[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

Institutional reform needed for an inclusive Bangladesh

Ultimately, the battle between extractive and inclusive institutions is not just a fight over resources; it is a fight over the future direction of the country.

www.thedailystar.net

Institutional reform needed for an inclusive Bangladesh

For Bangladesh the student movements represent a beacon of hope for more inclusive, equitable development. FILE PHOTO: PALASH KHAN

This year's Nobel laureates in economic sciences—Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson—have demonstrated the importance of societal institutions for a country's prosperity. Societies with a poor rule of law as well as exploitative institutions struggle to generate growth or improve living standards. The Nobel laureates' research helps us understand how Bangladesh, trapped in extractive institutions inherited from its colonial past, failed to achieve the desired magnitude of prosperity after independence.

Extractive institutions, which concentrate power and resources among a select few, often hinder widespread economic opportunities. These institutions prioritise the interests of political elites, military leaders or certain economic groups, creating a system where wealth and decision-making authority are hoarded at the top. In such settings, most people are excluded from the economic and political benefits that promote growth and innovation. As a result, inequality grows, social mobility diminishes, and opportunities for broader development are stifled. In Bangladesh, the economic system of the past 16 years served as an example of such extractive institutions, where the primary beneficiaries were a handful of citizens and their descendants—political elites, bureaucrats and business conglomerates who maintained control over the country's resources. This era largely ended in August this year. To understand how extractive institutions might transition to more inclusive ones in Bangladesh's context, we can look at students' movements that, by protesting against discrimination and demanding equal socioeconomic opportunities, have challenged economic and power structures.

Historically, popular uprisings and social movements have played a vital role in shifting extractive institutions toward inclusivity by amplifying the voices of marginalised groups and pressuring governments to implement changes. For example, the 1952 Language Movement, which secured Bangla as the official language, and the 1990 movement, which led to the end of military rule and restored democracy in the country, are both pivotal in Bangladesh's history as they highlight the role of youth activism in confronting entrenched power structures. Most recently, students mobilised around critical issues such as road safety in 2018 and civil service quota reforms in 2018 and 2024.

The 2018 Road Safety Movement began after two students were tragically killed in a hit-and-run incident. It quickly grew into a nationwide outcry against the poor governance of our roads. The civic community became increasingly vocal about the negligence, corruption, and lack of accountability in the transport sector. Similarly, during the 2018 and 2024 quota reform protests, students successfully pressured the government to reform the civil service recruitment system, reducing job quotas reserved in favour of certain groups. These quotas, which disproportionately benefited certain families and politically connected individuals, were seen as barriers to merit-based recruitment and career advancement. The quota reform movements were a small but meaningful step towards a more inclusive system that aims to level the playing field for all citizens, regardless of their background.

Bangladesh's student movements are more than just isolated incidents of unrest—they symbolise a broader, structural challenge to the extractive institutions that dominate the political and economic landscape. If student movements continue to push for reforms addressing employment opportunities, social inequality, and corruption, they are essentially calling for a shift from extractive practices to more inclusive systems. The success of these movements hinges on their ability to connect with other discontented groups and sustain pressure on the government.

In countries like Tunisia, Egypt and South Korea, student-led movements became catalysts for regime change and reforms when they gained momentum and aligned with other social groups. In Bangladesh, the potential for such a shift exists. As student movements continue to grow, they could play a crucial role in transitioning the country to a more inclusive and participatory society. The outcome of this transition would depend on the resilience of these movements and the willingness of the ruling elite to compromise or face political and economic upheaval.

Ultimately, the battle between extractive and inclusive institutions is not just a fight over resources; it is a fight over the future direction of the country. Inclusive institutions tend to foster economic growth, innovation, and political stability by allowing broader participation in decision-making and ensuring that opportunities are available to all citizens. For Bangladesh, which continues to grapple with high levels of inequality, corruption and governance challenges, the student movements represent a beacon of hope for more inclusive, equitable development.

By challenging the status quo—whether in economics, education, governance, or public safety—students in Bangladesh are confronting the extractive nature of the system. If these movements garner broader support and align with other social forces, they could lead to reforms that make institutions more transparent and accountable. This mirrors the broader theoretical process in which social mobilisation, crises, elite conflict, and external pressures contribute to the transformation from extractive to inclusive institutions.

