG on August 11, 2024, replacing the AL-era DGFI chief Maj Gen Hamidul Haque. Faizur was replaced on October 17.

"The post-August 5 partial structural alterations of the JIC at the DGFI headquarters include walls that have been painted over where prisoners testified that they had carved out their details," said the report, a section of which was shared with the media by the Chief Adviser's Press Wing yesterday.

"The then director general of the DGFI assumed his role several days after August 5, 2024. And yet, at least some of this evidence manipulation was carried out as recently as the day before our visit .... because we found the paint wet at the time of our visit. The wet paint and incomplete structural modifications clearly indicated a hurried attempt to conceal crimes," said the report.

"While the then DG argued that he was not directly involved in crimes committed before his tenure, his immediate response to manipulate evidence underscores the coercive power of this culture of impunity," added the report.

"His actions, ostensibly to shield perpetrators of past crimes, went against his own self-interest and professional integrity.

"During Sheikh Hasina's rule, a culture of impunity became entrenched within the security forces. It was evident in our conversations with the officers of both civil and military forces that not only did most of them never expect to be ever held accountable for their crimes, they also did not necessarily view the crimes as crimes."

Talking about the security forces, the report stated, "Enforced disappearances of people accused of being terrorists, for instance, were regularly brushed aside [by officials they interviewed] as insignificant and not worthy of the commission's attention. Similarly, custodial torture was nonchalantly described as a routine matter, indispensable to crime fighting.

"This pattern of doctoring of evidence and non-cooperation was not isolated to the DGFI. Across various security forces, evidence of crimes spanning over 15 years has been systematically manipulated. It was done not only by those in power till August 5, 2024 …, but also by those who assumed leadership afterwards.

"It reveals the pervasive and coercive nature of the culture of impunity, which compels even those not originally directly involved in the commission of offences to protect and perpetuate it."

The report said that some prison guards used to be kind towards victims but were compelled to commit crimes.

"Whilst many prison guards shared the cruelty of their high-ups, a number of prison guards were reportedly kind—sharing food, information, and expressing empathy by acknowledging the innocence of the detainees. To the prisoners, they excused their inability to confront the injustice they personally oversaw by pleading that they were slaves to command."

The report quoted the testimony of a survivor who was thrown in front of an oncoming vehicle.

The victim, a supporter of Jamaat-e-Islami, recounted how a police officer, while throwing him in front of the oncoming vehicle, apologised for doing so by saying, 'Please forgive me. I have no choice', said the report. The person survived because the vehicle was able to swerve at the last moment.

The report said that women were forcibly disappeared along with their children. "For example, one female victim we interviewed was detained for a month while she was pregnant, with her three-year-old and 18-month-old children incarcerated alongside her. She reported being beaten by a male officer despite being pregnant," said the report.

"A young child we interviewed recalled being held in CTTC [Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime unit] along with her mother when the child had been only six years old."

The report narrated another case in which a mother and her young daughter were picked up and detained overnight at the then Rab-2 headquarters.

"The next day, the daughter was thrown out of a vehicle onto the streets. According to the family, an imam found the child and returned her to them. We took this girl, now a grown-up, to suspected Rab facilities, where she was able to definitively identify one of the rooms where she had been held that night. Her mother never returned," it said.

"In one harrowing account, a male victim described how his wife and newborn baby were brought to a police station, where the child was reportedly denied milk from its mother as a form of psychological torture directed at him," said the report.

The report went on to say that it is highly likely that a significant portion of security personnel did not directly engage in these crimes of their own volition but were compelled to do so by their power-hungry supervisors.​
 

ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE: Female survivors hesitant to file complaints
Staff Correspondent 21 January, 2025, 00:52

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The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance in its interim report said that although it had identified significantly more male victims than female ones, many female victims were hesitant to come forward, mostly due to fear of social stigma.

‘Nevertheless, several brave female survivors have shared their experiences with us. Their accounts of abduction, torture during detention, and eventual release into the legal system are, in many respects, similar to those of male victims,’ said the part of the commission report shared by the chief adviser’s press wing on Monday.

Asked about what steps are being taken by the commission to encourage women survivors to file complaints, commission member and human rights activist Nur Khan Liton said that they were urging all to file complaints from the beginning.

‘We have held two divisional meetings where we urged women also to file complaint without any hesitation and fear,’ he added.

Another commission member and BRAC University teacher Nabila Idris told New Age that the number of female enforced disappearance victims were several times higher than the reported ones.

‘We urge all female survivors to file complaints and share their experience with us,’ she added.

In numerous instances, women were targeted because of their association with male relatives who were suspected of being involved in criminal activities—particularly terrorism—regardless of whether such suspicions were based on credible evidence or fabricated claims, said the report, adding that the most shocking aspect of female enforced disappearance has been the discovery of multiple verified cases where women were disappeared along with their children.

The commission was formed by the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus after it had assumed office on August 8 following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime through a student-led mass uprising.

A total of 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances were recorded by the commission.​
 

Enforced disappearances' victims faced systematic denial of justice during Hasina regime: Report
FE ONLINE REPORT
Published :
Jan 20, 2025 20:42
Updated :
Jan 20, 2025 21:30

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Relatives of the disappeared form a human chain at the Central Shaheed Minar on International Day for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances on August 30, 2024 — FE/file

The Probe Commission on Enforced Disappearances has reported that under Sheikh Hasina’s regime, victims faced systematic denial of justice and deprivation of their fundamental rights.

Part of the report was released on Monday.

According to the report, law enforcement agencies frequently refused to register complaints or conduct proper investigations, often justifying their inaction by citing "orders from above." Instead, they dismissed the disappearances with unfounded claims, such as victims going into hiding to evade creditors or due to personal matters.

