[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

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IMF chief pledges support to Bangladesh’s reform initiatives

International Monetary Fund Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has pledged support to Bangladesh's reform initiatives, saying the Washington-based lender has sent a team to Dhaka to hold talks with the stakeholders over the matter. The IMF managing director expressed her support at a mee

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IMF chief pledges support to Bangladesh’s reform initiatives
BSS
Published :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42
Updated :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42

International Monetary Fund Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has pledged support to Bangladesh's reform initiatives, saying the Washington-based lender has sent a team to Dhaka to hold talks with the stakeholders over the matter.

The IMF managing director expressed her support at a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the UN headquarters in New York on the sidelines of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on Tuesday.

"It is a different country. It is Bangladesh 2.0," Kristalina Georgieva told the Chief Adviser when he gave a short briefing on the student-led mass uprising which ousted the previous autocratic regime.

During the meeting, Prof Yunus spoke about the six commissions that his interim government has set up to recommend vital reforms in election, civil administration, police, judiciary, anti-corruption and constitution.

He said the government would hold discussions with the political parties on the recommendations of the commissions.

Once the consensus on the reforms is reached and the voter list is prepared, and the date for the election will be announced, the chief adviser said.

The IMF chief executive extended her support for the initiatives, saying the lender would fast-track financial support for the Bangladesh government.

She said she sent an IMF team "quickly" to Bangladesh and it is in Dhaka at the moment. The team would place its report to the IMF management board next month, he added.

Georgieva said the IMF board could initiate a new lending programme for Bangladesh based on the report of the team, or it could also extend more lending under the existing support programme launched early last year.

Energy, power and transport adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan and eminent economist Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya attended the meeting.

Adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan told the IMF chief that the Bangladesh interim government took just a week to "dismantle the architecture of crimes" in the power and energy sector.

Dr Debapriya stressed the need for IMF support to bolster the country's balance of payments.

He said the role of the IMF would be critical to stabilising exchange rates.​

 

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Talks with Yunus: UN chief reaffirms support for Bangladesh's reforms

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres met with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus in New York today

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Talks with Yunus: UN chief reaffirms support for Bangladesh's reforms

Photo: United Nations/UNB

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres met with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus in New York today.

During the meeting, Guterres expressed his gratitude for the strong partnership between the UN and Bangladesh, particularly acknowledging Bangladesh's significant contributions to UN peacekeeping efforts.

The secretary-general reaffirmed the UN's commitment to supporting Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform processes. They also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and the global challenge of climate change.​

 

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US to back interim govt in holding free, fair polls

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has indicated that Bangladesh will have US support for a free and fair election, which will chart an inclusive, democratic, and equitable future for the people.

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US to back interim govt in holding free, fair polls
Yunus, Blinken hold talks

Photo: PID

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has indicated that Bangladesh will have US support for a free and fair election, which will chart an inclusive, democratic, and equitable future for the people.

He also underscored US support and assistance for the interim government of Bangladesh as it guides the country towards economic stability and highlighted the importance of reforms to ensure continued foreign direct investment, according to US State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and Blinken yesterday discussed the importance of building strong institutions to fight corruption, uphold media freedom, respect internationally recognised labour rights, and protect human rights for all in Bangladesh, including Rohingya refugees and members of the minority communities, he said.

Secretary Blinken and Prof Yunus met on the sidelines of the United National General Assembly.

According to the chief adviser's Facebook page, Blinken expressed full support for the interim government as they discussed economic cooperation, the Rohingya crisis, counterterrorism, labour issues, and the recovery of laundered money.

YUNUS AND GUTERRES MEET

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, while meeting with Yunus at the UN headquarters, reiterated its readiness to support Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform process.

An UN statement said the secretary-general expressed appreciation for the close cooperation between the UN and Bangladesh.

The Secretary-General and the Chief Adviser also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and climate change.

Earlier on Tuesday, US President Joe Biden offered his country's full support to Bangladesh's interim government during his bilateral meeting with Muhammad Yunus.