Dr Shamsul Arifeen Khan Mamun is a professor of economics and a member of the BCS general education cadre. He is currently attached to the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education (DSHE) under the Ministry of Education.​

 

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Political party consensus will determine speed of reforms, election

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has said that it is the political parties that will decide on the nature and extent of reforms, which in turn will determine how soon the election can be held.

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Political party consensus will determine speed of reforms, election
Prof Yunus says in interview with The Daily Star

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has said that it is the political parties that will decide on the nature and extent of reforms, which in turn will determine how soon the election can be held.

This, however, will be entirely dependent on the consensus among the political parties only, since seeking opinion of the people would require a referendum, he said in an exclusive interview with The Daily Star Editor and Publisher Mahfuz Anam yesterday.

"The sooner the reforms, the sooner the elections. And if the political parties say they don't want reforms, then even sooner," he said.

Prof Yunus explained his vision for reforms following the reports of the six major commissions, including on electoral reforms and constitutional reforms. He said that the interim government would strive to get to a political consensus in the quickest possible time on the next polls.

"We are not going to impose anything," he said before elaborating that his administration was merely facilitating the process.

Asked about a specific timeframe of the interim government's tenure, he said he is not giving a concrete timeframe intentionally. "Then people would be looking at that and try to hurry you through to the elections regardless of the reforms."

On the election roadmap, Yunus said there would be two parallel and simultaneous processes – one for reform and one for election preparations. "The Election Commission will be declared very soon and it will proceed at its own pace of its own accord. I will have nothing further to do with that."

However, the economist turned social banker pointed out that the Election Commission would not be able to function till the electoral reforms commission submits its report. "And the report would not be enough by itself because there will have to be political consensus regarding it."

The reforms will initially depend on the six commissions' reports due by late December, he said. But the government would not be able to use those reports before there is a political consensus. "We will sit with all political parties to hear what they want."

Yunus said the news outlets would also articulate their opinion through articles and editorials. "We will also seek opinions of the civil society."

In his opinion, the timeline for reforms will depend on how soon the political parties can reach a consensus. If the political parties say they do not want reforms anymore and demand elections instead, the interim government would do exactly that. "So be it. Who am I to say no?"

The six reform commissions are expected to submit their reports by the end of December, and the government will have ample time to arrive at a consensus on the reform timeline by July 2025, he said when asked about a timeline for reforms.

"It really depends on the political parties, there is no point asking me how long it will be."

Asked how the government will find out the will of the people regarding reforms, he said that the government will hold talks with political parties as people's representatives. "Otherwise, we would have to go for a referendum and that would be too cumbersome."

When asked whether the Awami League would be a part of those discussions, the Nobel laureate said that would also be entirely up to the political parties. "If the parties want the Awami League to be part of the process, then it will very well be there. We have nothing to say about that."

Asked about random murder cases against journalists without any evidence, the chief adviser acknowledged the unfairness, saying, "This was hurriedly done, following the old laws and practices."

About the cancellation of accreditation cards of journalists, Prof Yunus said that he was briefed that the cancellation does not and will not affect their work as journalists, and that it will only bar them from freely entering the Secretariat.

He did not give a direct reply when pointed out that the cancellation did not conform to the rules.

Turning to the government's foreign policy, the chief adviser said although he was admittedly closer to the Democrats, his government would surely be able to work with a Trump White House. He explained that when he was awarded the Congressional gold medal it was a unanimous decision. "Even Republicans voted for me. And no one has told me that they do not like me."

Regarding the narrative in the Indian media and its portrayal of the changed scenario in Bangladesh, Yunus said he had even brought it up during his conversation with his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi. He said he had urged Modi to have Indian journalists visit Bangladesh to ascertain whether minorities were being persecuted. "Some of them have come since, but the narrative has not changed."

Yunus said that he really wanted to revive Saarc because he thought it was a great means to further cooperation within South Asia and the sub-continent. "All the countries are actually keen on it. But India is not taken with the idea."

But the chief adviser stressed that relations between Bangladesh and India were far more amicable and grounded in genuine friendship than what might appear at the moment. He said there may well be a difference of opinion but it would not define Bangladesh's relationship with India.

He explained that the two neighbours have such a long history and are positioned in such a way and so close to each other that one could not really sustain without being friends with the other.

