[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

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From vision to action: Prof Yunus’s reform agenda for Bangladesh

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Prof Muhammad Yunus, chief adviser of the interim government, delivers an address to the nation on September 11, 2024. PHOTO: PID

Prof Muhammad Yunus's transition from Nobel laureate to reformist chief adviser continues to capture the nation's attention. In his August 25 speech, Yunus outlined an ambitious vision for a "new Bangladesh" centred on unity, transparency, and democratic renewal. While his message resonated with many, it also left citizens asking: "Can he turn words into action?" Fast forward to September 11, and Yunus seems determined to answer that question. His latest address laid out specific reforms, marking the beginning of a long journey toward real change.

Diplomacy and governance today go far beyond traditional bureaucratic processes, and Prof Yunus stands at the forefront of this shift. Through Grameen Bank, he demonstrated how NGOs can drive powerful social and economic change where governments often struggle. This blend of engineering diplomacy—using pragmatic, principled solutions paired with negotiation—is a skill Yunus and the IG can now bring to create a new Bangladesh.

However, running a government, unlike an NGO, is a different challenge. It requires navigating political complexities, balancing competing interests, and making compromises that NGOs can often avoid. While his outsider perspective and grassroots experience offer fresh ideas, Yunus and the IG must be cautious not to fall into the political traps that can derail even the most well-intentioned leaders.

Politics requires balancing various factions, managing entrenched bureaucracies and interest groups, and dealing with opposition parties. The IG must ensure that reforms are not seen as bypassing democratic processes or alienating key political actors. The IG's ability to lead will depend on their skill in coalition-building and maintaining legitimacy in the eyes of both political elites and the public. Members of the IG need to be cautious about becoming entangled in the very political games they seek to transcend—where loyalty, political capital, and power dynamics can overshadow the principled pragmatism they aspire to attain. For the IG, the key lies in harnessing the strengths of modern engineering diplomacy while staying grounded in the political realities of governance. They must strike a delicate balance between being innovative reformers and astute politicians, ensuring that the vision of a new Bangladesh can survive the political process without being compromised by it.

In his August 25 speech, Prof Yunus's metaphor of the nation as a family resonated widely. The idea was simple yet powerful: Bangladesh must come together as one to heal from years of corruption and mismanagement. However, as the days passed, some began to wonder if this metaphor oversimplified the challenges that lay ahead. Calls for unity, while necessary, are not enough to address the deep structural flaws embedded in the country's political and economic systems.

In his September 11 speech, Prof Yunus pivoted from this metaphorical language to concrete steps. He announced the formation of six commissions aimed at addressing fundamental sectors—electoral system, police, judiciary, anti-corruption, public administration, and constitutional reform. This shift from a unifying metaphor to specific structural reforms is crucial. It signals a move from aspirational rhetoric to actionable governance.

In my previous article, I noted that the public had received Yunus's initial speech with optimism, but also caution. Many were asking, "Can he deliver?" This scepticism was not unwarranted, especially in a country where promises of reform have often been marred by inefficiency and corruption. Yunus responded directly to this scepticism in his September 11 speech by providing a clear roadmap for his reforms. The six commissions represent a pragmatic approach to institutional reform, offering a structured and transparent process for addressing corruption, inefficiency, and structural flaws. The commissions are not just symbolic gestures—they are tasked with delivering results within three months, after which consultations with political parties, students, and civil society will take place.

While Prof Yunus's move toward structured reform is promising, significant challenges remain. The timeline for the commissions—just three months—raises concerns about whether there will be enough time for thorough analysis and genuine consultation. The success of these efforts hinges on the cooperation of entrenched political and bureaucratic forces, many of whom have thrived in the current system.

A critical issue is the lack of representation from ordinary citizens. Despite the student-public-led uprising that ousted the previous regime, decision-making remains concentrated among the educated elites and privileged classes, with limited input from the broader public. To avoid past regime failures, the IG must include all relevant stakeholders. This means going beyond the elites to include voices from four key groups: the knowledge community, the political community, the resource community, and most importantly, the affected community.

As I discussed in an earlier piece, genuine reform would require a collective effort of all stakeholder groups. The affected community, in particular—those directly impacted by decisions—cannot be sidelined. Their involvement is crucial for creating reforms that are not only theoretically sound but also practical and just. If the IG fails to include these diverse voices, there's a real risk of falling into the same elitist traps the uprising sought to dismantle. Prof Yunus has signalled the need for inclusivity, reflecting the ideals that emerged from the student-public uprising, but translating this vision into reality will be the true test. Rebuilding trust in the nation's institutions is possible, but only if the reforms produce tangible results that reflect the input of all four stakeholder communities.

Over the past month, the IG has made several key decisions shaping Bangladesh's future. While some decisions may have sparked debate, there is widespread support for most of the IG's initiatives. However, one decision that has raised serious concerns is the appointment of Tajul Islam as chief prosecutor of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT). Many view this choice as highly problematic, given his past association with the defence of Jamaat-e-Islami leaders convicted in controversial trials at the ICT. Critics argue that this appointment signals a potential return to politicised justice rather than a commitment to fair and independent trials, undermining the very goals of reform the IG aims to achieve. If the IG is to maintain the public's trust and avoid the pitfalls of past regimes, it must ensure appointments reflect the principles of impartiality, accountability, and fairness.

Earlier, I likened this journey to the metaphorical road from Tetulia to Teknaf—a long path toward democratic and institutional reform. The September speech has laid the groundwork, with the commissions as the vehicles to move forward. However, the real challenge isn't just starting the journey; it's staying the course. The IG has set Bangladesh on the right path, but success will depend on sustained public engagement, transparency, and a commitment to long-term change.

Prof Yunus's September 11 speech marks a critical step in turning vision into reality. The challenges ahead are immense, but the potential for meaningful reform is unprecedented. Now, the IG must fulfil its promises, ensuring that the journey from Tetulia to Teknaf becomes a genuine transformation for the people of Bangladesh. This transformation must balance nyay (ideal justice) and niti (procedural justice). While nyay sets the values, niti ensures practical execution. As we move forward, autonomy, inclusivity, accountability, and justice should guide our government toward a more just and equitable future.

