[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Some forces of mass uprising now engaging in extortion: Nahid

Talking about the current political scenario, Nahid commented on the division among the forces of the mass uprising

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Some forces of mass uprising now engaging in extortion: Nahid

Nahid Islam

Though the uprising initially united diverse groups with a shared goal of reform, many are now prioritising their own interests over the national interest, Information Adviser Nahid Islam today.

Nahid, a key leader of the anti-discrimination student movement during the mass uprising, gave an exclusive interview to BSS on the completion of six months of the interim government.

Talking about the current political scenario, Nahid commented on the division among the forces of the mass uprising.

Expressing frustration, he said this fragmentation had hindered progress on critical issues, particularly in terms of political unity.

"The unity that once existed has been diluted," he said, acknowledging that this lack of cohesion poses a significant challenge to the government's reform efforts.

"I do not believe unity has been entirely lost. We are continuing to engage in discussions to resolve disagreements and avoid returning to the divisive practices of the past.

"There are elements within the political sphere who are still involved in extortion, and some of the individuals who participated in the uprising are now engaged in such activities," he said.

The issue of reform versus elections has also been a contentious subject, with opposition parties, particularly the BNP calling for early elections, Nahid said adding that the government does not view reform and elections as mutually exclusive but rather as complementary objectives.

Commenting on media freedom, Islam categorically said the government has not interfered with the media's right to freely criticise its policies.

"So far, no pressure has been given on the media for criticising the government," Nahid said.

However, he pointed out that when the government supports the concept of free media, it has asked the press to be mindful when reporting on sensitive issues like banned student organisations and individuals involved in criminal activities.

Nahid, also the posts and telecommunication adviser, acknowledged that some media outlets had become targets of social pressure and protests, but he stressed that law enforcement agencies and the government has intervened to ensure their safety.

Despite these challenges, Nahid emphasised the government's unwavering commitment to fostering a free and open media environment.

"The government encourages constructive criticism and has already implemented changes based on media feedback. We welcome logical criticism, and we will continue to make adjustments to our policies," he said.

He also said that the role of the media has sometimes been compromised by political alignments in the past, with some outlets failing to maintain objectivity.

Nahid urged journalists to clarify the pressures they have faced, which, in his view, would help rebuild trust among the people.

He said the interim government is committed to fulfil people's aspirations despite different types of challenges coming up, including economic and political.

"Amidst the evolving political landscape and as a part of the mass uprising, the government remains dedicated in maintaining stability, fostering unity, and addressing pressing concerns," he told BSS.

He said, "We are committed to overcoming political challenges and creating a future that aligns with the people's wishes."

The government's journey in the last six months has been tough as it had to face both internal and external conspiracies. It had to manage more than 100 movements while facing continued political pressure and dealing with economic hardships and the broken state structure, Nahid said.

Despite obstacles, Nahid expressed confidence that with continued dialogue, cooperation, and political goodwill, the six-month-old government, could achieve the change the nation so desperately seeks.

"The road ahead will not be smooth, but with the right support, the interim government hopes to lay the foundation for a more stable and prosperous future for the country," added Nahid, also the posts and telecommunication adviser.

Nahid said a major public concern has been the government's handling of economic issues like rising prices of essentials, improving law and order, and ensuring trial of murderers.

"When we took over, the administration was in disarray. The bureaucracy and law enforcement agencies were in a state of chaos, and we had to rebuild those. It was not an easy task.

"The previous administration's practices, particularly the widespread extortion and corruption, had created long-standing problems that will not disappear overnight," Nahid said.

"The reform commissions are working to bring necessary changes to the electoral and governance systems. These reforms must be implemented before elections... Otherwise, the mistakes of the past will be repeated," he said.​

 

[Saif]

We must eliminate criminals from Bangladesh: Sarjis

He emphasised that the "Clean Bangladesh Operation" should not be a brief arrest campaign

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We must eliminate criminals from Bangladesh: Sarjis

Sarjis Alam, a key coordinator of Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, today called for a crackdown on terrorism in the country.