About China, Prof Yunus recounted from his recent New York trip to attend the UN General Assembly where the Chinese delegation wanted to meet him but it could not be an official sit-down for protocol issues.

Nevertheless, he held a long discussion with the Chinese foreign minister. "It was not an official meet, but we got together."

The chief adviser said the Chinese delegation headed by their foreign minister had prepared a detailed and long statement which he reciprocated in kind. Both sides exchanged ideas about what they could do together.​

 

[Saif]

Yunus invites GOP leaders to witness Bangladesh's democratic reforms

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged top Republican Party leaders to visit Bangladesh to observe the interim government's efforts to restore democracy in the country

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Yunus invites GOP leaders to witness Bangladesh's democratic reforms

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged top Republican Party leaders to visit Bangladesh to observe the interim government's efforts to restore democracy in the country.

He made the call when senior officials of the International Republican Institute (IRI) met him at the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka, according to the press wing of the CA.

IRI, a think tank associated with the Republican Party, promotes democracy worldwide. Led by Steve Cima, the institute's regional chief, the IRI officials have been meeting with politicians, student groups, and civil society leaders during their ongoing visit.

Steve Cima said the IRI's priority is to support the interim government's reform initiatives, especially amid widespread calls to fix the country's key institutions.

"Under the Awami League, the real concern was over the true trajectory of the country," Steve Cima said.

"It is in the US's interests to see reforms succeed here," he added.

Professor Yunus said his government would hold elections after carrying out vital reforms. He emphasised that the process was already underway, with a new election commission preparing for the general elections.

He added that Bangladesh seeks to work closely with the newly elected US President Donald Trump's administration. Yunus also expressed his intention to invite top Republican Senators and Congressmen s to visit Bangladesh to witness the unprecedented changes brought about by the student-led mass uprising.

IRI official Geoffrey Macdonald, IRI country chief Joshua Rosemblum, and Senior Secretary of the Bangladesh Government Lamiya Morshed were also present during the meeting.​

 

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Experts call for reforms to ensure smooth LDC graduation

Experts, economists, and policymakers have called for reforms and structural shifts to support Bangladesh's transition to the next phase of development, known as high-road economic development, as the country is preparing to graduate from the status of Least Developed Countries (LDC). They u

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Experts call for reforms to ensure smooth LDC graduation
FE REPORT
Published :
Nov 25, 2024 01:03
Updated :
Nov 25, 2024 01:03

Experts, economists, and policymakers have called for reforms and structural shifts to support Bangladesh's transition to the next phase of development, known as high-road economic development, as the country is preparing to graduate from the status of Least Developed Countries (LDC).

They urged the government to prioritise quality enhancement and ensure compliance with international standards to maintain export competitiveness in the post-LDC period.

The recommendations came at a validation workshop on National Smooth Transition Strategy jointly arranged by the Economic Relations Division (ERD) and the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) at a city hotel on Sunday.

Finance Adviser Dr. Salehuddin Ahmed attended the workshop as the chief guest, while Special Envoy on International Affairs to the chief adviser Lutfey Siddiqi, Principal Secretary to the chief adviser M Siraz Uddin Miah, Principal Coordinator (SDG) Lamiya Morshed, and the UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Gwyn Lewiswere were present as special guests.

Member of the UN Committee for Development Policy (CDP) Taffere Tesfachew, President of Leathergoods and Footwear Manufacturers and Exporters Association of Bangladesh (LFMEAB) Syed Nasim Manzur and Chief Representative of JICA Bangladesh Ichiguchi Tomohide spoke, among others, at the event chaired by ERD Secretary Shahriar Kader Siddiky.

Dr Salehuddin Ahmed laid emphasis on increasing productivity, ensuring decent working conditions and adopting advanced technology to prepare the country for LDC graduation. He also underscored the need for ensuring equitable and inclusive growth to make the LDC graduation sustainable.

Highlighting the country's challenges like large population, limited land and low productivity, he said that the interim government is working to address these issues.

"We have no personal agenda. The reforms we are carrying out now will leave a positive footprint for the next government. However, if we can't cope with the change, graduating to a middle-income country will not make sense," said the finance adviser.

Lutfey Siddiqi emphasised that Bangladesh's journey towards LDC graduation reinforces the need for robust reforms.

Principal Secretary M Siraz Uddin Miah put emphasis on easing business environment, facilitating the customs procedure, and enhancing productivity through technological upgradation and skill enhancement to increase the competitiveness of the local products.