“For those who returned alive, the ordeal continued unabated. Victims often endured ongoing threats, silencing them from sharing their experiences or seeking accountability,” it said, adding that their fear was intensified by the absence of due process, the lack of judicial safeguards, and the systemic impunity granted to the perpetrators.

The cumulative psychological, social, and financial toll on the victims highlights the urgent need for restorative justice, systemic reforms, and comprehensive support for them.

It further revealed that the practice of forcibly disappearing children alongside their mothers has been widespread and longstanding, with cases reported from 2015 to as recently as 2023. These incidents involved security forces ranging from the Metropolitan Police in Chittagong to the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit in Dhaka.

The report also pointed out the dire economic conditions faced by families of the disappeared, as many victims were primary breadwinners. Their absence has plunged families into financial crises, affecting their overall well-being and limiting their ability to search for missing loved ones. It has also hindered their access to basic human rights such as education, healthcare, and shelter.

Additionally, the report noted that legal challenges related to inheritance have added further complications for these families.

The Commission observed that during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, a culture of impunity became deeply entrenched within the security forces.

“It was evident in our conversations with the officers of both civil and military forces that not only did most of them never expect to be ever held accountable for their crimes, they also did not necessarily view the crimes as crimes,” the report stated.

For example, cases of enforced disappearances involving individuals accused of terrorism were often dismissed as unimportant and unworthy of investigation. Similarly, custodial torture was described as a routine part of law enforcement operations, according to the report.

The report emphasised that this culture of impunity has had a profound impact on the nation, particularly on the victims and their families. However, it also noted the detrimental effect on the security forces themselves.

Over the past 15 years, evidence of crimes committed by security forces has been systematically manipulated. The report indicated that this was not only done by those in power until August 5, 2024—who likely sought to cover up their own wrongdoings—but also by those who later assumed leadership roles.

“It reveals the pervasive and coercive nature of the culture of impunity, which compels even those not originally directly involved in the commission of offences to protect and perpetuate it,” the report added.​
 

ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE: 5 ex-servicemen yet to respond to commission’s summons
Tanzil Rahaman 22 January, 2025, 00:37

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Five men did not respond to the summons by the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance to appear before it early November last year over the alleged enforced disappearance of retired lieutenant colonel Md Hasinur Rahman.

Of them, four were serving in the army at the time of the issuance of the summons and the other was a retired serviceman at the time.

The commission in a letter on October 28, 2024 summoned one former and four then serving army officers to appear before it on November 7 for questioning, said the commission members.

The five men are retired brigadier general Redwan Al Mahmud, colonel Moinul Hasan, lieutenant colonel Akter Hamid Khan, lieutenant colonel Abdullah Al Azhar and lieutenant colonel Moksurul Haque.

‘We have summoned many former and serving military officials to the commission for interrogation over the enforced disappearance. All of them came to the commission in response to the summons, except these five,’ commission member Sazzad Hossain told New Age on Tuesday.

He said that by not responding to the summons they were violating law as the commission served as a civil court in limited purpose.

‘As they were not present in the commission in the scheduled date, we will provide report to the government considering them as guilty,’ said Sazzad.

He also said that when the commission summoned them, four of them were serving in the army.

‘We don’t know their present status whether they are still serving or have retired,’ Sazzad added.

When contacted, the Inter Service Public Relations Directorate told New Age that all the five men were now retired and that the ISPR would not comment on retired officials.

According to the commission, Lieutenant Colonel Md Hasinur Rahman for the first time became the victim of enforced disappearance on July 9, 2011 when he was still in the army.

On August 8, 2018, he became a victim of enforced disappearance for the second time when he had already retired.

According to a report the enforced disappearance commission submitted to the chief adviser on Sunday, although a new director general assumed office of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence several days after August 5, 2024, at least some of the evidence was manipulated at the detention centre of the joint interrogation cell at the DGFI headquarters.

The report further said that during the visit at the detention cell at the DGFI headquarters, commission members found that the cell’s wall was freshly painted, implying that whatever evidence was on the wall was destroyed. There were signs of hasty ‘structural modifications’ also which was further indicative of concealing evidence of crimes.

Despite the director-general persuasively argued that he was not directly involved in crimes committed before his tenure, his immediate response to manipulate evidence underscored the coercive power of this culture of impunity, the report said.

‘His [the DG] actions, ostensibly to shield perpetrators of past crimes, went against his own self-interest and professional integrity. This pattern of doctoring of evidence and non-cooperation was not isolated to DGFI only,’ the report added.

The chief adviser’s press wing shared part of the report with the media on Monday.

The interim government after taking over on August 8 formed the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance.

A total of 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances were recorded in the commission so far.

In its first interim report submitted to the chief adviser on December 14, the commission found prima face involvement of Sheikh Hasina and some high-ranking officials of security forces and her government, including her defence adviser retired major general Tarique Ahmed Siddique in enforced disappearances.

It also found prima facie evidence of the involvement of Indian authorities in the system of enforced disappearance in Bangladesh.​
 

হাসিনা সরাসরি গুম বা হত্যার নির্দেশ দিতেন: প্রধান উপদেষ্টাকে দেওয়া প্রতিবেদনে হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ
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এইচআরডব্লিউর একটি প্রতিনিধি দল মঙ্গলবার রাজধানীতে প্রধান উপদেষ্টা অধ্যাপক মুহাম্মদ ইউনূসের সঙ্গে সাক্ষাৎ করেন। ছবি: পিআইডি

বাংলাদেশের অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারকে এমন এক নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী নিয়ে কাজ করতে হচ্ছে, যাদেরকে ক্ষমতাবান ও রাজনীতিকরণ করা হয়েছে এবং যারা দীর্ঘদিন ধরে দায়মুক্তি পেয়ে আসছে।