He emphasised that the "Clean Bangladesh Operation" should not be a brief arrest campaign.

Within the next few days, we want to see all criminals, who occasionally surface on social media and other places, behind bars," Sarjis said while addressing a rally in Gazipur.

The rally was held on Rajbari Road in Gazipur city this afternoon to protest the attack on leaders and activists of the organisation last night.

Fifteen people were injured in Gazipur yesterday when locals confronted a group of protesters who tried to vandalise the ancestral home of former Liberation War Affairs Minister AKM Mozammel Haque.

He demanded arrest of those involved in last night's attack.

"The home ministry has already informed us that 16 individuals have been arrested. We are awaiting a press briefing from the ministry on the overall situation today. We no longer believe in promises; we want to see implementation. We will remain here, monitoring the administration's actions until our demands are met and the terrorists are imprisoned," Sarjis declared.

Sarjis also said if someone tries to lay a hand on any of their comrades anywhere, the entire Bangladesh will wake up again.

"If they break our barrier of patience, you will see a new revolution in Bangladesh," he said.​

 

[Saif]

গাজীপুরে বৈষম্যবিরোধী ছাত্রদের সমাবেশ থেকে আওয়ামী লীগ নেতাদের সম্পত্তি জব্দ করার দাবি​

 

[Saif]

A revolution betrayed?

SIX months ago, Bangladesh witnessed a historic transition — the fall of the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule through the July revolution of 2024 and the formation of an interim government. The expectations from this government were immense, shaped by the sacrifices of the people who...

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A revolution betrayed?
10 February, 2025, 00:00

The stakes are high, and the world is watching. The interim government has the opportunity to set an example for other nations struggling against authoritarianism, writes HM Nazmul Alam

SIX months ago, Bangladesh witnessed a historic transition — the fall of the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule through the July revolution of 2024 and the formation of an interim government. The expectations from this government were immense, shaped by the sacrifices of the people who braved bullets, repression, and state-sponsored violence to restore democracy. However, as we cross the six-month mark, the pressing question remains: has this government met the aspirations of the people, or are we witnessing another cycle of stagnation and betrayal?

To understand this moment, we must look at history, literature, and even modern pop culture. Just as George Orwell’s Animal Farm warned that revolutions often replace one ruling class with another, we must ask: Is Bangladesh heading towards a similar fate? Are the promises of justice, reform, and change being diluted under the weight of bureaucracy, internal compromises, and self-interest? The answers to these questions will determine whether the July revolution will be remembered as a turning point or a tragic repetition of history.

One of the primary demands of the mass uprising was the exemplary punishment of those responsible for the genocide, crimes against humanity, enforced disappearances, murders, and widespread corruption of the past 16 years. Yet, six months later, the trial process remains sluggish. The absence of meaningful legal proceedings against the perpetrators raises a critical question: Is justice being deliberately delayed?

History offers stark warnings. After the fall of Nazi Germany, the Nuremberg Trials swiftly ensured that those responsible faced justice. In contrast, after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath Party, Iraq struggled with delayed and inconsistent justice, leading to further instability. Bangladesh must decide whether it wishes to follow the path of decisive justice or risk letting impunity embolden those waiting to sabotage the democratic transition.

Moreover, justice must not be selective. There are concerns that some individuals with political connections are escaping scrutiny while only a few scapegoats are being prosecuted. The people of Bangladesh deserve a transparent and fair judicial process, not a compromised version of justice that shields powerful elites. The interim government must ensure that justice is blind and that no one, regardless of their political or economic influence, is above the law.

Hundreds of top Awami League leaders have reportedly fled the country, while many of their accomplices continue to thrive under the interim government. This situation echoes the post-revolutionary chaos seen in series like Narcos: Mexico, where drug lords slipped through the cracks due to corruption within the very institutions meant to capture them. Similarly, are elements within our state apparatus facilitating the escape of the very criminals the people fought to hold accountable?