They met on the sidelines of the UNGA in New York, signalling a new beginning of the relationship between the two countries.

President Biden welcomed further engagement between the two governments while Prof Yunus said his government must succeed in rebuilding the country and would need US cooperation.​

 

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RTI act needs reform

Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), yesterday emphasised the need for reforms in the Right to Information (RTI) Act and the Information Commission to uphold the spirit of the July Revolution.

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RTI act needs reform
Says Iftekharuzzaman

Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), yesterday emphasised the need for reforms in the Right to Information (RTI) Act and the Information Commission to uphold the spirit of the July Revolution.

He made the remarks during a discussion at the Information Commission's auditorium, marking International Day for Universal Access to Information 2024.

"When the RTI Act was first introduced, it was seen as a victory for citizens, but over time, it has become clear that it remains largely symbolic," said Iftekharuzzaman.

He stressed the importance of direct recruitment within the Information Commission, asserting that the commission should not be defined solely by its commissioners, who must be appointed impartially.

"The commissioners should be nonpartisan, ensuring the commission's credibility," he added.

He criticised the entrenched mindset among officials, saying, "Many officials treat information as their personal asset, but in reality, it belongs to the people. Public officials should understand their role as custodians of information, not gatekeepers."

He also called for an end to the practice of withholding information, a problem that has persisted since the past.

Iftekharuzzaman urged that the RTI Act be used as a tool for empowering citizens and promoting transparency.

"Freedom of speech, the right to dissent, and the free flow of information are essential elements of the student-led movement. Ensuring the unrestricted flow of information is critical for building a transparent, accountable, and corruption-free Bangladesh," he said.

Information Commission Director SM Kamrul Islam chaired the event, while the secretary in charge of Information and Broadcasting Ministry Md Nazrul Islam also spoke.​

 

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Need proper reforms before election

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday said they want the country to go through proper reforms before an election.

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Need proper reforms before election
Says Jamaat ameer

Shafiqur Rahman. Photo: Collected

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman yesterday said they want the country to go through proper reforms before an election.

An acceptable election can only be held after a thorough reform, he said.

He was speaking as chief guest in a rally, organised by Pabna district unit of Jamaat, held at the Pabna Edward College yesterday afternoon.

"We want to give a logical amount of time to the interim government before holding the election so that they can make proper reforms in different sectors. Through the path of such reforms, we can have a fair and acceptable election," said Dr Shafiqur.

The roadmap for the reformation should be fixed after holding discussions with political parties, he also said.

Appreciating the initiative of the interim government, the Jamaat Ameer said this government has been formed through a revolution, so they have to do a lot.

"If the interim government fails, then the entire nation will fail. So they have to be successful, and we have to help this government for the sake of proper reformation," he added.

Shafiqur also said they have forgiven Awami League for oppressing their party, but they will never forgive the mass killings conducted by the AL government.

"We want justice for every killing," he said.

The party's district unit ameer Abu Taleb Mondol chaired the rally.

Earlier, Sahfiqur met with the families of the martyred students during the student movement in Pabna.​

 

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State reforms not possible with AL cohorts in admin: Rizvi

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed today said it will not be possible to make state reforms keeping cohorts of Awami League in various key positions of administration

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State reforms not possible with AL cohorts in admin: Rizvi

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed today said it will not be possible to make state reforms keeping cohorts of Awami League in various key positions of administration.

He made the remarks while addressing a memorial meeting held for Shaheed Jahiduzzaman Tanvir, who was shot dead by police firing during anti-discrimination student movement, in the capital's Dakshinkhan.

Rizvi said around 2,000 people were killed in the last 36 days till the ouster of fascist Sheikh Hasina's regime during the July-August movement.

Those who opened fire on common people to protect Hasina's regime are still holding various key positions, he said.

The BNP leader demanded removal of cohorts of AL before making any reforms saying state reforms cannot be possible without bringing the killers to book.