মঙ্গলবার নিউইয়র্কভিত্তিক আন্তর্জাতিক মানবাধিকার সংস্থা হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ প্রকাশিত এক প্রতিবেদনে এ কথা বলা হয়েছে।

সংস্থাটির এশিয়ার আঞ্চলিক পরিচালক এলেইন পিয়ারসন বলেন, 'গণতন্ত্রের জন্য লড়াই করতে গিয়ে প্রায় এক হাজার বাংলাদেশি তাদের জীবন উৎসর্গ করেছেন, যা বাংলাদেশের জন্য অধিকারভিত্তিক সমাজ গড়ার এক ঐতিহাসিক সুযোগ তৈরি করে দিয়েছে।'

তিনি আরও বলেন, 'এই কঠিন অর্জন হারিয়ে যেতে পারে, যদি অন্তর্বর্তী সরকার দ্রুত কাঠামোগত সংস্কার করতে না পারে—যে সংস্কারের মাধ্যমে ভবিষ্যতের সরকার যদি দমননীতি প্রয়োগ করতে চায়, তবে তা প্রতিরোধ করা সম্ভব হবে।'

প্রতিবেদনটি মঙ্গলবার অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের প্রধান উপদেষ্টা অধ্যাপক ড. মুহাম্মদ ইউনূসের হাতে তুলে দেওয়া হয়েছে।

'আফটার দ্য মনসুন রেভলিউশন: অ্যা রোডম্যাপ টু লাস্টিং সিকিউরিটি সেক্টর রিফর্ম ইন বাংলাদেশ' শীর্ষক প্রতিবেদনে উল্লেখ করা হয়, আইন প্রয়োগকারী সংস্থা ও নিরাপত্তা বাহিনীগুলো দীর্ঘদিন ধরে রাজনৈতিক এজেন্ডা বাস্তবায়নের হাতিয়ার হিসেবে ব্যবহৃত হয়ে আসছে।

কয়েকজন পুলিশ কর্মকর্তা হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে বলেন, জুলাই-আগস্টে আন্দোলন চলাকালে অতিরিক্ত বলপ্রয়োগের নির্দেশ সরাসরি রাজনৈতিক নেতৃত্ব থেকে এসেছে বলে তারা মনে করেন।

এক পুলিশ কর্মকর্তা বলেন, 'আমি মনে করি, আন্দোলনের সময় কর্মকর্তাদের চেয়ে রাজনৈতিক নেতারাই পুলিশ বাহিনীর ভূমিকা নির্ধারণ করেছেন বেশি।'

আরেক পুলিশ কর্মকর্তা হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে বলেন, তিনি ঢাকার মেট্রোপলিটন পুলিশের সদর দপ্তরে সিনিয়র কর্মকর্তাদের সিসিটিভি ফুটেজ দেখে দেখে মাঠপর্যায়ের কর্মকর্তাদের সরাসরি গুলি চালানোর 'নির্দেশ দিতে দেখেছেন, যেন তারা ভিডিও গেম খেলছেন'।

আরেক কর্মকর্তা বলেন, 'সিনিয়র কর্মকর্তারা আমাদের কঠোর হতে বলেন এবং বিশৃঙ্খলা সৃষ্টিকারীদের ছাড় না দেওয়ার আদেশ দেন। তারা সরাসরি "গুলি চালাও" শব্দ ব্যবহার করেননি, তবে তাদের নির্দেশ ছিল পরিষ্কার—সর্বোচ্চ শক্তি প্রয়োগ করো, পরিস্থিতি নিয়ন্ত্রণে আনতে যা প্রয়োজন তা করো, কঠোর অবস্থান নাও।'

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে তিনি বলেন, তার ধারণা, তৎকালীন স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী আসাদুজ্জামান খান ও পুলিশের মহাপরিদর্শক চৌধুরী আবদুল্লাহ আল-মামুন ঢাকা মেট্রোপলিটন পুলিশ কমিশনার হাবিবুর রহমানকে নির্দেশ দিয়েছিলেন এবং তিনি উপকমিশনারদের নির্দেশনা দিয়েছেন।

'আমি দেখেছি কর্মকর্তারা শরীরের গুরুত্বপূর্ণ অংশ লক্ষ্য করে গুলি করছেন। অনেক ক্ষেত্রে দেখেছি, অফিসাররা জীবনের ঝুঁকিতে না থাকলেও গুলি চালানো হচ্ছিল,' বলেন আরেকজন।

গুমের সঙ্গে জড়িত সামরিক কর্মকর্তারা সংস্থাটিকে জানায়, কাউকে আটকের পর যোগাযোগ বিচ্ছিন্ন করে রাখার বিষয়টি শেখ হাসিনা বা তার সরকারের শীর্ষ নেতারা জানতেন এবং কিছু ক্ষেত্রে হাসিনা সরাসরি গুম বা হত্যার নির্দেশ দিতেন।

সামরিক বাহিনীর এক কর্মকর্তার দাবি, আবদুল্লাহিল আমান আজমীকে আটক রাখা ও তার স্বাস্থ্যের অবনতির বিষয়ে শেখ হাসিনা জানতেন।

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে তিনি বলেন, যেহেতু আজমী সামরিক বাহিনীতে তার সহকর্মী ছিলেন, তিনি শেখ হাসিনার কাছে বারবার তাকে মুক্তি দেওয়ার অনুমতি চান এবং প্রতিবারই তার অনুরোধ প্রত্যাখ্যান করা হয়েছে।

তার দাবি, হাসিনা আজমীকে হত্যা করতে বলেছিলেন। 'আমি সেটা করিনি। কিন্তু এরপর থেকে তার মুক্তি নিয়ে আর কিছু বলিনি,' বলেন ওই কর্মকর্তা।