Shafiqul Islam is director of Water Diplomacy, and professor of civil and environmental engineering and water diplomacy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, US.​
 

World Bank to lend additional $2bn to Bangladesh for critical reforms​

The extra lending would raise the amount of soft loans and grants to about $3 billion in FY25
https://www.dhakatribune.com/358712

World Bank Country Director Abdoulaye Seck speaks about the new assistance with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Tuesday, September 17, 2024. Photo: Courtesy
World Bank Country Director Abdoulaye Seck speaks about the new assistance with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Tuesday, September 17, 2024.
Photo: Courtesy
Tribune DeskTribune Desk
Published : 17 Sep 2024, 04:03 PM
Updated : 17 Sep 2024, 04:03 PM

The World Bank is committed to increasing lending to Bangladesh in this fiscal year to help the reform agenda of the interim government.

World Bank Country Director Abdoulaye Seck spoke about the new assistance on Tuesday when he met Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka.

Seck said that the World Bank could mobilize about $2 billion in new financing during the ongoing fiscal year to support critical reforms, flood response, better air quality and health.

"We would like to support you as fast as possible and as much as possible," Seck said, adding that the bank would support the critical financial needs of the country.

He said that in addition to the new commitments, the multilateral lender would repurpose about an extra one billion dollars from its existing programs in consultation with the government in response to the calls for support by the chief adviser to all development partners of Bangladesh.

Seck said the extra lending would raise the amount of soft loans and grants the World Bank would be giving to Bangladesh this fiscal year to about $3 billion once the funds from the existing projects are repurposed.

The World Bank country chief said the completion of the reforms would be "critically important" for Bangladesh and its young people, including the two million people who are joining the job market every year.

The chief adviser has told the World Bank country head that the bank must have flexibility to fund Bangladesh's reforms and help restart a new journey after 15 years of "extreme misgovernance."

"Out of these ashes, we have to build new structures. We need a big push, and we have to focus on the dreams of the students," he said.

“I will suggest, help us. Be a part of our team,” said the chief adviser.

Prof Yunus asked the World Bank to lend its technical support to recover billions of dollars of stolen assets siphoned off from Bangladesh by corrupt individuals during Sheikh Hasina's 15-year-long dictatorship.

"You have the tech to bring back stolen assets," Yunus said, adding Bangladesh would also need the bank's expertise to build "a zero-corruption Bangladesh".

The World Bank country chief has agreed to help Bangladesh bring back the stolen money. "We are happy to help you," Seck said.

He said the bank would also like to help Bangladesh with data transparency, data integrity, digitalization of tax collection, and financial sector reforms.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh cannot afford to lose this once in a lifetime opportunity to fix its institutions and undertake major reforms.

"Once we lose it, it will never come back," he said.

Seck offered condolences for the martyrs of the July-August student-led uprising.

He said he was impressed by the graffiti and murals painted by young people on Dhaka's walls. "In 30 years of my career, I've never seen it anywhere," he said.

"We need to empower them," Seck said.

Source: https://www.dhakatribune.com/358712
 

American trade platforms demand reforms to protect labour rights

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American trade platforms recommended that the government of Bangladesh swiftly adopt a transparent and regular annual minimum wage review mechanism for the garment, footwear, and travel goods industries. Photo: Star/file

The American Apparel & Footwear Association (AAFA) and Fair Labor Association (FLA) have urged the interim government of Bangladesh to take critical and long-lasting steps towards reforms for furthering worker rights of international standards.

The AAFA is an American trade association representing apparel, footwear and other sewn products companies, and their suppliers, who together have an annual turnover of $470 billion.

The FLA is an international network of companies, universities, and civil society organisations collaborating to promote human rights at work.

The two platforms in a letter sent to Professor Muhammad Yunus, chief adviser to the interim government, on Tuesday urged for resolving three important issues relating to labour rights in Bangladesh.

The first was for the immediate release of those who remain under arrest from the Fall 2023 protests over the minimum wage and withdrawal of all criminal charges against them.

"We further urge the interim government to end the threat of arrest for thousands more workers related to the Fall 2023 minimum wage protests by immediately cancelling the 'First Information Reports' related to those workers," according to the letter.

Steve Lamar, president and chief executive officer (CEO) of AAFA, and Jeff Vockrodt, president and CEO of FLA, also called upon the government to drop and resolve criminal charges brought against labour organisers.

They include Babul Akhter, general secretary of the Bangladesh Garments and Industrial Workers Federation, and Jewel Miya, a labour organiser with Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers Union Federation, who were both arrested in 2023 for advocating for higher wages.

Secondly, they recommended that the government this year swiftly adopt a transparent and regular annual minimum wage review mechanism for the garment, footwear, and travel goods industries.

This should involve all stakeholders – employers, the government, and workers (independent unions, worker groups/representatives), they said.

In contrast to the current five-year review, this new mechanism will enable the government to better respond to current economic circumstances without imposing sudden, huge burdens on the industry or workers, they added.

Moreover, it will promote short and long-term health and stability of the Bangladeshi garment, footwear, and travel goods industry, said the duo.

"We also encourage the government to consider giving guidance to employers to pay missed wages to workers for the four days missed during the declared holiday," they said.

Thirdly, the AAFA and the FLA urged to promote harmonious industrial relations and prevent future unrest.

"We urge the interim government to quickly restart tripartite discussions on the Bangladesh labour act and bring the law into line with international labour standards," they said.

Those reforms should simplify the process for the creation and registration of independent trade unions, including a significant reduction of the registration threshold, they said.

"We also urge the government to increase penalties for unfair labour practices and extend full labour rights to workers in the export processing zones (EPZ)," they said.

"We believe improving worker rights goes hand in glove with promoting a successful Bangladesh garment, footwear, and travel goods industry now and in the years to come," the letter also said.

The trade bodies appreciated Yunus's comments both in support of the garment, footwear, and travel goods industry, and in support of the workers who are the backbone of that industry.

His comment that Bangladesh should reform local labour laws to align with the ILO standards is very welcome, they said.

They said as Yunus was shepherding Bangladesh through this transition and into a new era, they look forward to working closely with him to ensure that both the protection of workers' rights and growth of the industry are paramount.

The leaders also said they fully recognise the important place that Bangladesh holds as the third-largest supplier of garments to the US as well as a fast-growing supplier of footwear and travel goods.