The interim government must address these allegations immediately. If the revolution was meant to cleanse the system, why do we see the same players being promoted instead of purged? This contradiction not only weakens faith in the interim government but also raises suspicions of an inside game. The people of Bangladesh did not risk their lives for a mere reshuffling of power; they demanded a complete overhaul of the system.

A disturbing trend over the last six months is the deterioration of law and order. The interim government, instead of restoring stability, appears either incapable or unwilling to counter growing unrest. The phenomenon of vigilante justice, unchecked criminal activity, and an overall sense of lawlessness remind us of Gotham City in The Dark Knight Rises, where chaos prevails when institutions fail.

One must ask: Who benefits from this lawlessness? Is it a deliberate attempt by elements of the old regime to discredit the interim government? Or is it a consequence of administrative incompetence? Whatever the case, the interim administration must act decisively before anarchy becomes the new normal. The government must prioritise rebuilding trust in law enforcement agencies and ensuring that they are free from political interference.

One of the most frustrating aspects of the interim government’s tenure is the unchecked rise in commodity prices, VAT increases, and economic uncertainty. The fall of the oligarchic syndicates should have led to economic relief, but instead, the cost of living continues to soar. The middle and lower classes, who were the backbone of the revolution, are now bearing the brunt of this economic crisis.

In The Hunger Games, the overthrow of President Snow was supposed to bring freedom, but District 13’s leadership failed to deliver the prosperity people expected. Bangladesh is at a similar crossroads. If economic hardship continues, public disillusionment could lead to dangerous consequences, including a rejection of the very government that promised change.

The government must take bold measures to regulate market syndicates, curb inflation, and ensure fair wages. The suffering of the middle and lower classes must be addressed before frustration boils over into widespread unrest. Economic reforms must be prioritised to ensure that the benefits of the revolution are felt by all, not just a privileged few.

Despite the sacrifices made during the mass uprising, a complete list of martyrs and proper rehabilitation for the injured remain unfulfilled. Revolutions, when successful, honour their heroes. The United States built memorials for fallen soldiers after its independence. France honoured its revolutionaries. Why, then, is Bangladesh failing to recognise and support those who bled for democracy?

A government born from a people’s movement cannot afford to forget its roots. The lack of progress in acknowledging and compensating the victims of state brutality risks alienating those who fought for change, turning revolutionaries into disillusioned sceptics. The interim government must ensure that the sacrifices of the people are not in vain and that their contributions are remembered and honoured.

The interim government must ensure that justice is ensured in all cases and that propaganda does not replace due process. The people of Bangladesh deserve transparency and accountability, not a government that manipulates the truth to serve its own interests. The media, civil society, and the international community must play a proactive role in holding the interim government accountable. The revolution was fought for democracy, not for another form of authoritarianism disguised as a transitional government.

What we have gained so far is a government that is not a dictatorship, but what we have not gained is meaningful justice, economic relief, or institutional reforms. If the interim government does not act decisively in the next six months, the very revolution that brought it to power could turn against it. The people did not risk their lives for a mere change in leadership; they demanded systemic change.

If the interim government fails to uphold democratic values, enforce justice, and ease the economic burden, it will become just another chapter in the cycle of betrayal. The people of Bangladesh deserve more than that. The time for hesitation is over — the time for action is now. The July revolution was a beacon of hope for millions; it must not be allowed to fade into another tale of unfulfilled promises and broken dreams.

The stakes are high, and the world is watching. Bangladesh has the opportunity to set an example for other nations struggling against authoritarianism. But to do so, it must ensure that the revolution is not betrayed from within. The people of Bangladesh did not risk their lives for a mere change in leadership; they demanded systemic change. The interim government must deliver on that promise or risk being remembered as another failed experiment in the long struggle for democracy.