আরেক কর্মকর্তা বলেন, 'আমার ১০-১১ বছরের চাকরির অভিজ্ঞতায় আমি র‍্যাবকে গুম ও হত্যা করতে দেখেছি। এগুলো বাস্তব ঘটনা। র‍্যাব যেসব গুম ও ক্রসফায়ারের ঘটনা ঘটিয়েছে, তা পুলিশ সদর দপ্তর ও স্বরাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়, বিশেষ করে স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রীর অনুমতি ছাড়া সম্ভব নয়।'

২০১৬ সালে গুম হওয়া মীর আহমদ বিন কাসেমের (আরমান) সাক্ষাৎকার নিয়েছে হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ। সাক্ষাৎকারে তিনি বলেন, এক কর্মকর্তার সঙ্গে তার দেখা হয়েছিল, যিনি তাকে জানিয়েছিলেন যে, ইউনিটে যোগদানের সময় তাকে আরমান, আজমী ও হুম্মাম কাদের চৌধুরীর গুমের বিষয়ে বলা হয়।

'তাদের মুক্তির বিষয়ে যেকোনো সিদ্ধান্ত শেখ হাসিনা নেবেন,' ওই কর্মকর্তা তাকে বলেন।

আজমী, হুম্মাম ও আরমান শেখ হাসিনার বিরোধী রাজনৈতিক নেতাদের সন্তান বলে প্রতিবেদনে উল্লেখ করা হয়।

এতে আরও বলা হয়, নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী গুম তদন্তে সম্প্রতি গঠিত কমিশনের কাজ বাধাগ্রস্ত করছে বলে উদ্বেগজনক ইঙ্গিত পাওয়া গেছে। কমিশনের সদস্যরা জানিয়েছেন, তারা আটটি নতুন অবৈধ আটককেন্দ্র চিহ্নিত করেছেন। তবে নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী এই গোপন স্থাপনাগুলোর প্রমাণাদি নষ্টের চেষ্টা করছে বলে আশঙ্কা প্রকাশ করেন তারা।

প্রতিবেদনে আরও বলা হয়, আইন প্রয়োগকারী সংস্থা ও নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী নির্যাতনের মতো অপরাধ চালিয়ে যাচ্ছে।

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ জুলাই-আগস্টের হত্যাকাণ্ডের আটটি ঘটনার এফআইআর পর্যালোচনা করেছে। প্রতিটি এফআইআরে হাসিনা, আওয়ামী লীগের মন্ত্রীসহ ২৯৭ জনের নাম ও ৬০০ অজ্ঞাতপরিচয় অভিযুক্ত উল্লেখ করা হয়েছে।

আট মামলার পাঁচ বাদী হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে বলেন, তারা মামলা করার সময় জানতেন না আসামি হিসেবে কাদের নাম উল্লেখ করা হয়েছে। তাদের ভাষ্য, পুলিশ বা স্থানীয় রাজনীতিবিদরা তাদের শুধু কাগজে সই করতে বলেছিলেন।

দুইজন বাদী হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচকে বলেন, আওয়ামী লীগ বিরোধী স্থানীয় রাজনৈতিক নেতারা পুলিশের রিপোর্টে সই করতে বলেন, যদিও তারা জানতেন না যে কার বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করা হচ্ছে।

আন্দোলন চলাকালে ঢাকার লক্ষ্মীবাজার এলাকায় নিহত এক শিক্ষার্থীর মায়ের সঙ্গে কথা বলেছে হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ। তিনি বলেন, যখন তিনি ম্যাজিস্ট্রেট আদালতে মামলা করতে যান, তখন পুলিশ ও স্থানীয় রাজনৈতিক নেতারা তাকে একটি এফআইআরে সই করতে বলেন। আগেই লিখে রাখা ওই এফআইআরে অভিযুক্ত হিসেবে ৫০ জনের নাম এবং ২০০-৩০০ জন অজ্ঞাত আসামির কথা উল্লেখ করা হয়।

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ দেখেছে, ওই এফআইআরে ৪৭ জন আওয়ামী লীগের সাবেক মন্ত্রী, সংসদ সদস্য ও ছাত্রলীগ কর্মীদের নাম উল্লেখ করা হয়েছে। পাশাপাশি একজন শিক্ষক ও দুইজন চিকিৎসকের নামও ছিল। ওই নারী বলেন, অভিযুক্তদের অনেকের পরিচয়ই তিনি জানেন না এবং তারা কীভাবে তার ছেলের হত্যাকাণ্ডে জড়িত হতে পারে তা তিনি বুঝতে পারেননি।

প্রতিবেদনে আরও উল্লেখ করা হয়, আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনী এখনো অসংখ্য 'অজ্ঞাত' আসামির বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করছে। এটাকে 'বাংলাদেশে প্রচলিত অপব্যবহারমূলক পদ্ধতি' হিসেবে উল্লেখ করা হয়, যা পুলিশকে সাধারণত যে কাউকে মামলার আসামি না হলেও গ্রেপ্তারের সুযোগ করে দেয়।

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ জানিয়েছে, অভ্যুত্থানের সময় হাসিনা সরকারের পক্ষে প্রতিবেদন করার অভিযোগে পুলিশ সাংবাদিকদের বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করেছে।

'নভেম্বর পর্যন্ত আন্দোলন নিয়ে প্রতিবেদন করার জন্য অন্তত ১৪০ জন সাংবাদিকের বিরুদ্ধে হত্যা মামলা করা হয়েছে,' বলা হয় হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচের প্রতিবেদনে।

'উদাহরণস্বরূপ, চট্টগ্রামে পুলিশ ২৮ সাংবাদিকের বিরুদ্ধে তদন্ত করছে। তাদের বিরুদ্ধে ছাত্র আন্দোলনের প্রকৃত ঘটনা আড়াল করে "মিথ্যা ও মনগড়া প্রতিবেদন তৈরি"র অভিযোগ আনা হয়েছে,' বলা হয় প্রতিবেদনে।