The favourable trade partnerships and spirit of collaboration that underpin these markets has brought shared prosperity and economic growth, the letter also said.​
 

Reforming civil bureaucracy
Mir Mostafizur Rahaman
Published :
Sep 18, 2024 22:03
Updated :
Sep 18, 2024 22:03

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The formation of six reform commissions by the present interim government, including one for public administration, is a step in the right direction. In fact, it was long overdue. However, scepticism is there about the success of these efforts, given the bureaucracy's historical resistance to change. Bangladesh, which inherited its bureaucratic system from British colonial rule, has long struggled with a civil service that is often seen as an impediment to both development and democratic governance. The current political environment presents a rare opportunity to dismantle this archaic system and introduce a more accountable, modern bureaucracy.

Since gaining independence 53 years ago, Bangladesh has established at least 16 commissions and committees aimed at creating a merit-based and service-oriented civil administration. Despite these efforts, the majority of the recommendations have been ignored. This pattern of inaction underscores a deep-seated issue: the bureaucracy's reluctance to reform itself. Civil servants, especially those in higher positions, often perceive reforms as a threat to their status, privileges, and prospects for promotion. Consequently, these entrenched interests have successfully obstructed meaningful change. Furthermore, successive governments have shown little inclination towards building a strong and effective civil service, often preferring to maintain the status quo for their own political ends.

Political patronage has exacerbated the problem, leading to the promotion of favoured individuals over those with proven skills and merit. This practice has resulted in a civil service that is often staffed by individuals more loyal to political benefactors than to the principles of good governance. Such favouritism not only demoralizes competent officers but also stifles innovation and accountability within the bureaucracy. As a result, the civil service has become a barrier to development rather than an enabler of progress.

Amid this bleak landscape, the current political scenario offers a glimmer of hope. There is a growing consensus across the political spectrum that the current bureaucratic system is outdated and in dire need of reform. The emergence of a bipartisan political will to address these issues could pave the way for the establishment of a modern, transparent, and accountable bureaucracy. However, for reforms to succeed, they must go beyond superficial changes and address the fundamental flaws within the system.

Previous attempts at reform have had limited impact. While some measures, such as increasing salaries, enacting the Civil Service Act of 2018, and extending the retirement age from 57 to 59 years, have been implemented, they have done little to change the underlying culture of the civil service. These efforts have focused more on placating civil servants rather than transforming the system into one that prioritizes efficiency, merit, and public service.

First and foremost, a merit-based recruitment and promotion system must be established. This would ensure that positions within the civil service are filled by individuals with the necessary skills, knowledge, and dedication to public service. Such a system would also motivate civil servants to improve their performance, knowing that promotions and career advancements are based on merit rather than political connections.

Secondly, there must be a zero-tolerance policy towards corruption within the civil service. This requires not just strong anti-corruption laws but also the establishment of independent oversight bodies with the authority to investigate and act on allegations of misconduct. Without addressing the pervasive corruption within the bureaucracy, any reform efforts are likely to be undermined.

Additionally, there is a need for a cultural shift within the civil service. The focus must move from merely following procedures to achieving results. Civil servants should be trained and encouraged to adopt a service-oriented mindset, where the primary objective is to serve the public effectively and efficiently.

While the road to reforming Bangladesh's civil bureaucracy is fraught with challenges, it is not an impossible task. The current political climate, marked by a renewed interest in governance reforms, provides a window of opportunity to initiate change. However, this will require strong political will, a clear vision for a modern civil service, and the courage to confront entrenched interests.

In conclusion, the success of these reform commissions will depend on their ability to break free from the shackles of past failures and implement measures that address the core issues of merit, accountability, and corruption within the civil service. Only then can Bangladesh hope to have a bureaucracy that serves as a catalyst for development rather than an impediment.​
 

Carrying out reforms: Commissions to file reports by December 31

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Photo: TV Grab

The reform commissions declared by the interim government will start work on October 1 and submit their reports by December 31, said Asif Nazrul, the law adviser.

After that, consultations will be held with the political parties and other stakeholders, he said at a press briefing yesterday after the first meeting with the heads of the six commissions.

Muhammad Yunus, the chief adviser to the interim government, presided over the meeting that was attended by advisers Rizwana Hasan, Ali Imam Majumder, Nazrul and Adilur Rahman Khan and Mahfuj Alam, special assistant to the chief adviser.

"We discussed how the commissions will work, their terms of reference, how the commissioners will be appointed," Nazrul said, adding the reports would contain recommendations.

In the second phase, under Yunus's leadership, the advisers will hold consultations with the political parties, experts, professional bodies, student bodies and the general public.

"We will try to ensure that people's expectations are reflected in what we do. The expectation of the students who led the mass upsurge was not limited to only good elections but reforming the state and establishing true democracy so that no fascist can come to power in Bangladesh," Nazrul added.

The commission will be fully independent, Alam said.

The people of Bangladesh were deprived of their democratic rights for long periods, said Badiul Alam Majumder, who will leader the Election System Reform Commission.

"We need some important reforms of the state institutions. With that objective, the commission heads were appointed. In the first meeting today, we got some clear ideas of who will be invited to join as commissioners. How we will work as a commission was basically discussed," he said.

Asked how long it will take to complete the work of the commissions, Nazrul said some of the proposals that the commissions will make will be implemented in the mid-term and the others in the long term.

After Yunus's return from the UN General Assembly, the Election Commission will be reconstituted.

More commissions will also be formed to reform the education and health sectors.

"We will not only be confined to reforms thoughts but also go for implementation," Nazrul said, adding that accountability and transparency of the working of the commissions will also be ensured.

Asked how the reformed constitution will be accepted as there is no parliament, Nazrul said the constitutional reforms commission will be responsible for this.

"They will hold widespread consultation with the people and decide on the matter."

Asked about former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's extradition from India, he said Bangladesh has a treaty with the neighbouring country.

"As per the treaty, Bangladesh can seek extradition of anyone convicted -- whoever he or she is."

The prosecutors of the International Crimes Tribunal have already been appointed and there is other progress made for trying the ones accused of crimes against humanity during the July protest.

"Soon, the trial process will begin and then we will seek extradition of the former Prime Minister from India," Nazrul added.