He said AL enforced authoritarian rule seizing the people's voting rights and finally it wanted to cling into power by killing students and general masses.

Those who carried out carnage must be brought to justice, otherwise, souls of the martyrs won't get peace, he said.

About Bangladesh, India relations, Rizvi said: "At first India will have to respect our independence and sovereignty as a friend, leaving aside their lordship attitude".

He said when the entire world rejected Sheikh Hasina's one-party election, only India supported it.

"The border between Bangladesh and India is seen as the bloodiest one. The days of bowing down to India has come to an end. The people of Bangladesh will never be on their knees again," he said.

He urged the interim government to hold a free, fair and neutral election after making required reforms.​

 

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Will reforms be possible without placing Awami League on trial?

After a bit of prevarication, General Ershad came along and imposed martial law in March 1982. Bangladesh attained an 18-point bouquet to cleanse the society by means of pure democracy and reforms. As part of this, the weekly Bichitra was told to write a report on administrative reforms. And it...

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Will reforms be possible without placing Awami League on trial?
Kazi Zawad
Updated: 28 Sep 2024, 17: 44

After a bit of prevarication, General Ershad came along and imposed martial law in March 1982. Bangladesh attained an 18-point bouquet to cleanse the society by means of pure democracy and reforms. As part of this, the weekly Bichitra was told to write a report on administrative reforms. And it was to highlight the importance of the armed forces in running the state in the style of Indonesia's Golkar. A colonel was then in charge of reforms (read: 'control').

Shahadat bhai (editor Shahadat Chowdhury) gave me the task of writing this cover story. He told me to visit the Indonesian embassy and gather details of Golkar and the government. I was not too pleased about having to write this tailored article about the "democracy-loving" military junta. So while rebellion brewed in my heart, I set to the task for the sake of Bichitra and my job.

When it comes to reforms, the first task in implementing reforms will be to have a workforce in place, in the administration in all areas, committed to the new government

In 1964, a group of army officers close to Indonesia's first president Sukarno formed the 'party of functional groups' or Golkar as a counter to the Communist Party. And it was based on this that president Suharto took over state power in 1967 and continued his autocratic rule for 30 years.

I went to the Indonesian embassy and picked up a booklet on their government programmes and some scenic pictures of the Bali sea beach. None of this was related to the topic of my cover story. As a student I had an inclination towards left-leaning politics. I had learnt about rural communes at the time. I mixed that with some imagination and wrote about local government at the thana level in a parliamentary system. The significant aspect of this was that there would be an opposition leader in the thana council. If any political activist was to be arrested, that leader's approval would be required. The local government would have authority regarding the jobs of government officials. That would abolish the dominance of bureaucrats over the people's representatives.

The report did not fulfill the wishes of the authorities. The military bosses had wanted one thing and got another. From this experience of mine I want to say, no matter what the interim government wants or what aspirations the people have from the mass uprising, it is the will of those who are to carry out the reforms that is most important.

The interim government has, in the meantime, formed six commissions for reforms. Based on the people's aspirations as expressed in various ways, the commissions will come up with recommendations. The question is, who will implement these recommendations? Basically it will be the civil servants who were appointed and benefitted by the autocratic government. Can we be assured of their allegiance and integrity? How do we know that they won't reform the recommendations and apply them as they please? So when it comes to reforms, the first task in implementing reforms will be to have a workforce in place, in the administration in all areas, committed to the new government.

The government has put their hope in the officers and employees who have been "deprived" over the 16 years of autocracy. But in the meantime we have already got an inkling of their mindsets and behaviour. The deprived persons may include those who were sympathetic towards the autocrat but were not skilled in sycophancy. Political smears do not give deprived officers a clean chit of merit and efficiency.

A certain matter must be made clear concerning people's expectations about placing the autocratic government on trial. There is a question that it was not the individual Hasina that people wanted to be removed, but the party with whose support she managed to become an autocrat. The attorney general had said in parliament that there was no scope to ban the party. The question then is whether only one individual is guilty of autocratic activities? Does the party have no liability? Can a party not be placed on trial? There has been a proposal to amend the law pertaining to crimes against humanity and then to ban the party for 10 years.