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ চট্টগ্রাম মেডিকেল কলেজ হাসপাতালে ছাত্র আন্দোলনের সময় কর্মরত দুই স্বাস্থ্যকর্মী—আমজাদ হোসেন ও নিজাম উদ্দিনের সঙ্গে কথা বলেছে। তাদের বিরুদ্ধে ছাত্র আন্দোলনকারী ওয়াসিম আকরামকে হত্যার অভিযোগ আনা হয়েছে।

আমজাদ বলেন, 'ওইদিন আমরা দায়িত্বরত ডাক্তারদের সঙ্গে ওয়াসিমের মরদেহসহ বিক্ষোভে নিহত আরও তিনজনের মরদেহ দেখছিলাম। আমরা পরিবারগুলোর কাছে মরদেহ হস্তান্তরেও সহায়তা করেছিলাম। যখন জানতে পারলাম ওয়াসিম হত্যার মামলায় আমার নাম দেওয়া হয়েছে, অবাক হয়ে যাই। সেদিন আমি হাসপাতালে ছিলাম এবং আহত ছাত্রদের চিকিৎসা দিতে গিয়ে ডাবল ডিউটি করেছি।'

হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচ প্রতিবেদনে কিছু সুপারিশ করেছে। এর মধ্যে স্বরাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়কে কাঠামোগতভাবে সংস্কারের উদ্যোগ নেওয়ার সুপারিশ করা হয়েছে, যেন আইনপ্রয়োগকারী সংস্থাগুলোর দায়িত্বপ্রাপ্তদের রাজনৈতিক স্বাধীনতা নিশ্চিত হয়।

অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের প্রতি হিউম্যান রাইটস ওয়াচের অনুরোধ, বিচার বিভাগ ও প্রসিকিউশনকে নির্বাহী বিভাগের প্রভাবমুক্ত রাখতে এবং রাজনৈতিক নিয়ন্ত্রণ বা হস্তক্ষেপ থেকে সুরক্ষিত রাখতে যেন প্রয়োজনীয় ব্যবস্থা নেওয়া হয়।

তারা আরও সুপারিশ করেছে, র‌্যাপিড অ্যাকশন ব্যাটালিয়ন (র‌্যাব) বিলুপ্ত করে দেওয়া উচিত।​
 

UN finds evidence of Hasina's human rights violation in July uprising

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Ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her top brass grossly violated human rights to subdue the July uprising, reports Prothom Alo citing a UN fact finding mission.


A student-led protest against government job reservations in early July 2024 spread across the country through the month and eventually toppled the government, ending 15 years of absolute rule by Awami League. Faced with a people's uprising, Hasina fled to India on August 5 and has remained there since them.

The UN enquiry has found evidence that top officials of the autocratic regime of Awami League were complicit with the law enforcement agencies in using excessive force against protesters, reported the Bengali daily.

The enquiry report, set to be launched this afternoon in Geneva, covering human rights violations between July 1 and August 15, 2024, reportedly says that Awami League, together with its associate bodies, and law enforcement agencies like the police, border guards, Rab and Special Branch resorted to extrajudicial killings, indiscriminate firing, mass arrests, torture, enforced confinement and denial of treatment of the protesters.

The UN team from the office of its human rights commissioner visited several cities—Chattogram, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Bogura, Khulna, Sylhet and Gazipur—that witnessed strong protests. The team conducted over 230 interviews while developing the report. According reports, the UN team also spoke to 36 current and former officials of law enforcement and intelligence agencies.

The UN human rights chief Volker Türk was in Bangladesh in end October.

The Prothom Alo states that the UN finds that the political leadership and law enforcer are culpable in gross human rights violations arising out of their concerted use of excessive force. The report names several intelligence agencies and elite crime busting units as complicit in these human rights violations. These include the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), National Security Intelligence (NSI), National Telecommunication Monitoring Cell (NTMC), Detective Bureau (DB) of the police, Special Branch (SB) of the police and the Counterterrorism and Tran-national Crime (CTTC) Unit.​
 

ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE: Only 1 of 12 on ICT warrants arrested
Tanzil Rahaman 11 February, 2025, 23:56

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The police could arrest only one suspect, out of 12 individuals, against whom the International Crimes Tribunal in the first phase issued warrants of arrest for their alleged involvement in incidents of enforced disappearance during the Awami League regime in the past 15 years.

The hearing of the case is scheduled for today and only former Major General Ziaul Ahsan, also a former director general of the National Telecommunication National Telecommunication Monitoring Centre, was shown arrested in the case.

Ziaul was arrested on August 16, 2024 in a murder case and was later shown arrested in the enforced disappearance case, officials said.

The ICT issued warrants of arrest against the 12 suspects on January 6.

Besides Ziaul, the other 11 accused include ousted prime minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina, her former security and defence adviser Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former inspector general of police Benazir Ahmed, retired lieutenant colonel Moksurul Haque and former CTTC chief and deputy inspector general of police Md Asaduzzaman.

Five former directors general of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence – retired Lieutenant General Md Akbar Hossain, retired Major General Md Saiful Abedin, retired Lieutenant General Md Saiful Alam, retired Lieutenant General Ahmed Tabrez Shams Chowdhury and retired Major General Hamidul Huq and former Counter Terrorism and Intelligence Bureau director retired Major General Mohammad Towhid-ul-Islam are also facing arrest warrants issued by the ICT on January 6.

‘It is the duty of the police to arrest them as the court issued warrants to arrest them,’ ICT chief prosecutor Mohammad Tajul Islam told New Age.

Besides Ziaul, two more former police officers – former superintendent of police Mohiuddin Faruqi and additional superintendent of police Alep Uddin – were so far arrested in cases of enforced disappearances, he said.