HM Nazmul Alam is a lecturer in English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: Disputes over credit now out on social media

The July uprising activists have lately been embroiled in a virtual battle over credit for their achievements, amid disputes about the member secretary position in a political party they are about to launch.

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July uprising: Disputes over credit now out on social media

The July uprising activists have lately been embroiled in a virtual battle over credit for their achievements, amid disputes about the member secretary position in a political party they are about to launch.

Former Islami Chhatra Shibir leaders have taken to Facebook to claim they were "major stakeholders" in the uprising that led to the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina regime on August 5 last year.

However, leaders of the now-dissolved Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti maintain that Shibir leaders and activists participated like everyone else.

Many former and current Shibir leaders described on Facebook how they provided shelter to coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement; coordinated domestic and international communications; planned the protests; and mobilised activists on the ground.

In response, Abdul Kader, a former coordinator of Students Against Discrimination, wrote that the coordinators were the ones who formulated the nine-point demand, and Shibir merely disseminated it.

Asif Mahmud, a key organiser of the July uprising and adviser to the ministries of youth and sports, and local government, also weighed in.

"... Do not distort the history of the July uprising. We will not tolerate any lies about the July uprising, which was achieved through the blood of this generation. Even if I remain silent on everything else, I cannot remain silent on this. Stop the dirty game of hijacking history," he wrote.

Amid tussles on social media over the issue, Shibir President Jahidul Islam in a statement said, "It is essential to know the true history. Those trying to disrupt national unity by taking credit and creating opportunities for third parties will not be forgiven by future generations."

Md Abu Shadik Kayem, who was the president of Shibir's Dhaka University unit during the uprising and also a key coordinator of the Students Against Discrimination, wrote, "Instead of focusing on important tasks, the current bickering over who will be at the centre of power is akin to mocking the martyrs."

Chhatra Shakti, a student organisation formed in October 2023, and Shibir, which was not active publicly, worked as the coordinators of the Students Against Discrimination platform that spearheaded the uprising.

Another platform called the Jatiya Nagorik Committee was formed on September 8 last year, comprising leaders and activists from various organisations that were involved in the movement.

The 188-member central committee of the Nagorik Committee includes leaders from Chhatra Shakti, at least three former presidents of Shibir's Dhaka University unit, representatives from Qawmi madrasa-based organisations, Chhatra Odhikar Parishad, the AB Party, Chhatra Union, and Chhatra Federation.

Students Against Discrimination and its civic platform the Nagorik Committee are expected to announce a new political party by the end of this month.

The citizens' platform, meanwhile, is split into at least three groups over the top posts of the new party's convening committee, said insiders.

Adviser Nahid Islam is almost certain to be the convener of the new party while discord has surfaced over the member secretary post.

Sources within the Nagorik Committee say that Adviser Mahfuj Alam wants Nagorik Committee Convener Nasiruddin Patwary to be in the top leadership of the new party.

On the other hand, the former Shibir activists on the platform want Ali Ahsan Zonaed, former president of Shibir's DU unit and member of Nagorik Committee's executive body, into the second-in-command position of the new party.

Sources said that the key policymakers are mulling creating a senior joint convener and senior member secretary post to accommodate former Shibir leaders and avoid a potential split.​

 

[Saif]

Remain cautious to resist return of fascists: Yunus

'Sacrifice for the country is never in vain. We must be careful so that no dictatorship returns to this country,' says the chief adviser

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Remain cautious to resist return of fascists: Yunus

File photo

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged the countrymen to remain alert to resist the return of fascists.

"Sacrifice for the country is never in vain. We must be careful so that no dictatorship returns to this country," he said at a video message at the inaugural ceremony of the 7th National Community Development Camp organised by Bangladesh Scouts at the National Scout Training Centre-2 in the hard point of Sirajganj town protection embankment.

In exchange of blood of eight scout members including Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdho and hundreds of students, youths, teenagers and people, new doors of the country's potentiality have been opened after the fall of the fascist government through July-August mass uprising, he said.