Lamiya Morshed said Smooth Transition Strategy offers a roadmap to align the country's graduation with the Sustainable Development Goals.

During the workshop, National Consultant for Smooth Transition Strategy Dr M A Razzaque presented a keynote paper on the draft strategy.

He said that challenges will arise in various economic and non-economic sectors after the graduation.

Currently, in the LDC category, 75 per cent of Bangladesh's products receive duty-free export benefits which will no longer be available after the graduation while 20 per cent of duty on average may be imposed depending on the destination.

Bangladesh is set to graduate from LDC status in November 2026, following a five-year preparatory period. The United Nations has recommended that graduating countries develop a Smooth Transition Strategy during this time in partnership with development and trading partners, along with UN system support.

He said that the strategy focuses on five strategic pillars including ensuring macroeconomic stability, securing trade preferences and favourable transition measures, promoting export diversification and competitiveness, building productive capacity, and fostering partnerships and international cooperation.

Gwyn Lewis said that the opportunities of LDC graduation can be maximized by creating an enabling environment for businesses, improving productive capacity, increasing investment in human capital, and complying with international standards.

Syed Nasim Manzur said that the economy of Bangladesh is unique among LDCs as majority of export items from the country are utilizing preferential market access.

He urged policymakers to focus on non-RMG exports, warning that tariffs on items like jute, furniture, and light engineering could reduce export volumes by over 20 percent.

Chief Representative of JICA Bangladesh Ichiguchi Tomohide called for ensuring congenial business environment and said development of economic zones, export processing zones and high-tech parks should be expedited. He also suggested updating the Economic Zone Act and implementing a single one-stop service centre.

Representatives from various government ministries and divisions as well as private sector leaders, think tanks and civil society organisations participated in the workshop.​

 

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State reforms not possible without fixing certain mistakes

This particular piece is aimed at drawing the attention of the constitution reform commission. At the very outset, let me assert that I am not in favour of rewriting the constitution, I am in favour of reforms.

en.prothomalo.com

State reforms not possible without fixing certain mistakes
Mainul Islam
Published: 25 Nov 2024, 17: 30

This particular piece is aimed at drawing the attention of the constitution reform commission. At the very outset, let me assert that I am not in favour of rewriting the constitution, I am in favour of reforms.

Many people have the misconception that Bangladesh has a very good constitution. I stand against such a belief and from way back have been strongly been asserting that certain grievous mistakes remain in the constitution, or have been added to it. These repeatedly make the state character autocratic and anti-people. I try to briefly highlight these mistakes in this column.

1. Article 70 is the biggest mistake of this constitution. This article allows the leader of a political party, whether ruling or opposition, to exert full control over the party's elected members of parliament, thus fully obliterating their freedom to express any divergent views. If an MP speaks against any decision of the party chief or votes against the decision, his or her membership to the parliament will be cancelled. This constitution has reduced the parliament to a forum of fawning sycophants. So Article 70 must be amended, only keeping the clause making it compulsory to support the party in a 'no-confidence motion'. The prohibitions on expressing views on other matters of enacting laws and expressing views, must be lifted.

2 (a). Another grievous blunder in the constitution is the provision that gives the prime minister the power of an all-powerful 'elected autocrat'. When the constitution was drawn up on 1972, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had been in the seat of power. When the committee formed to draw up the constitution prepared the draft and handed it over to Bangabandhu, he himself made changes to the party regarding powers of the prime minister, making the prime minister's power absolute and unchallenged, as compared to the president's power. This rendered the president powerless. A member of that committee, the late editor of the daily Azadi, respected Professor Khaled, told me about this. When the draft was send back to the committee with the changes, no one in the committee dared to say anything against the changes made by Bangabandhu himself.

(b) Then on January 1975 when the presidential form of government was introduced in place of parliamentary democracy by means of the Fourth Amendment, all the powers of the prime minister, and more, were given to the president, in order to strengthen the one-party BKSAL system, so that the president would not face any obstruction in establishing so-called socialism. So after Bangladesh and family were killed on 15 August 1975, the boundless authority of an all-powerful president was enjoyed from 1975 to 1990 by Khandakar Mushtaque who grabbed power illegally, then Ziaur Rahman and then the autocrat Ershad.