Justice Shah Abu Naim Mominur Rahman will lead the Judicial Reform Commission, Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury the Public Administration Reform Commission, Safar Raj Hossain the Police Administration Reform Commission, Iftekharuzzaman the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission and Ali Riaz the Constitutional Reform Commission.​
 

National unity crucial in state reform
by Ala Uddin 21 September, 2024, 00:00

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| — New Age

THE interim government is at a critical juncture to reform the state, responding to the demands of the people. Decades of discrimination, inequality and systemic injustice cast a long shadow over the nation, highlighting the urgent need for social reform at all levels. At this critical juncture in the country, it is imperative to establish a national unity that embraces democratic principles and human rights and dismantles long-standing authoritarian and discriminatory structures.

The fabric of our society has been tarnished by discrimination, inequality and the deprivation of basic rights over the years. The education system, which was once the embodiment of collective progress, has now been transformed into a political arena, where academic institutions have become centres of political conflict rather than centres of learning. The transparency and accountability of public administration, which is intended to function as a mechanism of good governance, have been significantly impeded by autocratic practices. The people have not yet achieved freedom, despite the fact that the country is independent. From a state of extreme autocracy to an unbridled culture, the majority of previous governments have evolved. The foundations of democratic participation have been undermined by the suppression of dissenting voices and the restriction of freedom of speech. The recent student-led anti-discrimination movement is the culmination of the intensified calls for reform.

Reforming a state riddled with deep problems is no easy task. The first step in this journey is to address the divisions that have arisen among the citizens over the years. To achieve meaningful reforms, it is crucial to establish an inclusive national unity that can bring together diverse views and pave the way for constructive discussions.

Bridging divisions: The existing social divisions have to be addressed directly. The aim of the reforms is to narrow these divisions and guarantee equal legitimacy for all perspectives. It is not merely a question of the removal of discriminatory practices but of building up societal conditions to embrace various perspectives as a whole.

Establishing basic principles: For reforms to advance so that a new state emerges, there is a need to clearly define fundamental pillars that will direct the reform achievements. These principles should enshrine the ethos and faith of the liberation war: democracy, equality, secularism, justice, human dignity and the protection of human rights. These ideals are non-negotiable; hence, reforms built around them will be just and long-term.

Building national unity: Successful achievement of the reforms does not only depend on change of policies. There is a need for proper consensus acceptance among different stakeholders, political players, civil societies and the general population. This consensus will help build support of the masses for the reforms so that chances of resistance and instability are minimised.

The interim government plays an important role in guiding the country through this period of transition. Its approach will set the tone for future governance and determine the effectiveness of the reform process. To this end, the following issues may be considered:

Setting the example: The interim government must demonstrate its commitment to reforms by upholding the principles of transparency, accountability and inclusion. There is a need to adopt a participatory approach to governance and actively engage with various stakeholders.

Implementation of reform measures: Concrete steps must be taken to implement reforms in all sectors. These include restructuring the education system to promote political impartiality and academic freedom, improving efficiency and accountability by restructuring administrative processes, and aligning government policies with democratic principles.

Promoting dialogue: Open and constructive dialogue is crucial for national unity and consensus. The interim government should facilitate dialogue platforms to discuss and resolve different points of view. This will help shape a shared vision for the future and ensure that the reform process is inclusive and representative.

For reforms to be successful and sustainable, both immediate and long-term challenges must be addressed. In this case, the following strategies may be helpful in achieving durable change:

Strengthening institutions: Building strong and independent institutions is critical to sustaining democratic values and preventing a return to authoritarian practices. This includes strengthening the judiciary, increasing the powers of regulatory agencies and promoting an independent and liberal civil society.

Ensuring accountability: Accountability mechanisms should be established to monitor the implementation of reforms and address any deviations from established principles. This includes creating transparent processes to assess progress, address complaints and hold those in power accountable for their actions.

Promoting citizen participation: Involving citizens in the reform process is essential so that reforms reflect the needs and aspirations of the people. This can be achieved through public consultation, awareness campaigns and promoting civic responsibility and participation.

As the country embarks on its much-desired transformation journey, future visions of inclusion, justice and democratic governance will be realized. By addressing the deep problems that have plagued the country for a long time and creating a culture of unity and solidarity, the interim government can lay the foundation for a brighter and more just future.

The anti-discrimination movement emphasised the need for immediate change and provided strong incentives for change. The challenge now is to harness this momentum for real progress. The focus should be on a society that prioritises equality, justice and human rights over so-called development with commitment, stability and attention to basic democratic principles.

But while the road to reform is arduous, it also provides an opportunity to reshape the country’s future. Through the mantra of unity and solidarity, the country can overcome the divisions of its past and build a just and democratic society. The road ahead may be difficult, but with collective effort and a shared vision, creating a brighter and more just future is not impossible.

Dr Ala Uddin is professor and former chairman, department of anthropology, University of Chittagong.​
 

A blueprint for reforms: Tackling corruption, inequality, and autocracy

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There is much to fix, buried deep within the political economy and culture, where much negativity has been allowed to flourish. VISUAL: SHEIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

On August 4, I submitted a piece to The Guardian in the UK under the heading "The Time Has Come." In its final paragraph, I referred to Shakespeare's Macbeth along the lines of "we are in blood stepped in so far that to return was as difficult as going o'er." By August 5, events had already overtaken my final paragraph—so the piece was not published. A pity, as The Guardian has strangely not covered the political upheaval in Bangladesh very well or accurately. Strange, given, inter alia, the large Bangladeshi diaspora in the UK with contrasting political loyalties.

But clearly, this was a moment when the incremental autocracy over the previous 15 and a half years caught up with itself: the fear of retribution if power is lost stimulating further attempts at repression until the waters break. So many dictatorial regimes end in this way. The signs had been a long time coming. I recall presenting a paper to a conference in Dhaka back in 2016 asking whether there was only analytic room for Antonio Gramsci rather than Alexis de Tocqueville in Bangladesh, referring to the then regime as crypto-fascist. The argument of that paper was that the spreading of control over civil society (civil society for de Tocqueville being a prerequisite for democracy) resembled Gramsci's notion of "political society," where the independent permanence of institutions outside the state become incorporated into it. Following Gramsci, Douglass North and colleagues in Violence and Social Orders (2009) have seen independent permanence as a "doorstep" condition for the realisation of an open access, democratic society. Unfortunately, my pessimism was increasingly vindicated up to August 5. My more "below the radar" research across the last 15 years has focused upon the analysis of extreme poverty and, more recently, agrarian futures for the country, where there has been more traction with progressive policy thinking. Nevertheless, I was given the privilege of presenting a paper (at the CPD in January 2023) on the relative autonomy of the state from factional regimes to the country's political scientists, and that argument right now has a different kind of traction!