"Many young people lost their lives as victims of the fascist government's repressive policies. The graffiti painted on the walls of Dhaka, the pictures of the blood-stained streets and the slogans on the mouths of the protesters during the turbulent times of the movement are etched in our minds," he added.

He pointed out that their sacrifices have opened new doors not only in politics but in the country's culture and society.

He laid emphasis on fulfilling the dreams of the martyrs by remembering the sacrifices of the student mass movement.

Chairman of the Bangladesh Scout's 7th National Comdeca Organising Committee and Chief Adviser's Principal Secretary M Siraz Uddin Miah presided over the function while Comdeca Chief of the Bangladesh Scout's 7th National Comdeca Mir Mahbubur Rahman Snigdho delivered the welcome speech.

A total of 3,200 rovers from 400 units in colleges, universities and about 5,000 scouts including volunteers, unit leaders and officials are participating in the 7th National Comdeca.​

 

[Saif]

Why Bangladesh needs deliberative democracy now

The July Revolution of 2024 marks Bangladesh's shift toward deliberative democracy.

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Why Bangladesh needs deliberative democracy now

Illustration: Rehnuma Proshun

The July Revolution of 2024 has irrevocably altered the political trajectory of Bangladesh. The ouster of Sheikh Hasina, after years of political dominance, symbolises the aspiration of the masses. The uprising was not merely a rejection of the old political system but a call for a new era of governance rooted in accountability, inclusion, and deliberation. The formation of an interim government represents the culmination of years of frustration with authoritarianism, systemic corruption, and institutional decay. Bangladesh now faces a critical question: how can it institutionalise its people's aspirations into a sustainable governance framework? The answer lies in adopting deliberative democracy.

Unlike traditional democratic models, which often prioritise majority rule over consensus, deliberative democracy emphasises dialogue, inclusivity, and reasoned and active citizen participation in decision-making. At its core, deliberative democracy is about fostering trust in institutions. For Bangladesh, where mistrust of political elites in the existing system runs deep, this model could serve as an antidote to decades of disillusionment. Through forums, assemblies (citizen committees), and referendums, deliberative democracy, in contrast to conventional democracy (electoral democracy), actively includes people in the decision-making process. By ensuring that policies represent the will of the people, this strategy can aid in bridging the divide between the governed and the government.

For example, citizens' assemblies—randomly selected representative groups tasked with deliberating on specific policy issues—could be introduced to complement parliamentary decision-making. These assemblies have been successfully implemented in countries like Ireland and Canada. In Canada, they were used in British Columbia and Ontario to deliberate on electoral reform, showcasing their capacity to engage citizens in complex and technical policy discussions.

In Bangladesh, citizen assemblies could address pressing issues like electoral reform, education policy, climate adaptation, and health—areas where public input is crucial. The concept isn't entirely alien to our context. Local governance structures like ward meetings and open budget meetings reflect similar principles of citizen engagement.

However, these systems often fall short of their potential. The entrenched client-patron relationship and citizens' fear of raising their voices have hindered their effectiveness. For example, although the concept of participatory budgeting is present at the local government's union parishad level through open budget meetings, in practice, these communities rarely can decide on issues related to public fund allocation. A low quality of citizenship, marked by limited political awareness and civic courage, undermines these participatory mechanisms. As a result, ward meetings and similar forums are often reduced to tokenistic exercises rather than genuine platforms for deliberation.

The implementation of deliberative democracy would not only empower citizens but also ensure that resources are used efficiently and equitably. Moreover, deliberative processes can serve as a check on executive overreach by mandating public consultations and expert panels for major policy decisions. As a result, the government would be compelled to justify its actions based on evidence and public consensus rather than partisan interests.

While the theoretical benefits of deliberative democracy are compelling, its implementation will need to consider the existing power imbalances and social norms that stifle meaningful participation. Without a parallel effort to cultivate an empowered and informed citizenry, even the most well-designed participatory frameworks risk becoming symbolic gestures rather than instruments of real change.