(c) When Khaleda Zia was elected prime minister through the 1991 national polls, her first preference was for the prevailing presidential form of government. For the first five months she did not take initiative to amend the constitution in keeping with the declaration of the three alliances that she herself had signed. But under pressure from the president of the interim government, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, and also under huge public demand, she was obliged in August 1991 to take the decision of reverting to parliamentary democracy.

The task of preparing the draft of the Twelfth Amendment was given to Barrister Moudud Ahmed, Barrister Salam Talukdar and Col. Oli Ahmed. The three of them, in a very astutely planned manner, constitutionally handed over all powers of the president to the prime minister by means of the Twelfth Amendment, with even some additional 'procedural powers' for Khaleda Zia to wield.

In order to ensure the independence of the judiciary, the appointments, transfers, salaries and allowances and dismissal of judges at all levels must be made by a judicial service commission.

So these three leaders of BNP bear the liability of making the prime minister a 'constitutional autocrat'. Of the three, only Oli Ahmed is still alive. A year or so ago, Oli Ahmed admitted their mistake in a statement made to a newspaper.

In the span of 1996-2001, Sheikh Hasina may have adhered to several democratic norms, but after ascending to power in 2009, she was assailed with the deadly obsession of clinging on to power forever. When the justices of the Supreme Court's Appellate Division, with a three-fourth majority ruled that the caretaker government system unelected and hence unconstitutional, the ruling ended on the note that the next two elections could be held under the caretaker system if the parliament so wanted. But Hasina ignored that advice of the Appellate Division and completely on her own accord, by means of the Fifteenth Amendment, revoked Thirteenth Amendment that held provision for the caretaker government.

After being freed from the compulsion to hold elections under the caretaker government system, Hasina ventured ahead to fulfill her dream of life-long power by means three one-sided elections held in 2014, 2018 and 2024.

Unless reins are pulled on the boundless powers of the "world's most constitutionally powerful prime minister", will state reforms be possible at all? The French constitution has a balance between thee powers of the president and the prime minister, and this can give us direction.

3. Another constitutional amendment has become cardinally essential. And that is not to allow anyone to become prime minister more than two times. Another point can be added to this -- to hold the parliamentary election every four years instead of five.

4. The constitution keeps the judiciary heavily dependent on the executive. This must be changed immediately. In order to ensure the independence of the judiciary, the appointments, transfers, salaries and allowances and dismissal of judges at all levels must be made by a judicial service commission. The commission will be formed as per decision of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. Appointment of judges of the High Court and the Supreme Court's Appellate Division cannot be kept in the prime minister's power. Based on the recommendation of the Supreme Judicial Council, the president will make these appointments. The council will comprise the chief justice and two senior judges of the Appellate Division. The appointment of the chief justice must be on the sole decision of the president, but it is best if there can be no superseding of seniority of judges in the Appellate Division.

5. The system for the president to be elected by direct vote of the people must be put in place.

6. The system of proportional representation in the parliamentary election can be introduced. The parliament can have two Houses where, on the basis of proportional votes, provision can be made for 100 members of the Upper House to be nominated by the top policymakers of the political parties. The 300-seat of the Lower House will be elected in the existing manner. The constitutions of various countries around the world can guide a balance between the Upper House and Lower House in drawing up laws.

7. The provision for 50 reserved seats for women in parliament can be dropped and one-third of the seats reserved for women, where the women will be elected by direct votes of the people. On the basis of rotation, in every election there must be provision for only women to be able to contest in one-third of the seats in every district.

8. The election-time caretaker government system must be restored immediately. But the judiciary must not be drawn into the appointment process of the chief advisor and other advisors of the caretaker government.

9. There is also undeniably a need to hold a referendum to incorporate all the recommendations of commission in the constitution. Later, in the elected parliament, these amendments can be given legal basis by means of ratification by a two-thirds majority in parliament.