In this context, we may recall that after World War II, the Nazi leaders' Reich cabinet, the Gestapo, SA, SS, SD and German armed forces Wehrmacht, etc, were brought to trial. That means a party can be tried too. Awami League was the party in charge during the 15 years of autocratic rule and so it must be tried.

If the party is to be tried, then the question may arise whether it can then be banned. Parties have been banned on past allegations. No one raised questions of trial then. But for the sake of justice, a trial must be held.

I would like to mention two international examples here. In December 1999 the Venice Commission, officially European Commission for Democracy through Law, set guidelines for the prohibition of any political party in Europe. The fifth recommendation mentioned that before approaching the court or relevant agency for the banning of a political party, it must be determined whether the party is actually a threat to free and democratic political system or individual rights.

Germany also has a law that says a political party will be declared unconstitutional if its objective is to spurn or destroy democratic norms and to use its supporters to that end. In 2017 the constitutional court of that country ruled that the political objective of the party NDP was to abolish fundamental democratic rights.

Can a law be formulated on the basis of those two laws and justice be brought about regarding the massacre and autocratic activities that were used to repress the people of this country? If there is such a law in place, perhaps the party's supporters, leaders and workers can obstruct the autocratic ambitions of any individual in fear that their party may be banned. I propose that this trial be carried out not by the International Crimes Tribunal but by a constitutional court formed for the purpose.

Actually the people want justice for all the injustice that has taken place for so long. Implementing their aspirations to this end would be the most important reform.

* Kazi Zawad is a journalist​

 

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“Reform must come from the people”

The 1969 Mass Uprising was primarily focused on achieving either provincial autonomy or independence, which ultimately led to the Liberation War in 1971.

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“Reform must come from the people”
In conversation with philosopher and poet Farhad Mazhar

Farhad Mazhar. Photo : ZIAUDDIN SHIPLU

The Daily Star (TDS): Could you offer your reflections on the 2024 uprising, particularly in comparison to the 1969 Mass Uprising and the 1990 Anti-Authoritarian Movement?

Farhad Mazhar (FM): The 1969 Mass Uprising was primarily focused on achieving either provincial autonomy or independence, which ultimately led to the Liberation War in 1971. At that time, we demanded a provincial government based on the Six Points, advocating for Pakistan to become a federal state where East Pakistan could enjoy greater autonomy. This demand transformed into a call for independence following the Pakistani Army's brutal Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. The 1969 uprising was fundamentally about political and economic autonomy and later the creation of a new nation.

In contrast, the mass movement of 2024 is centered around state-building based on popular sovereignty. Its core aim to dismantle the existing fascist state and the structures of authoritarian and fascistic power by organizing the people as the central political force. This movement seeks to launch a constitutive process to draft a new constitution based on the will of the people. Thus paving the way for the establishment of true democracy—a fundamentally different kind of state power and governance. It's important that the movement also aims to deconstruct and dismantle the false ideology of election as democracy. Elections are merely mechanisms for practicing democracy, and what we need is to install the democratic state first and practice election as a decision making process at various levels of state craft as required by the constitution. When a democratic state is installed, elections are important to its functioning and remain akin to the will of the people.

In Bangladesh, however, elections have often been equated with democracy, which is a misconception and the major ideological challenge for the people's movement that we have been facing for long time. Elections alone do not ensure democracy. We often fail to learn from history that fascist regimes rose through elections and constituted as fascist power based on nationalism and populism. In the absence of a powerful ideological struggle against nationalisms and various undemocratic religious and secular tendencies, so called election as democracy ends up in populism and fascism, as we saw in Europe in the past. We must learn from Germany, Italy, Spain, Chile, and now from India. Hitler, Mussolini and Sheikh Hasina all came to power via elections. Those advocating for elections and preaching election as democracy in the current context of Bangladesh are, in effect, perpetuating fascism because they are pushing for the continuation of authoritarian rule under the guise of electoral legitimacy.