Bangladesh requires extensive constitutional revisions to transition to a deliberative democracy. The current constitution, shaped by years of dictatorial changes, cannot support a genuinely deliberative democratic framework. Besides, the political culture of patronage and partisanship poses significant barriers to implementing deliberative democracy. Additionally, the lack of institutional capacity and resources hinders participatory initiatives.

The interim government can prioritise capacity-building, both within state institutions and civil society, to ensure that deliberative processes are effective and sustainable. Bangladeshi civil society has been at the forefront of the July uprising and can continue to play a pivotal role in the transition to deliberative democracy. By partnering with the government, academia, and international donors, they can help create the institutional architecture necessary for deliberative democracy to thrive.

Moreover, the media can act as a watchdog and facilitator of public discourse. By providing a platform for diverse perspectives and holding decision-makers accountable, the media can ensure that deliberative processes remain transparent and inclusive. In addition, public awareness campaigns are crucial to educate citizens about their rights and responsibilities in a deliberative democracy.

As the nation grapples with pressing challenges such as climate change, economic inequality, and youth unemployment, the need for effective and equitable governance has never been greater. Deliberative democracy, with its promise of collective problem-solving and trust-building, is the key to unlocking the country's full potential. Failure to do so would not only betray the aspirations of the July uprising but also risk the nation back into the cycle of authoritarianism and unrest.

Aishwarya Sanjukta Roy Proma is research associate at the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development at BRAC University.​

 

[Saif]

What’s so special about Bangladesh?

The people—the wonderful people of Bangladesh—are the reason that the country is so special for me.

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What’s so special about Bangladesh?

The student-led July-August uprising aspired for a new Bangladesh, where citizens could participate freely and safely in building better futures for themselves. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

It is no secret that Bangladesh, long ago, captured and continues to hold my heart. As I commented on that sad day a decade ago when I departed Dhaka at the end of my ambassadorship, "I am leaving Bangladesh, but my heart is staying behind," so it remains.

Those who know my enduring affection for Bangladesh sometimes ask, "What is so special about Bangladesh?" This question has a simple answer: the people—the wonderful people of Bangladesh—are the reason that the country is so special for me. During my tenure as US ambassador to Bangladesh, I visited all 64 districts, and everywhere I travelled I saw Bangladeshi men and women—farmers, village women, teachers, medical workers, street vendors, shopkeepers, businesspeople, ready-made-garment workers—all working hard and creatively to build a peaceful, secure, prosperous, healthy and, aspirationally, democratic Bangladesh, a far-cry from the "international basket case" that a US diplomat envisioned in 1971 for the then newly-independent nation.

Last July and August, the magic and wonder of the Bangladeshi people were on full display as the nation threw off the cloak of authoritarianism and oppression that had suffocated the people. This revolution was led by students who seek a new Bangladesh that enables citizens to participate freely and safely in building better futures for themselves, their families and their communities. Is this too much to expect? I don't think so, and neither do the students, so they persist in their pursuit of the new Bangladesh. Sadly, some made the ultimate sacrifice to this end during the July-August uprising.

This is not the first time in Bangladesh's history that the people declared "enough" and threw off oppression. Those earlier endeavours to emancipate the people did not end well, as forces of oppression re-emerged and again subjected the people to tyranny.

I believe this time it could be different. The students realise that toppling the previous regime is not an end, but only a step to the larger goal of building the new Bangladesh. History shows that revolutionaries, upon achieving their immediate goal of toppling the existing power structure, often then turn upon each other in a battle for power, until one leader emerges on top and other would-be leaders are vanquished or worse. The students, to their great credit, have learned from Bangladesh's history and have chosen a different path. Instead of wrestling among themselves for power, they joined together and reached out to Bangladesh's most distinguished luminary, Professor Muhammad Yunus, to provide leadership to their enterprise.