*Moinul Islam is an economist and former professor at the economics department of Chittagong University.​

 

[Saif]

Reimagining reform: civic engagement

THE July uprising of 2024 marked a pivotal turning point in our nation’s history, a moment when people collectively voiced their frustrations against systemic inequalities, unresponsive governance, and widespread corruption. The events of that revolutionary monsoon were not just an eruption of...

www.newagebd.net

Reimagining reform: civic engagement
Mohammad Jashim Uddin 01 December, 2024, 00:00

Protesters hold celebrations at Shahbagh in Dhaka on August 5 after the fall of the Awami League government. | Agence France-Presse/Munir uz Zaman

THE July uprising of 2024 marked a pivotal turning point in our nation’s history, a moment when people collectively voiced their frustrations against systemic inequalities, unresponsive governance, and widespread corruption. The events of that revolutionary monsoon were not just an eruption of anger but a call for meaningful change and societal reform. At its core, the uprising highlighted the power of civic engagement — individuals and communities coming together to demand accountability, propose solutions, and reshape the social contract. Now, as the dust settles, the real work begins — reimagining reform by channelling the energy of civic engagement into sustainable, transformative change.

Civic engagement is the cornerstone of a functioning democracy. It encompasses actions that enable citizens to contribute to the betterment of their communities, whether through grassroots activism, public dialogue, policy advocacy, or participating in electoral processes. The July uprising was a testament to the power of collective civic action, demonstrating how ordinary people can challenge the status quo and push for systemic reform. But for true transformation, this engagement must evolve from protest to participation, ensuring that citizens remain actively involved in shaping the policies and structures that govern their lives.

In the wake of the uprising, people’s expectations for reform are clear: they demand transparency, justice, and inclusivity. The movement has underscored the need for governance that reflects the will of the people and prioritises their needs over entrenched interests. This involves addressing the following critical areas:

Trust in institutions: Public trust in governmental and social institutions has eroded over the years due to corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of accountability. Civic engagement can play a key role in rebuilding this trust. Citizen-led watchdog groups, participatory budgeting, and open data initiatives can ensure that institutions operate transparently and responsibly.

Social equity and inclusion: The July uprising shone a spotlight on the marginalisation of vulnerable groups. Reform must prioritise inclusivity, addressing disparities in education, healthcare, and employment opportunities. Civic movements can amplify the voices of under-represented communities, advocating for policies that promote social equity.

Youth and education as catalysts for change: The energy and determination of the youth were instrumental in the uprising. Harnessing this momentum requires reforms in the education system to promote civic literacy, critical thinking, and leadership skills. Schools and universities must become spaces for dialogue and innovation, empowering the next generation to actively engage in societal reform.

Economic justice and opportunity: Economic disparities were a major driver of the uprising. Reform must address the structural inequalities that perpetuate poverty and unemployment. Civic engagement can play a role here by fostering community-based economic initiatives, supporting local businesses, and advocating for fair labour practices.

Environmental stewardship and sustainability: No vision for reform is complete without addressing the pressing need for environmental sustainability. Civic movements can push for policies that prioritise renewable energy, sustainable development, and the preservation of natural resources for future generations.

The July uprising demonstrated the strength of grassroots movements in mobilising communities and driving change. These movements operate outside traditional power structures, giving voice to those who are often overlooked by mainstream politics. Moving forward, grassroots organisations must continue to play a central role in the reform process, fostering local solutions to national problems and bridging the gap between citizens and policymakers.

Grassroots efforts can also inspire innovation in governance. Participatory democracy models, such as citizen assemblies or town hall meetings, can ensure that diverse perspectives are included in decision-making processes. By creating platforms for dialogue and collaboration, these initiatives can help build a more inclusive and responsive society.

Technology offers new opportunities for civic engagement and reform. Digital platforms can facilitate communication, organise movements, and hold leaders accountable. In the aftermath of the uprising, technology must be leveraged to ensure that the momentum for change is not lost. Online petitions, social media campaigns, and civic tech tools like open data portals can enable citizens to monitor progress, share ideas, and collaborate on solutions.

However, the use of technology must be accompanied by measures to address digital divides and misinformation. Ensuring access to technology for all citizens, particularly in rural and underserved areas, is critical to fostering inclusive civic participation.

While the energy of the uprising is vital, sustainable reform requires translating civic action into policy change. This involves fostering a culture of accountability and collaboration between citizens, civil society, and government institutions. Mechanisms such as public consultations, citizen advisory councils, and participatory policy development can institutionalise the principles of civic engagement, ensuring that reform is not just a response to crisis but an ongoing process.

Reimagining reform through civic engagement is not without its challenges. Resistance from entrenched power structures, the risk of co-optation by political agendas, and the fatigue of sustained activism can hinder progress. Overcoming these obstacles requires persistence, solidarity, and a commitment to shared values.