He said that they were preparing a list of other accused people in enforced disappearing cases.

Additional inspector general of police for crimes and operations (current charge) Md Akram Hossain said that he knew nothing about the arrest warrant.

He declined to make any comment about the issue.

The members of the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance said that five former DGFI directors general and former CTIB director were accused of command responsibility over the DGFI headquarters’ Joint Interrogation Cell, popularly known as Aynaghar.

According to two commission members, four former DGFI chiefs were in the Dhaka cantonment till the issuance of the warrants of arrest and former DGFI chief Md Saiful Abedin was now in the United States.

They claimed that four former DGFI DGs and a former CTIB director were still staying in the country.

Asked for comments about the four former DGFI DGs staying in the cantonment till the issuance of the ICT arrest warrant, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate did not make any comment in this connection although they were approached several times in the past two weeks over the telephone.

One of the commission members said that the trial process would be hampered if the accused former Army officers were not arrested.

Asked whether it would affect the investigation or the trial process if the former army officials were not arrested, ICT chief prosecutor Tajul said, ‘We think that the court or law is above all. It is the duty of the law enforcement agencies to show respect to the court’s order.’

According to the enforced disappearance commission, Md Akbar Hossain served as the DGFI DG from August 8, 2013 to February 1, 2017, Md Saiful Abedin from February 2, 2017 to March 4, 2020, Md Saiful Alam from March 5, 2020 to July 27, 2021, Ahmed Tabrez Shams Chowdhury from July 28, 2021 to November 2, 2022 and Hamidul Huq served as the DGFI DG from November 3, 2022 to August 5, 2024.

Mohammad Towhid-ul-Islam served as the director of the CTIB from November 2014 to August 2018.

On December 14, 2024, the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance in its first interim report submitted to the interim government found prima facie involvement of the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina and some high-ranking officials of security forces and her government in enforced disappearances.

The government formed the commission after it had taken office on August 8, 2024, three days after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime on August 5, 2024 amid a student-led mass uprising.

The commission said that they recorded 1,676 complaints of enforced disappearances, while 758 complaints were scrutinised.

The commission estimates the number of enforced disappearances in the country would cross 3,500.​
 
Reuters

UN reports grave rights violations in Bangladesh protest response​

Reuters
Wed, February 12, 2025 at 1:00 AM PST
2 min read

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UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Turk

GENEVA (Reuters) - Officials from Bangladesh's former government and security apparatus systematically committed serious human rights violations against protesters staging mass demonstrations last summer, the U.N. human rights chief said on Wednesday.

Presenting the report of a fact-finding mission, High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk told reporters in Geneva that crimes against humanity may have been carried out amid a climate of fear and mass arrests.

Testimony from senior Bangladesh officials and other evidence showed an official policy to attack and violently repress anti-government protesters and sympathisers, the report said.

The U.N. called for urgent further criminal investigation into the violations.

The protests began as a student-led movement against public sector job quotas but quickly morphed into a broader, nationwide uprising that forced then-prime minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee to India as the unrest peaked in early August.

Hasina, who had ruled Bangladesh since 2009, is being investigated on suspicion of crimes against humanity, genocide, murder, corruption and money laundering and Dhaka has asked New Delhi to extradite her.

Hasina and her party deny wrongdoing, while New Delhi has not responded to the extradition request. Neither Hasina nor officials of her Awami League party could not be reached for comment on the U.N. Human Rights report.

The U.N. fact-finding mission visited Bangladesh at the invitation of the interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus.

"Top echelons of the previous government were aware and were involved in the commission of very serious violations, including enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and suppression of the protests through violence" Turk told reporters.

When asked for examples of the worse violations found in the report, Turk told Reuters: "It's a very brutal read; 78% of the over 1,000 people killed was by firing - military rifles, shotguns with pellets." Others suffered "horrific", life-changing injuries, he added.

(Reporting by Olivia Le Poidevin in Geneva and Sudipto Ganguly in Mumbai; Editing by Rachel More, YP Rajesh and Aidan Lewis)
 

Hasina ordered protesters’ killing, body hiding: UN
Staff Correspondent 12 February, 2025, 16:04

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OHCHR logo | BSS photo

The ousted prime minister and Awami League president, Sheikh Hasina, herself ordered security forces to kill protesters and hide their bodies to quell the student-led protests in July 2024 in Bangladesh, according to a report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

The report, released from Geneva on Wednesday, said that the government of Sheikh Hasina and security and intelligence services, alongside violent elements associated with the Awami League, systematically engaged in a range of serious human rights violations during the student-led protests.

‘On the evening of 18 July, the then home affairs minister chaired a meeting of the “Core Committee,” attended by the heads of Police, RAB and BGB and intelligence leaders. At the meeting, the minister told the BGB commander, in front of the other senior security sector leaders, to order use of lethal force much more readily, as one of the meeting participants related to OHCHR,’ it said.

‘Senior official testimony also indicated that, in a meeting held the next day, the Prime Minister herself told security force officials to kill protesters to quell the protests and specifically demanded to “arrest the ringleaders of the protests, the troublemakers, kill them and hide their bodies”, it added.

‘This testimony is also consistent with Awami League General Secretary and then government minister Obaidul Quader telling reporters on July 19 that security forces had been given orders to “shoot on sight,” an instruction manifestly incompatible with international human rights standards,’ it said.

To remain in power, the Hasina government tried systematically to suppress these protests with increasingly violent means, the investigation also revealed.

‘The brutal response was a calculated and well-coordinated strategy by the former government to hold onto power in the face of mass opposition,’ said UN Human Rights chief Volker Turk in a statement on the occasion.

‘There are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,’ he added.