Professor Yunus is an inspired choice. He has no personal political agenda; he does not seek power for himself; and he has nothing more to prove—he is already a Nobel laureate. I believe he seeks simply to help his beloved Bangladesh find its way through these challenging times. The revolution is an historic opportunity to realise the long-elusive dream of a free, democratic Bangladesh, a dream that has tragically been crushed repeatedly in Bangladesh's short but turbulent history. The path ahead is treacherous. As Bangladesh struggles to recraft itself, some want Bangladesh to fail in its pursuit of democracy; extremists and others see opportunities for advancing their own agendas. Others, filled with rage and anger, lash out to exact retribution from those perceived as implementing or benefitting from the atrocities perpetrated by the previous government.

These negative forces are destabilising. They deepen hate and divide people at a time when Bangladeshis must stand united to create a durable democracy that brings peace and prosperity to all citizens. To that end, there is only one game in town: the interim government under the leadership of Professor Yunus. I hope all Bangladeshis will stand behind this transitional government by helping the government see what it has done right in launching Bangladesh on a democratic trajectory, where it has made mistakes, and where it must do better. Standing together, the people and the transitional government can get it right in laying the foundation for the new Bangladesh.

Most critical now is for the interim government to sustain citizens' hope that this time, Bangladesh will triumph in building democracy. This is a tough challenge as the interim government must deliver on many fronts, including i) ensuring safety and security for all citizens; ii) providing quality education, health care and other basics of life; iii) undertaking an effective campaign against corruption; iv) fostering an economy that provides jobs and improves standards of living; v) holding accountable members of the previous government who committed the most egregious acts against the people; vi) rehabilitating people connected to the previous government implicated in lesser acts against the people perhaps by establishing a truth and reconciliation process, along the lines of the South African model. Such a process could enable these individuals to publicly acknowledge their past transgressions, ask for forgiveness from victims, and commit themselves to Bangladesh's emerging democracy. Finally, the electoral process can be reformed so Bangladeshis can effectively voice their political views, either by creating new political parties or by the erstwhile opposition parties recreating themselves by implementing internal democratic processes that enable party members to freely choose their party's leaders.

I appreciate the gravity and severity of these challenges. Nonetheless, I am confident the people of Bangladesh, in partnership with the interim government, will prevail in addressing these challenges, thus setting the stage for electoral reforms that enable citizens to freely participate in the democratic process.

Is this simply wishful thinking on the part of someone who loves Bangladesh? I think not. Bangladeshis know that this is a critical juncture in their nation's history. Bangladeshis have seen their dream of a democratic Bangladesh crushed too many times. Bangladeshis will not accept the return of autocracy; they will accept nothing less than democracy.

Dan Mozena is former US ambassador to Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

In the spirit of July uprising empower our youth

CHIEF adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus drew attention to the enormous potential of the country’s youthful population at the recently concluded annual conference of the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association. On many other...

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In the spirit of July uprising empower our youth
by Anis Chowdhury 04 March, 2025, 00:00

CHIEF adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus drew attention to the enormous potential of the country’s youthful population at the recently concluded annual conference of the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association. On many other recent occasions, professor Yunus articulated the need to recognise the potential of our youth.

To emphasise the urgency for unleashing the latent power of the youth, professor Yunus suggested that the minimum voter age should be 17 years. Speaking as the chief guest in December at the Forum for Bangladesh Studies, he said, ‘To give their (youth) opinion on their own future, I think the voting age for them should be fixed at 17 years.’

However, unfortunately, professor Yunus’ suggestion received mixed reactions from the political quarters of the country. Besides smelling political foul plays, some doubted the cognitive maturity at 17.

‘Old enough to fight, old enough to vote’

THIS slogan was born soon after the US Congress approved lowering the minimum draft age to 18 on 11 November, 1942, to boost US troop numbers. But it took nearly 30 years in the US to pass legislation lowering the voting age at the national level to 18 years in 1971.