TDS: What steps should be taken to initiate the process of drafting a new constitution?

FM: First, we must declare the existing constitution null and void. Dr. Mohammad Yunus, as Chief Adviser of the interim government, is advising President Mohammed Shahabuddin Chuppu, who was appointed by the fascist regime and served under the fascist government. This indicates that the mass uprising remains under the legal and constitutional mechanism and control of the fascist power. Did people sacrifice their lives for this outcome? Therefore, the first step is to declare a new president reflecting the sovereign will of the people firmly based on the political and legal paradigm of popular sovereignty, annul the existing constitution, and remove Mohammed Shahabuddin.

Second, we must review the top army officers appointed by Sheikh Hasina. If it is found that they remain loyal to her or Tarique Siddique rather than the people of Bangladesh, they must be removed. Should the Army Chief choose to support the people, he must show a positive attitude, as there were moments when soldiers refused to fire on civilians. Many in the army demonstrated solidarity with the people, forming a new alliance among students, citizens, and soldiers. This is the essence of people's power.

Dr. Yunus or a similarly chosen figure should be appointed as head of state. Afterward, the president must undertake two crucial tasks. First, he must ensure Bangladesh operates under existing laws and regulations, except for those that are colonial, enacted by Sheikh Hasina, or violate human rights. Examples include the Digital Security Act (DSA), laws regarding the RAB, or the colonial-era Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC). We may proclaim that any law that violates the international human rights regimes will be considered null and void and the state will function as it is functioning now, until we draft a new constitution.

Finally, the president must declare an interim period to draft a new constitution. The political parties and the people must give him time to begin this work. The interim government must provide ample space for political parties free from fascist ideology and practice, to participate at all levels of discussions. Elections should be held for a constituent assembly rather than simply a regular election to elect government. This process should begin with local-level meetings—at the division, upazila, or even union level—where people can voice their vision for the state and their expectations. Political parties, too, will present their ideas for the nation's future.

The people are not an abstract entity but rather possess a deep political understanding in their own way, not necessarily adhering to the expectations of the educated elite. A National Constitution Council will draft the constitution based on the suggestions proposed by the people, which will later be legitimized by an elected National Constituent Assembly. Our aim is to create a charter founded on human dignity, equality, and social justice.

Many might think that I am an ultra-leftist, convinced by the Bolshevik model, but our reality is quite distinct from that of Russia. Instead, we may look at China as our economic model, if not for the political ideals. We are in dire need of economic development that has been thwarted by the new liberal capitalist global order, dominated by few transnational corporation. We must free ourselves from old petti-bourgeois utopian socialist ideals that breed underdevelopment and fascism. We must invent policies that promote accelerated economic transformation and secure for us a strong economic position in the international division of labor. So we have a very challenging task to engage with global capital and globalization that is not possible by conventional economic ideologies and externally prescribed economic policies. We cannot remain perpetually poor and deprived of technology. We must find ways for the transfer of science, technology, the art of management and efficient governance and appropriate social relations and forms to remain cohesive and strong. As you know, China rapidly advanced toward economic development immediately after 1976, and it is quite possible that we could similarly develop ourselves within a very short period of time.

We are rich in natural, biological, aquatic and human resources that accompany historically accumulated local knowledge system. These will be the key to our massive economic upheaval. Once the people are convinced that they are part of a massive state and nation-building project the people's revolution will be able to realize the aspiration of the people. We are an emerging political community endowed with powerful political agency, pragmatic ambitions and a clear goal to chart a path for ourselves in the global economy. No one could stop Bangladesh to emerge as a powerful country. People are willing to sacrifice their lives for their dreams and ambitions. We have seen that in the July Revolution.

Students are protesting in front of Shaheed Minar on 3rd August. Photo: Amran Hossain

TDS: Do you see any significant changes in the post-uprising period?