Meanwhile, the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government has welcomed the report and thanked the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights for undertaking an independent investigation into the rights violations and abuses during the July-August student-led mass uprising that ousted the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina, who fled to India for shelter on August 5, 2024.

The UN report recommended disbanding the Rapid Action Battalion and return personnel not involved in serious violations to their home units and confining the functions of the Border Guards Bangladesh to border control issues and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence to military intelligence and limit and delineate their resources and legal powers accordingly.

It also suggested demilitarising control over the Ansar/VDP to the extent that they assume law enforcement support tasks.

Responding to a question at a hybrid press conference, Rory Mungoven, the chief of the Asia-Pacific Section of the UN Human Rights Office, said that they had found the use of military rifles in 66 per cent cases of deaths, shotguns with pellets in 12 per cent, pistols 2 in per cent and others in 20 per cent cases, while referring to a Dhaka Medical College forensic department examinations of 130 cases of deaths as mentioned in the report.

Regarding the UN support in bringing to justice Hasina and others who fled the country after the July uprising to ensure justice, he said that the UN, like many countries, had reservations about the trial process leading to the death penalty and it needed to be seen from a broader perspective.

And Bangladesh should reconsider the death penalty, he added.

Drawing on the testimony of senior officials and other evidence, the UN Human Rights Office probe also found an official policy to attack and violently repress anti-government protesters and sympathisers, raising concerns as to crimes against humanity requiring urgent further criminal investigation.

It found patterns of security forces deliberately and impermissibly killing or maiming protesters, including incidents where people were shot at point-blank range.

Based on deaths reported by various credible sources, the report estimates that as many as 1,400 people may have been killed between July 1 and August 15, and thousands were injured, the vast majority of whom were shot by Bangladesh’s security forces, said the report.

Of these, the report indicates that as many as 12 or 13 per cent of those killed were children. Bangladesh Police reported that 44 of its officers were killed, it mentioned.

The protests were triggered by the High Court’s decision to reinstate a quota system in public service jobs but were rooted in much broader grievances arising from destructive and corrupt politics and governance that had entrenched economic inequalities, said the report.

At the request of the interim government chief adviser, Mohammed Yunus, the UN Human Rights Office in September dispatched a team to Bangladesh, including human rights investigators, a forensics physician and a weapons expert, to conduct an independent and impartial fact-finding into the alleged human rights violations that took place in Bangladesh between July 1 and August 15 in 2024.

Former senior officials directly involved in handling the protests and other inside sources described how ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina and other senior officials directed and oversaw a series of large-scale operations, in which security and intelligence forces shot and killed protesters or arbitrarily arrested and tortured them, the report mentioned.

The report examined in detail the emblematic case of Abu Sayed, among others, who was filmed shouting ‘shoot me’ at police with his arms spread wide apart at a protest at Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur.

There are reasonable grounds to believe that Abu Sayed was the victim of a deliberate extrajudicial killing by the police, the report said.

Having been at the forefront of the early protests, women, including protest leaders, were also subjected to arbitrary arrests, torture and ill-treatment and attacks by security forces and Awami League supporters.

The report documented gender-based violence, including physical assaults and threats of rape, aiming at deterring women from participating in protests.

The investigation also found police and other security forces killed and maimed children, and subjected them to arbitrary arrest, detention in inhumane conditions and torture.

Also among those killed were very young children who were brought by their parents to protests, or who were shot as bystanders.

On August 5– the final and one of the deadliest days of the protests – a 12-year-old boy who was shot by the police in Azampur recalled that police were ‘firing everywhere like rainfall’.

It also documented troubling instances of retaliatory killings and other serious revenge violence targeting Awami League officials and supporters, police and media, as the Hasina government started to lose control of the country.

‘Hindus, Ahmadiyya Muslims and indigenous people from the Chittagong Hill Tracts were also subjected to human rights abuses. While some 100 arrests in relation to attacks on distinct religious and indigenous groups have reportedly been made, the perpetrators of many other acts of revenge violence and attacks on such groups still enjoy impunity,’ the report said.

The 114-page report provides a detailed set of recommendations to reform the security and justice sectors, abolish a host of repressive laws and institutions designed to stifle civic and political dissent and implement broader changes to the political system and economic governance.​
 

UN rights chief suggests pursuing ICC, universal jurisdiction to bring back offenders
Diplomatic Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 12 Feb 2025, 23: 06

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Volker Turk, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Reuters file photo

The brutal response to the student-people movement in July and August last year was a calculated and well-coordinated strategy by the former government to hold onto power, said Volker Türk, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights.

While disclosing a fact-finding report on human rights violations and abuses in the July-August uprising on Wednesday, he also noted that these acts were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the former political leadership and senior security officials.

To hold the responsible ones accountable, particularly for those staying abroad, he mentioned that there are accountability avenues at the international level that can be considered such as universal jurisdiction as well as a referral by Bangladesh of this situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Universal jurisdiction is a specific form of extraterritorial jurisdiction. It is based on the idea that some crimes are so serious that all states have the obligation to prosecute offenders, even if the offender is not a national of that state and even if the crime was committed elsewhere. As per rules, all states should prosecute perpetrators of war crimes in their own courts or hand them over to another state that will prosecute them.

The report is based on a comprehensive investigation undertaken by an interdisciplinary team of investigators from the UN human rights office, including a forensic specialist and weapons expert.

Volker Türk said, “Among our key findings: There are reasonable grounds to believe that officials of the former government, its security and intelligence apparatus, together with violent elements associated with the former ruling party, committed serious and systematic human rights violations. These include hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrest and detention, and torture and ill-treatment, including of children, as well as gender-based violence.”