Reflecting on the historic moment when the Congress passed the bill, senator Jennings Randolph who first proposed to lower the voting age three decades ago (as a West Virginia congressman), said, ‘I believe that our young people possess a great social conscience, are perplexed by the injustices that exist in the world, and are anxious to rectify these ills.’

Can we not say the same about the youths of Bangladesh? Have they not been at the forefront of every movement and struggle against injustices in this country, including the recent mass uprising against the tyrannical and corrupt regime of Sheikh Hasina?

Do not the letters our martyred children wrote to their parents, or the slogans that our youths created, or the graffiti that they wrote on the walls, or the strategies the coordinator used reflect their cognitive maturity?

Do they not indicate our youths’ great social conscience, their perplexities at the injustices in the world, and their anxiousness to rectify these ills and create a ‘new Bangladesh’ based on justice, equality, and freedom?

The recruitment age into our armed forces (army, navy, and air force) varies between 16 and 18 years. Using the US analogy, if they are old enough to fight at 17 or 18, why can’t they be old enough to vote?

The minimum age for obtaining an ordinary driving license in Bangladesh is 18. If one can navigate through our chaotic traffic maze, why can’t she/he make an informed choice about the plethora of candidates seeking votes?

If our youths are capable of making conscious decisions at 17 or 18 in the campus elections, why should their cognitive maturity be doubted for the national or local elections?

What does research say about cognitive maturity?

PSYCHOLOGISTS are in general agreement: 16-year-olds are as good, cognitively, as 20-year-olds, 40-year-olds, or anyone else older than them at processing the information necessary for voting.

As a leading psychologist, Laurence Steinberg said, ‘[a]dolescents may make bad choices [in voting], but statistically speaking, they won’t make them any more often than adults.’

Thus, nothing dramatic happens, from a psychological or cognitive standpoint, when someone turns 16 or 18. However, something magical does occur when they reach 16 or 18; they gain the cognitive capabilities to engage in measured and reasoned decision-making.

This is probably the reason why we allow 18-year-olds to drive, consent to marry, or live independently; that is, we already treat these young people like ‘adults’.

So, there is little reason why we should not also empower our young adult with the right to vote.

Voting age around the world

AGES for voting and political participation were progressively lowered as the franchise was extended to women and other groups. A first wave of lowering the voting age to 16 occurred in the second half of the 20th century in Latin America, and a second wave started in the early 2000s, mainly in European countries.

UNICEF reports that in most countries and territories (around 90 per cent) in the world, the voting age is 18 in at least local elections. These include developing countries like Brazil, Chile, Cuba, Ecuador, Indonesia, Nicaragua, Nigeria, and least developed countries, such as Tanzania and Timor-Leste.

In neighbouring Bhutan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, the voting age is 18. By what logic can we disenfranchise our youths?

Cannot betray the spirit of July mass uprising

DENYING our youths their right to choose who should lead them and have a say in the matters that affect their lives and aspirations will be tantamount to betraying the spirit of the July mass uprising.

Professor Yunus has summarised the spirit of the July revolution: ‘Our young generation has impressed upon the people their aspirations for a revolutionary change, restoration of all institutions of the state to ensure democracy and human rights through a meaningful reform.’

The benefits of lowering the voting age are myriad. Lowering the voting age will likely increase voter turnout, give young people a political voice, force politicians to pay greater attention to the views and needs of the youths, and create a larger pool of talented and energetic young leaders.

In short, lowering the voting age will create a ‘trickle-up’ effect on civic participation, which contributes to the consolidation of democracy and enhancement of leadership quality.

If the right to vote is our most precious, fundamental right, then we should extend it to anyone who is competent enough to make democratic decisions and has a sufficient, actual stake in the outcome.

Anis Chowdhury is an emeritus professor at Western Sydney University in Australia and held senior UN positions in Bangkok and New York in economic and social affairs.​