Certainly, right now, for many devotees of Bangladesh and the interests of its people, there is more public space for critique. Back in June, The Daily Star published my review of René Holenstein's My Golden Bengal: Views and Voices from Civil Society, where many familiar activists, commentators and academics had been interviewed and where they conveyed an overall sense of betrayal of the optimism of liberation through the subsequent practices of contaminated democracy and governance. In that volume, words were chosen carefully and cautiously, and at the book launch as well, but now the "time has come" for a more open regret as a basis for the restoration of liberation principles. That path of restoration has for the moment been entrusted with the interim government.

We have been here before in Bangladesh: the caretaker government in early 1990, and the caretaker government of 2007-08. Both, though under different circumstances, were periods of technocratic management, with the bureaucracy and civil society in the forefront rather than the army or politicians representing parties, and both were trying to repair the state and make it fit for purpose for another round of competitive politics and regimes. It was a hard ask then, and it remains so again now. There is much to fix, buried deep within the political economy and culture, where much negativity has been allowed to flourish. Many will have their own list of priorities, but in a spirit of affection and loyalty to the citizens, I offer mine, which I see from reading this daily from a distance resonates with other opinions too.

First, while the evolution of the Awami League can be explained, though not excused, in dynastic terms, there have been other political players in the country with claims on a secular, inclusive narrative of liberation with religions and cultures pursued within the society in a spirit of mutual tolerance. These others have emerged from time to time, e.g., the Gono Forum, to challenge the self-serving Awami League monopoly of the inclusive narrative. In a sense, this inclusivity is the benchmark against which all future political contenders for office should be judged and encouraged. Perhaps this requires a truly independent Election Commission, representing the civil society, to interpret a constitutional "eligibility to contend" based on such inclusive principles which were so hard won across the 1950s and 1960s, early 1970s, and again in July-August 2024.

Second, the development story of the country needs more authenticity and balance. The transformation of Bangladesh over the last 50 years of my witness (I first arrived in Cumilla with my wife in August 1974) has been truly amazing—good in parts but also problematic. There needs to be a re-examination of the data bases used for claims and judgements. Has poverty really been reduced to the levels claimed? I doubt it. Not least because the economic thresholds used for measurement seem to be hopelessly unrealistic as a definition both of not being poor (though highly vulnerable) and of being "middle class." This was raised by one of the present advisers of the interim government in the presence of the then planning minister in a 2018 launch event of the book Aiding Resilience among the Extreme Poor in Bangladesh. These vulnerable and the "middle" classes were deemed not in need of support and swept up in the "leave no one behind" assumptions of economic growth, even though a minor uplift in income thresholds brings millions of the vulnerable into poverty—as was revealed in the analyses of Covid by the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD) and Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC), for example. Earlier projections by Dr SM Zulfiqar Ali at the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS) indicated the same.

However, a multidimensional understanding of poverty and well-being indicates that incomes, expenditure and assets are unconvincing as a sole guide to well-being outcomes, even if thresholds are uplifted. And this is even more so in the throes and aftermath of significant inflation, especially on essential commodities. It would be interesting if Bangladesh could imitate Bhutan in the pursuit of happiness and well-being indicators to measure its inclusive success.

Third, strongly linked to the above is inequality. Bangladesh appears to be among the most unequalising societies in the lower middle-income country (LMIC) group. There is a consensus among individual and institutional observers that the economic gains of the country's rapid transformation over the last 50 years have been largely captured by narrow elites, both legally by capitalism and of course illegally through rent-seeking. The interim government is beginning to deal with this illegal capture, but it will be even more challenging to address the underlying structural issues that reproduce inequality.

This brings me to a little obsession of mine about language and discourse. The global aid powerholders have coined the expression "leave no one behind" as the key principle of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is solipsistic. A trap for the unaware. A neo-liberal formula for trying to make everyone better off at their level in society, without scaring the horses, without pain for the rich and better-off who have benefited from decades of rent-seeking. The interim government should not be fooled by this and should leave a clear legacy to any successors that inequality is a function of entitlements and access to opportunities, structured subtly by class preconditions, cultural labelling, adverse incorporation and social exclusion. These social forces have to be deliberately confronted based on an acceptance across the whole society that redistribution of opportunities and outcomes has to be affirmatively actioned. "Sharing the well," in other words.

And it starts with children and youth—their access to quality education, the underpinning of future public goods. The students are right. But how? Attacking corruption is one thing. But progressive income and wealth taxation is structurally key to any inclusive economic restoration. The interim government could put in train irreversible tax policies to this effect, which no subsequent government needing popular support could possibly dismantle. Just consider the fortunes made in Dhaka real estate, derived from fortuitous receipt of plot allocations by successive regimes across favoured state and business communities. At present, tax rates in Bangladesh are so unsustainably low as a proportion of GDP that no government can make a difference to inclusiveness.

Fourth, of course, corruption and rent-seeking have been pervasive. The state and upper echelons of the society have conspired in kleptocracy. From the media, I can see that examples are being made through arrests, charges and freezing of banked assets. Loan defaulting has also been pervasive with culprits running free across Dhaka as well as investing in places like Dubai and the UK. But perhaps there should be carrots as well as sticks. There is no point in making examples of offenders unless those examples engender behavioural change. Perhaps, initially, the interim government should pursue some version of the Laffer curve, where under the threat of what could happen to them through the courts, offenders are incentivised to accept a fairer tax on assessed gains in return for immunity alongside zero tolerance for re-offending. In other words, a deliberate pursuit of restitutive economic justice which sets the path for future revenue-based inclusive investment in basic services as well as contribution to present cleansing. After all, no government, however well- intentioned, and starting from this present legacy, can lock up half the society!

Of course, there is so much more to fix in terms of stabilising the macroeconomy and subduing inflation, diversifying the economy from overreliance on the RMG sector, managing geopolitical vulnerability, defending minorities, protecting women, upskilling to reduce reliance upon overseas managers and engineers, understanding agrarian futures in the context of climate change, and so on. But there is no more space in this piece. For now, I have emphasised: eligibility to contend for power democratically; a more authentic and balanced understanding of development as a platform for policy priorities; stronger attention to well-being and happiness notions of progress and inclusivity; and "sharing the well" and restitutive economic justice to address inequality and rent-seeking, reinforced by wider income and wealth taxation. All of these occur within a desire, an inherent Bangalee desire, for justice and fairness which has other dimensions not addressed here.