He also noted that “These violations were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the former political leadership and senior security officials, with the specific goal of suppressing the protests and keep the former government’s grip on power. Women and girls were at the forefront of the early protests and our report details they were specifically subjected to gender-based violence by security forces and Awami League supporters. There are reasonable grounds to believe that certain crimes against humanity have been committed, directed against protesters and their supporters."

Over the trial of the incidents, the high commissioner said, “Efforts to ensure accountability have begun, with many cases being lodged, including before Bangladesh’s domestic International Crimes Tribunal. There are major challenges and deficiencies in the current legal system, and significant steps need to be undertaken to ensure compliance with international standards of due process and fair trial.”

Ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, who is accused of human rights violations, is now staying in India. Asked about potential avenues to bring her back, Volker Türk noted that the universal jurisdiction mechanism can be used if an offender stays abroad. However, the host country needs to agree to try crimes of severe human rights violations.

Besides, Bangladesh may pursue the ICC in this regard, he added.​
 
As per the UN investigation, Bangladesh Awami League conducted sexual assaults against female protesters.:mad:


আন্দোলনকারী নারীদের ওপর যৌন নিপীড়নও চালিয়েছে আওয়ামী লীগ

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জুলাই-আগস্টের আন্দোলনে নারীরা | স্টার ফাইল ফটো

জুলাই অভ্যুত্থানে অংশ নেওয়া নারীদের অপদস্থ করতে উদ্দেশ্যপ্রণোদিতভাবে নারী আন্দোলনকারীদের ওপর যৌন নিপীড়ন চালিয়েছে আওয়ামী লীগ।

তৎকালীন ক্ষমতাসীন দলের কর্মীরা নারীদের শারীরিক নির্যাতন, ধর্ষণের হুমকি এবং যৌন হয়রানি করেছে।

আজ বুধবার জাতিসংঘের মানবাধিকার কার্যালয় থেকে প্রকাশিত জুলাই অভ্যুত্থানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কিত মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘন ও নির্যাতন সংক্রান্ত ফ্যাক্ট-ফাইন্ডিং প্রতিবেদনে এসব তথ্য উঠে এসেছে।

প্রতিবেদনে বলা হয়, জুলাইয়ের মাঝামাঝি সময়ে আওয়ামী লীগ সরকার সশস্ত্র কর্মীদের সংগঠিত করতে থাকে। আন্দোলন দমনের প্রাথমিক ধাপে আওয়ামী লীগ নেতাদের উসকানিতে লাঠিসোঁটা, ধারালো অস্ত্র এবং কিছু ক্ষেত্রে আগ্নেয়াস্ত্র নিয়ে শিক্ষার্থীদের ওপর হামলা চালায় ছাত্রলীগ কর্মীরা।

নারীদের আন্দোলনে অংশগ্রহণে নিরুৎসাহিত করতে তাদের ওপর যৌন নিপীড়ন করা হয় ও অপদস্থ করার চেষ্টা করা হয়।

এরমধ্যে কয়েকজন নারীকে বেআইনিভাবে আটক করা হয়। কয়েকজন নারী আন্দোলনকারী নির্যাতন ও অমানবিক আচরণের শিকার হন।

এছাড়া, শিশুদেরও লক্ষ্যবস্তু করা হয়। আন্দোলন চলাকালে শিশুদের বিচারবহির্ভূত হত্যা, বেআইনিভাবে গ্রেপ্তার, অমানবিক পরিবেশে আটক, নির্যাতন ও ইচ্ছাকৃত অঙ্গহানি ঘটিয়েছে পুলিশ এবং অন্যান্য নিরাপত্তা বাহিনী।

নারীদের ওপর শারীরিক আক্রমণের পাশাপাশি যৌন নিপীড়নও হয়েছে নিয়মিত। নারী আন্দোলনকারীদের বারবার অবমাননাকর শব্দ ব্যবহার করে লাঞ্ছিত করা হয়েছে।

নারীদের ধর্ষণ ও যৌন নিপীড়নের হুমকি দিয়েছে হামলাকারী আওয়ামী লীগ, ছাত্রলীগ ও পুলিশ সদস্যরা।

প্রতিবেদনে একটি ঘটনার বর্ণনা দেওয়া হয়েছে। আগস্টের শুরুতে ঢাকায় একদল পুরুষ বাঁশের লাঠি হাতে এক নারীকে আটকায় এবং জানতে চায় তিনি আন্দোলনকারী কি না। ওই নারীর ফোন ও ব্যাগ তল্লাশি শেষে তারা বাংলাদেশের পতাকা খুঁজে পায়। পরে তার ওপর শারীরিক নির্যাতন শুরু করে—তার চুল ধরে টান দেয়, জামা ছিঁড়ে ফেলে এবং যৌন হয়রানি করে। পাশাপাশি তার গায়ে নখ দিয়ে আঁচড় কাটে এবং যৌন নিপীড়নমূলক গালাগাল করে যায়।

জুলাইয়ে ঢাকায় আরেক নারী আন্দোলনকারীর ওপর ছাত্রলীগের হামলার বর্ণনাও উঠে এসেছে জাতিসংঘের প্রতিবেদনে। ওই নারী, তার মা এবং পরিবারের সব নারী সদস্যদের ধর্ষণের হুমকি দেয় দুই ছাত্রলীগ কর্মী। এরপর অশ্লীল মন্তব্য করে এবং যৌন হয়রানি করে। এই ঘটনার পর ভুক্তভোগী নারী ফোনে ধর্ষণের আরও হুমকি পান।

কুমিল্লায় ছাত্রলীগ কর্মীরা বেশ কয়েকজন নারীকে শারীরিকভাবে লাঞ্ছিত করে, যার মধ্যে দুজন শিক্ষার্থী ছিলেন। তারা ওই দুই শিক্ষার্থীকে আটকায়, যৌন হয়রানি করে এবং এরপর পুলিশের কাছে হস্তান্তর করে।
 

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