[🇧🇩] Will the political parties and voters support referendum on July Charter?

[Saif]

‘Yes’ wins in referendum

The turnout in the referendum, held simultaneously with the 13th Jatiya Sangsad elections on Thursday, was 60.26 per cent, according to the Election Commission.

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‘Yes’ wins in referendum

Turnout 60.26pc

Sadiqur Rahman 14 February, 2026, 00:29

The turnout in the referendum, held simultaneously with the 13th Jatiya Sangsad elections on Thursday, was 60.26 per cent, according to the Election Commission.

EC senior secretary Akhtar Ahmed, briefing journalists at the commission headquarters at Agargaon said on Friday afternoon that 6,92,30,296 of the 7,69,51,382 votes casted in the referendum were found valid.

Among the valid votes, 4,80,74,429 supported the ‘Yes’ answer while 2,25,65,627 backed the ‘No’ response, Akhtar said.

A total of 12,77,02,334 voters, including the postal voters in and outside the country, were registered for the polls and the referendum.

On Thursday, the dual polls were held in 299 of the total 300 constituencies. However, the Election Commission announced polls results of 297 constituencies.

Of the 297 constituencies, Pabna-2 recorded the highest 82.58 per cent of the referendum turnout while Sirajganj-2 recorded the lowest 7.8 per cent.

Two BNP-nominated candidates, AKM Selim Reza and Md Selim Reza, bagged the Pabna-2 and the Sirajganj-1 seats respectively.

The win of Yes in the referendum would facilitate the inclusion of the state reforms stipulated in the July National Charter 2025 through a constitution reform council.

In the referendum, voters casted either Yes or No on a single package of four questions.

The first question sought public support for forming the caretaker government, the Election Commission and other constitutional bodies during the election period in accordance with the procedures set out in the charter.

The second proposal concerned restructuring the Jatiya Sangsad into a bicameral legislature, with a 100-member upper house formed with proportional representation of the votes received by political parties in the 13th JS elections. The proposal meant that any constitutional amendment would require approval from a majority of members in the upper house.

The third question asked whether the winning political parties should be legally bound to implement 30 agreed reform proposals included in the July Charter.

These proposals include increasing women’s representation in parliament, electing the deputy speaker and four parliamentary standing committee chairpersons from the opposition, limiting the prime minister’s tenure, strengthening the president’s powers, expanding fundamental rights, ensuring judicial independence and strengthening the local government institutions.

The fourth question sought support for implementing other reform measures outlined in the July Charter in line with commitments made by the political parties.

The July Charter 2025 was signed by 25 political parties on October 17, 2025. Two days, later, one more party signed the document.

On November 13, 2025, the interim government issued the July National Charter (Constitutional Reform) Implementation Order, 2025 in a gazette notification with a provision for holding the Jatiya Sangsad elections and the referendum on the July Charter the same day.​

 

[Saif]

Referendum: mandate for change

WHEN citizens vote not only for parties but also for principles, politics enters a more demanding phase. The 2026 referendum was not merely an addition to a national election. It was a direct public verdict on how the state should be structured and governed.

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Referendum: mandate for change

| — Agence France-Presse

WHEN citizens vote not only for parties but also for principles, politics enters a more demanding phase. The 2026 referendum was not merely an addition to a national election. It was a direct public verdict on how the state should be structured and governed.

By voting ‘yes,’ citizens endorsed a promise of institutional recalibration. They signalled a desire for credible elections, balanced power and stronger constitutional safeguards. But, public endorsement is only the first step. The real test lies in execution.

The referendum grew out of years of debate over electoral credibility, executive dominance and institutional accountability. Repeated political tension about election-time neutrality shaped public discussions. Concerns about concentration of authority and weak structural checks also intensified.

When the votes were counted, 48,074,429, about 68 per cent, voted ‘yes’ in favour of the reform package while 22,565,627, about 32 per cent, voted ‘no,’ based on a 60.26 per cent voter turnout. The clear majority highlighted a strong public support for real structural change rather than incremental adjustments.

The July national charter consolidated these concerns into a formal reform proposal. Instead of offering routine administrative changes, it presented a blueprint for systemic restructuring. The ‘yes’ vote, therefore, represented support for meaningful transformation rather than cosmetic adjustment.

At the heart of the reform package lies election-time governance. The proposal seeks constitutional recognition of a neutral arrangement during national elections. It also emphasises strengthening the independence and transparency of the Election Commission and other constitutional bodies.

Another central pillar is the bicameral parliament, with an upper house of 100 members formed in proportion to party votes in the national election and requiring a majority in that house to approve constitutional amendments. This additional chamber is designed to provide a stronger institutional check on major constitutional changes while complementing the existing lower house.

The reforms also include term limits for the prime minister to reduce prolonged concentration of executive authority. A clear separation of powers aims to reinforce judicial independence and institutional balance. Changes in the presidential election procedure, including secret ballots by members of parliament, are also proposed.

The structured representation of the opposition in key parliamentary roles would become more formalised. The framework further expands constitutional protections for fundamental rights and recognizes linguistic, cultural and minority identities.

Before reform, Bangladesh operated under a unicameral parliamentary structure with strong executive dominance. Electoral neutrality remained politically contested rather than constitutionally entrenched. Opposition influence often depended on political goodwill rather than guaranteed structure.Bangladesh cultural tours

If implemented fully, the post-reform structure would look markedly different. A bicameral system would introduce layered legislative review. Election-period arrangements would be constitutionally defined. Executive tenure would face clearer limits, and institutional independence would be strengthened.

Whether this transformation occurs quickly depends on political will. An early execution is possible if constitutional amendments and enabling legislation are prioritised in the first parliamentary sessions. An expeditious implementation would reinforce public trust and strengthen international confidence.

However, the process is complex. Designing proportional representation systems and establishing a new legislative chamber require technical preparation and political consensus. Partial implementation remains possible, with some reforms moving forward faster than others.

There is also the risk of delay. Referendums create moral authority, but legislative commitment determines outcomes. Political bargaining, shifting alliances, or reinterpretation of clauses could slow progress. Without sustained civic oversight, reform momentum may gradually fade.

Political parties have shown varied alignment with the reform agenda. Reform-oriented groups have embraced electoral neutrality and institutional checks. Some parties support certain elements while expressing caution about bicameralism and proportional systems. Others favour incremental reform over structural redesign.

Yet, public sentiment appears clear. Many voters distinguish between electoral competition and democratic consolidation. The ‘yes’ vote reflected a desire for predictable rules, accountable leadership and durable institutions. Citizens increasingly seek governance that transcends personalities and survives political cycles. The referendum suggests that public aspiration leans toward institutional stability rather than episodic confrontation.

The 2026 referendum has created a constitutional moment of consequence. If implemented faithfully, it could deepen electoral legitimacy, diversify representation, and moderate executive dominance. Such outcomes would enhance political stability and strengthen economic and diplomatic confidence.

If neglected, however, the gap between public mandate and political action could widen. Trust in reform processes may weaken. The credibility of participatory democratic mechanisms could suffer.

The blueprint now carries public approval. Whether it becomes a living institutional framework or a symbolic endorsement will determine its true impact on democratic future.

Professor Dr Md Jafar Ullah is a a former dean at Sher-e-Bangla Agricultural University.​