So, I end here, for now, with a strategic principle for the interim government. It needs to set in place irreversible principles and practices that constrain arbitrary power in the future leading to the misuse of popular consent. This requires the organisation and management of equity as the basis of justice and fairness, i.e., a reform of the justice system itself. Part of that irreversibility is the freedom of citizens to critique state practice and hold institutions and individuals to account as a precondition of good governance, while bearing down on the destructive freedoms of hate, othering and exclusion, always remembering that social capital can have this dark side too. All of the above takes time to entrench. Given 15-plus years of democratic decline, I would think the society could tolerate a year or two for a restoration of the underlying principles of inclusive democracy. A rush for elections without such restoration might just repeat the cycle that Holenstein's interlocutors were so depressed about.

Dr Geof Wood is a development anthropologist and author of several books and numerous journal articles, with a regional focus on South Asia. He is also emeritus professor of international development at the University of Bath, UK.​
 

UN to support Bangladesh reforms, flood rehab measures
BSS
Published :
Sep 22, 2024 22:50
Updated :
Sep 22, 2024 22:50

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The United Nations will support Bangladesh in wide ranging areas including police and election reforms as the interim government rolls out major restructuring of the country's institutions, said the UN's resident coordinator in Dhaka.

The chief of UN in Bangladesh, Gwyn Lewis, came up with assurance when she paid a courtesy call on Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office in Dhaka on Sunday.

During the meeting, they discussed reforms, corruption, floods, Rohingya crisis and the UN-led investigation on the July-August carnage.

Gwyn Lewis expressed her support for the reform initiatives undertaken by the interim government and she thanked Professor Yunus "for taking up extraordinary role" as the head of the post-revolution administration.

The Chief Adviser said this was the "most unifying moment" for the whole nation and the main job of his government was to "set an example" for everyone.

"This is a great opportunity for the country to reform the economy and fix almost every institution," he said.

Gwyn Lewis enquired about the reforms in the security forces including police administration.

The chief adviser said the government has made police reform a top of its priorities.

He said the government was also committed to setting up an integrated national IT system, which will ease hassles and cut corruption in the country.

Prof Yunus said the government has also formed a commission to make major reform in the electoral system so that votes can be held in a free and fair manner.

Lewis said the UN-led investigation team has already started working on the murders and mayhem committed during July and August.

She said UN agencies, WHO and ILO, were looking at ways to help the injured victims and people who were traumatised by the events.

The UN resident coordinator said the UN has provided four million dollars for the post flood rehabilitation in the country's eastern and southern region.

She said some 18 million people in Bangladesh have been hit by floods since the beginning of the monsoon and the UN was coordinating aid from the agencies and charities for the flood victims.

Prof Yunus sought UN help for instituting an early warning system for floods in South Asia.

They also discussed environmental, climate change and the Chittagong Hill Tracts issues, with Lewis outlining the aid work the UN agencies have done in the three hill districts.

Prof Yunus sought UN help for building a better future for the Rohingya children in the camps, saying "a whole generation of angry young people is growing up there".​
 

Fixing the reform priorities
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Sep 23, 2024 22:03
Updated :
Sep 23, 2024 22:03

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Much expectation has been generated among the masses following a people's revolution in Bangladesh culminating in the assumption of office by an interim government. There is now almost a universal consensus that the state needs to be repaired before a national election is held in order to put the country on the path of a genuinely liberal democratic dispensation. Heeding this popular demand, the chief adviser of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus has announced the formation of six commissions- tasked to submit recommendations on reforming six critical domains of the state, viz. the constitution, public administration, the police, judiciary, electoral system, and curbing corruption.

Reforming the state is a very complex and difficult task. Besides, there is widespread demand and aspiration for reforms among the masses. However, compromises may have to be made due to the limited time and resources of the interim government, and the impossibility of materialising all aspirations at the same time. Therefore, priorities have to be set at all stages of this upcoming reform exercise.

Now, the question arises as to how the government will fix priorities, and what would be the basis or premises for such reforms. Besides, the width, depth, timing and coverage of reforms will also have to be addressed. Decisions will have to be made on whether to undertake procedural reforms only by keeping the structure intact, or to overhaul the whole structure. For this, priorities have to be set through objective and unbiased analysis before execution of reforms. This is not an easy task, as the objectives and interests of various parties may often diverge. Therefore, the concepts and ideas for reforms will have to be clearly spelt out by following an objective methodology, and their width, depth, and boundaries will have to clarified based on major aims and objectives of reforms.

Professor Golam Rasul of IUBAT has suggested a framework for undertaking the review exercise for reform. These include: deciding on the fundamental policies cum criteria for reforms, collection of reform proposals and their preliminary screening, analysing the proposals based on their importance and applicability, and then prioritisation of recommended reforms.

Determination of major aims and objectives is the first step in the reform process. However, it should not be difficult to arrive at an agreement on these because of the massive support for reforms following a mass upsurge and people's revolution. This agreement can be arrived at through dialogue with all relevant parties and stakeholders, and by reconciling their interests in the light of national priorities. A fundamental criterion will be to establish a discrimination-free state alongside minimising the scope for re-emergence of another autocracy. Apparently, all political parties now seek a liberal democratic system that does not provide room for flourishing of fascism.

Another basic criterion for reform should be to endow the state with the capacity to maintain law and order as well as ensure politico-economic stability. It has been observed across the globe that the popularity of interim governments gradually diminishes with the passage of time. Therefore, the time aspect should also be considered during prioritisation of needed reforms.

The first among the basic policies and criteria for reforms should be to maintain social order, and safeguard people's lives and properties. The law-and-order situation must be improved, and the security of people should be ensured. Priorities should therefore be attached to those measures that aid in the improvement of law-and-order situation.

The second objective should be ensuring politico-economic stability, as politics and economy are intertwined with each other. Priorities should therefore be attached to those reforms that aid in generating people's employment, income and livelihood, removes economic disparity, and reduces inflation.