FM: The anti-fascist spirit remains strong and active among the people. As an activist intellectual, my main focus is to sustain that intense desire for societal transformation and facilitate dialogue with others. I am not alone in this revolutionary passion; many others share the same drive.

Democracy, at its core, depends on the collective will of the people, as seen in constitutional preambles like "We, the people of the USA" and "We, the people of Bangladesh." It's crucial to emphasize that the people have agency. They are not apolitical; through their united action, they overthrew the fascist regime. However, it's also true that some individuals supported the fascist regime.

This brings up the need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), akin to the one in South Africa after the anti-apartheid struggle led by Nelson Mandela. Such a commission should have been established right after the people took control of state power in Bangladesh. The urgency for a TRC stems from the fact that not all Awami League supporters are fascists; some are genuinely committed to democracy.

Amidst all of this, we tend to overlook critical questions, such as the nature of heinous institutions like Aynaghar, about which we still know a very little as citizens.

And why isn't Dr. Yunus engaging in dialogue with civil society? While we recognize his contributions, he must also listen to the people, otherwise it will eventually damage his acceptability. The state is a political entity with complex processes that require broad engagement.

TDS: How do you foresee the South Asian political landscape evolving in light of the recent developments in Bangladesh?

FM: Our relationship with India differs significantly from our ties with the USA. Unfortunately, the interim government lacks experts who fully understand these geopolitical nuances. A faction within Delhi's foreign policy circles, including the BJP, perceives India's bilateral relationship with Bangladesh is based on a flawed premise. Instead of people-to-people relations, India maintained relations as a state to the individual leader of a fascist regime. That's wrong.

Despite these challenges, we must work towards establishing a constructive and positive bilateral relationship with the people of India, considering the geopolitical subtleties and regional dynamics. We need to approach this with political acumen, clearly identifying which aspects of India's policy we support and which we oppose. It's crucial to bridge the gap between the people of Bangladesh and India, especially to counter any misconceptions about the treatment of minorities in Bangladesh.

As someone who engages closely with students concerned about the country, I haven't noticed any baseless or irrational anti-Indian sentiment among them. The dissatisfaction many Bangladeshis feel is largely due to India's perceived injustice and oppression towards its Muslim population, which is understandable. Additionally, India's refusal to shelter Muslim refugees contrasts sharply with our own acceptance of Rohingyas. To alleviate this discontent in Bangladesh, India needs to address its treatment of Muslims within its borders. Continued aggression will have negative repercussions for India.

From a broader perspective, our goal is to live peacefully within the subcontinent, which is a fundamental principle. However, if India maintains its current stance, it could provoke and intensify anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladesh, potentially mobilizing forces against India. This would place responsibility squarely on India. Policymakers must therefore work to prevent such outcomes.

TDS: There is much talk about political reforms. What are the essential steps to achieve genuine reform?

FM: The people of Bangladesh must understand that we cannot rely on external help; no one will come to our rescue. We need to build a genuine consensus among the populace to move forward effectively. Herein lies my fundamental disagreement with our political parties. They may profess a commitment to reform, but they are not equipped to drive real change. Reform must come from the people, with political parties providing support rather than leading. Had the political parties acted responsibly, we wouldn't be in this crisis today. Political parties are not above the people, which they often imagine and try to impose; they are an extension of the people and their existence depends on the people.

We should consider forming a Reconciliation and Reconstitution Council that includes political parties. Our role would be to engage in discussions with them while respecting the interim government's responsibilities—interference should only occur if the government acts against the will of the people. Additionally, we must confront any remaining fascists within the bureaucracy, police, and army. Political parties should encourage their members to support the authentic path to democracy. This process should be completed hopefully within a year, as our goals are clear.

Engaging the public will naturally involve political parties. By establishing committees at the Upazila level, we ensure their inclusion. Integrating political parties is essential for building a new state. We should facilitate discussions and possibly hold seminars to gather ideas and solutions, as this is a collective issue that transcends any single party. Our aim is to resolve these issues swiftly.

To be continued.....................​