Identification of existing discriminations in the state apparatuses, and their gradual eliminations -so that all citizens irrespective of race, colour or religion get equal opportunities - should also be one of the fundamental priorities in any reform exercise. Consequently, matters related to fundamental rights, social justice, and removal of discriminations must be prioritised.

As the masses are seeking a liberal democratic order, priorities should be attached to those reforms that support the strengthening of democratic institutions, and enable those bodies to run independently and efficiently by shunning politicisation, promoting citizens' rights, and ensuring transparency cum accountability. As time is of essence, the likely tenure of the interim government should also be taken into consideration while deciding on the reform package, as popular support may wane with the passage of time.

The proposals for reforms must be obtained from all sections of society, as all citizens should own the subsequent implementation. They include all political parties, students and teachers, the civil society, mass media, NGOs, and the working classes. All proposals should be evaluated in the light of aforementioned criteria, and any proposal that does not tally with those should be discarded. The proposals should be evaluated objectively without any bias, and those passing the preliminary test based on basic criteria should then be included in a list of reform priorities based on their importance and conformity with the major reform objectives.

In the final stage, the prioritised reforms will have to be implemented phase-wise. This will require proper action-plans, identification of implementation challenges, steps for overcoming those challenges, appropriate measures for implementation, regular monitoring of progress, and making adjustments when needed.

The principal task of the interim government is to create a conducive environment for holding a free and fair election, so that a competitive cum participatory polls takes place. It will then have to hand over power to the democratically elected government, so that the elected administration can complete the reform process. Besides, necessary legal cover will also have to be assigned to reforms undertaken by the interim government.

Proper selection, prioritisation, and execution of reforms will reassure the stakeholders about the democratisation process in the country. Effective stewardship will be required at all stages of this reform exercise. The country's citizens have high hopes that this will materialise in due course under the pragmatic leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Dr Helal Uddin Ahmed is a former editor of Bangladesh Quarterly.​
 

Roadmap for electoral reforms
Saifur Rahman 26 September, 2024, 00:00

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THE cornerstone of an inclusive democracy lies in a free and fair electoral system. Electoral reform, therefore, is one of the interim government’s highest priorities. While restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, shifting public perception about the significance of voting is equally important. The interim government can swiftly restructure the commission, but the more challenging task of changing people’s attitudes toward voting requires sustained, long-term efforts that the interim government can at least initiate. This article presents a practical roadmap for addressing both objectives.

Reforming Election Commission

THE main problem with the electoral process is the inherent conflict of interest. Election Commissioners, appointed for long terms, often prioritise securing their positions over providing impartial services. Field-level officials — such as returning officers, presiding officers, and law enforcers — are government employees who struggle to act neutrally. Even during a caretaker government, these conflicts of interest persist, as civil servants managing the elections can often predict likely winners and adjust their loyalties accordingly.

A fundamental shift in the conduct of elections is necessary. One way to achieve this is by appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts, typically three months, with little flexibility to tailor their roles for any particular election. These commissioners could be selected from a pool of retired judges, civil servants, and police officers with prior experience in election activities. For ease of administration, elections can be conducted over several days instead of just one day.

Additionally, a pool of retired judges can be created to address all election-related disputes as necessary. The Election Commission Secretariat should start updating the voter list and developing an online voting system for Bangladeshi citizens living abroad well in advance of the elections. To ensure transparency, the voter list should be made accessible online for public scrutiny and viewing.

Returning officers and law enforcement coordinators at the district level can be appointed from retired members of the civil, military, and police services. Presiding and polling officers, needed in large numbers, may come from private organisations. Any additional personnel may be sourced from government employees, but they must be assigned outside their own jurisdiction.

Law enforcement units for deployment at the field level can be created from the ranks of the armed forces, border guards, reserve police, and Ansar, as well as cadets of the Bangladesh National Cadet Corps, commanded by junior police and military officers.

Community engagement

IF YOU were to randomly ask someone in a village, ‘Why do some individuals sell their votes for as little as a cup of tea?’, their typical response might be, ‘People have lost their moral compass, becoming self-centred and indifferent to the nation’s well-being.’ They may suggest that only a fundamental change in the mindset of the general population can address this issue.

As Larry Diamond points out in Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation, building a durable democracy goes beyond electoral reform — it also requires cultivating a political culture that encourages active participation in the voting process. Therefore, while restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, reshaping public perceptions about voting must also be prioritised.

Due to the public’s misconceptions about the true value of votes, elections can be easily manipulated by oligarchs — wealthy individuals or families who dominate government, society, and the economy. Autocratic regimes often form mutually beneficial alliances with them, providing protection and favourable policies in exchange for their support. Oligarchs preserve their influence by manipulating elections through money, fraud, and the use of force.

People generally act in their self-interest; thus, if they recognised how fair voting could improve their social and economic well-being — such as better access to justice, enhanced job opportunities, and quality healthcare — they would actively defend it. The interim government can launch voter education programmes by leveraging existing infrastructure, such as local governments, field administrations, agricultural extension, and cooperative services coordinated by the District Election Office. Large NGOs with extensive rural networks can, independently or in collaboration with the interim government, launch similar programmes. They have successfully implemented mass immunisation and adult literacy campaigns, so educating voters falls well within their capabilities and is essential for sustaining broader social development initiatives.

The people of Bangladesh were hoping for a new political alternative, but none has yet emerged. In this context, voters can be educated to select candidates based on honesty, competence, and patriotism, regardless of party affiliation. Existing complex processes for independent candidates, such as requiring 1 per cent of voter signatures and barriers to the emergence of new political parties, should be removed to promote broader participation and expand voter choice.

Indonesia’s election system includes citizen participation mechanisms such as community-based monitoring, independent election observers, local election committees, and civil society engagement. We can adopt similar practices. To monitor the election process and prevent fraudulent voting, groups of 50–100 volunteers can remain near polling stations throughout Election Day as vigilant observers. They can also assist law enforcement agencies in maintaining law and order and help bring voters to polling stations, ensuring higher voter turnout.

Parallel Vote Tabulation is a method for independently verifying election results through a parallel vote count. During Kenya’s 2017 presidential election, civil society groups used PVT to cross-check data from trained observers with official results, revealing irregularities that led to a Supreme Court annulment and a re-election. Relevant civil society organisations in Bangladesh could adopt a similar approach.

Challenges and mitigations

IMPLEMENTING the roadmap presents several challenges, but viable strategies exist to address them. Appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts aims to reduce bias and conflicts of interest; however, it may inadvertently lead to instability and inconsistency in election management. To mitigate this risk, it is essential to completely separate the management responsibilities of the Election Commission, which should be handled by the EC secretariat, from the actual conduct of elections, which should remain solely within the domain of the Election Commissioners.

Another significant challenge is effectively educating voters and engaging rural populations, who often encounter obstacles such as illiteracy, limited access to information, and political apathy. To enhance these programmes, direct outreach methods similar to those used by agricultural extension workers or microcredit managers can be employed. Furthermore, leveraging social media and information technology can be beneficial, as many rural residents now have improved access to satellite TV, SMS, and smartphones.

The success of Parallel Vote Tabulation hinges on adequate resources, training, and funding, which may be limited in the current context. This issue can be addressed by initiating these processes well ahead of the elections and securing funding through public donations from Bangladeshi citizens living abroad who wish to be involved in the process.

A multifaceted strategy that focuses on building public trust, dismantling oligarchic influence, and fostering genuine civic engagement will be vital for achieving sustainable and inclusive electoral reforms in Bangladesh.

Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and a sociopolitical analyst.​
 

IMF chief pledges support to Bangladesh’s reform initiatives
BSS
Published :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42
Updated :
Sep 25, 2024 12:42


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International Monetary Fund Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has pledged support to Bangladesh's reform initiatives, saying the Washington-based lender has sent a team to Dhaka to hold talks with the stakeholders over the matter.

The IMF managing director expressed her support at a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the UN headquarters in New York on the sidelines of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on Tuesday.

"It is a different country. It is Bangladesh 2.0," Kristalina Georgieva told the Chief Adviser when he gave a short briefing on the student-led mass uprising which ousted the previous autocratic regime.

During the meeting, Prof Yunus spoke about the six commissions that his interim government has set up to recommend vital reforms in election, civil administration, police, judiciary, anti-corruption and constitution.

He said the government would hold discussions with the political parties on the recommendations of the commissions.

Once the consensus on the reforms is reached and the voter list is prepared, and the date for the election will be announced, the chief adviser said.

The IMF chief executive extended her support for the initiatives, saying the lender would fast-track financial support for the Bangladesh government.

She said she sent an IMF team "quickly" to Bangladesh and it is in Dhaka at the moment. The team would place its report to the IMF management board next month, he added.

Georgieva said the IMF board could initiate a new lending programme for Bangladesh based on the report of the team, or it could also extend more lending under the existing support programme launched early last year.

Energy, power and transport adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan and eminent economist Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya attended the meeting.

Adviser Fouzul Kabir Khan told the IMF chief that the Bangladesh interim government took just a week to "dismantle the architecture of crimes" in the power and energy sector.

Dr Debapriya stressed the need for IMF support to bolster the country's balance of payments.

He said the role of the IMF would be critical to stabilising exchange rates.​
 

Talks with Yunus: UN chief reaffirms support for Bangladesh's reforms
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Photo: United Nations/UNB

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres met with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus in New York today.

During the meeting, Guterres expressed his gratitude for the strong partnership between the UN and Bangladesh, particularly acknowledging Bangladesh's significant contributions to UN peacekeeping efforts.

The secretary-general reaffirmed the UN's commitment to supporting Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform processes. They also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and the global challenge of climate change.​
 

US to back interim govt in holding free, fair polls
Yunus, Blinken hold talks

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Photo: PID

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has indicated that Bangladesh will have US support for a free and fair election, which will chart an inclusive, democratic, and equitable future for the people.

He also underscored US support and assistance for the interim government of Bangladesh as it guides the country towards economic stability and highlighted the importance of reforms to ensure continued foreign direct investment, according to US State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and Blinken yesterday discussed the importance of building strong institutions to fight corruption, uphold media freedom, respect internationally recognised labour rights, and protect human rights for all in Bangladesh, including Rohingya refugees and members of the minority communities, he said.

Secretary Blinken and Prof Yunus met on the sidelines of the United National General Assembly.

According to the chief adviser's Facebook page, Blinken expressed full support for the interim government as they discussed economic cooperation, the Rohingya crisis, counterterrorism, labour issues, and the recovery of laundered money.

YUNUS AND GUTERRES MEET

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, while meeting with Yunus at the UN headquarters, reiterated its readiness to support Bangladesh in its ongoing transition and reform process.

An UN statement said the secretary-general expressed appreciation for the close cooperation between the UN and Bangladesh.

The Secretary-General and the Chief Adviser also discussed the Rohingya refugee crisis and climate change.

Earlier on Tuesday, US President Joe Biden offered his country's full support to Bangladesh's interim government during his bilateral meeting with Muhammad Yunus.

They met on the sidelines of the UNGA in New York, signalling a new beginning of the relationship between the two countries.

President Biden welcomed further engagement between the two governments while Prof Yunus said his government must succeed in rebuilding the country and would need US cooperation.​
 

RTI act needs reform
Says Iftekharuzzaman

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Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), yesterday emphasised the need for reforms in the Right to Information (RTI) Act and the Information Commission to uphold the spirit of the July Revolution.

He made the remarks during a discussion at the Information Commission's auditorium, marking International Day for Universal Access to Information 2024.

"When the RTI Act was first introduced, it was seen as a victory for citizens, but over time, it has become clear that it remains largely symbolic," said Iftekharuzzaman.

He stressed the importance of direct recruitment within the Information Commission, asserting that the commission should not be defined solely by its commissioners, who must be appointed impartially.

"The commissioners should be nonpartisan, ensuring the commission's credibility," he added.

He criticised the entrenched mindset among officials, saying, "Many officials treat information as their personal asset, but in reality, it belongs to the people. Public officials should understand their role as custodians of information, not gatekeepers."

He also called for an end to the practice of withholding information, a problem that has persisted since the past.

Iftekharuzzaman urged that the RTI Act be used as a tool for empowering citizens and promoting transparency.

"Freedom of speech, the right to dissent, and the free flow of information are essential elements of the student-led movement. Ensuring the unrestricted flow of information is critical for building a transparent, accountable, and corruption-free Bangladesh," he said.

Information Commission Director SM Kamrul Islam chaired the event, while the secretary in charge of Information and Broadcasting Ministry Md Nazrul Islam also spoke.​
 

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