Leadership is also crucial. Reform efforts need champions — individuals and organisations that can inspire trust, bridge divides, and guide the process of change. These leaders must embody the principles of civic engagement, prioritising collaboration and inclusivity over personal gain.

The July uprising was a wake-up call, a reminder that the power to shape a nation lies in the hands of its people. As we move forward, civic engagement must remain at the heart of the reform process. By fostering a culture of participation, inclusivity, and accountability, we can reimagine a society that reflects the aspirations and needs of its citizens.

Reforming a nation is not a one-time event but a continuous journey. It requires the collective efforts of individuals, communities, and institutions working together towards a shared vision of justice, equity, and progress. The July uprising has given us an opportunity to reimagine what is possible. Let us seize this moment to build a future that honours the sacrifices and hopes of all who have fought for change.

Mohammad Jashim Uddin is an associate professor of English at the Northern University Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don't worry about reforms, we will implement them: BNP's Amir Khosru

BNP leader Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has stressed the need for political unity to support the interim government in ensuring a democratic transition of power. There is no need for others to worry about state reforms as the BNP is committed to implementing them, he said at the seventh national confer

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Don't worry about reforms, we will implement them: BNP's Amir Khosru
Published :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43
Updated :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43

BNP leader Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has stressed the need for political unity to support the interim government in ensuring a democratic transition of power.

There is no need for others to worry about state reforms as the BNP is committed to implementing them, he said at the seventh national conference of Gono Forum at the Engineers Institution Auditorium in Dhaka on Saturday.

The BNP leader accused those aligned with authoritarian powers of trying to destabilise the country through various means, reports bdnews24.com.

"Once authoritarian forces seize power by stripping the people of their autonomy and voting rights, they take away other rights as well," he said.

He referred to a string of recent events, including the Ansar revolts, incidents involving minorities, and unrest linked to autorickshaw drivers, that he alleged were aimed at creating instability.

"These activities are attempts to disrupt stability. Today, as we dream of building a new Bangladesh, political parties and the united populace must share a singular vision for the nation's future," Khosru added.

"We have removed the autocratic forces, but to fulfil the people’s expectations and aspirations, we must return to democratic norms collectively."

Khosru also addressed recent events that have stoked communal tensions, saying: "Incidents in the name of religion need to be analysed deeply. While I won’t claim communal issues don’t exist in Bangladesh, efforts to exaggerate and create instability must be thwarted. The destructive reactions seen abroad, such as attacks on Bangladesh's consulate in Kolkata, do not reflect the sentiments of the Bangladeshi people."

"We must ensure that external influences do not hinder our aspirations to build the Bangladesh of tomorrow. The only path forward is a peaceful, democratic process for transferring power, and everyone must unite behind this mission."

Khosru outlined his party's goal of restoring the people's democratic rights through elections.

"We presented a 31-point reform plan a year ago, which encompasses our vision for Bangladesh. It is this agenda that we pledge to implement as a national government after the elections."

"There’s no need to worry about reforms. We agree to make the necessary electoral and governance reforms based on a consensus of national unity. These changes can be implemented swiftly, ensuring power is returned to the people through elections."

Emphasising reforms to fulfil national aspirations, he added: "The upcoming national government will implement the 31-point agenda. This is a promise to the nation, and we are fully committed to realising it."​

 

[Saif]

State reforms vital for improving education system

University faculty members at an event yesterday argued that a corrupt state system inevitably leads to a decline in education quality and emphasised that reforming the state system was essential for improving the education sector.

www.thedailystar.net

State reforms vital for improving education system
University teachers say at Star discussion

Participants of “Pedagogy of Protest: A Discussion with University Teachers on the Frontlines” at The Daily Star Centre yesterday. The event was organised as part of the newspaper’s weeklong event styled “36 Days of July: Saluting the Bravehearts”. Photo: Star

University faculty members at an event yesterday argued that a corrupt state system inevitably leads to a decline in education quality and emphasised that reforming the state system was essential for improving the education sector.

They made the remarks during a discussion titled "Pedagogy of Protest: A Discussion with University Teachers on the Frontlines," organised by The Daily Star. This was the second storytelling session in the weeklong programme "36 Days of July: Saluting the Bravehearts," held at The Daily Star Centre in capital.

Speaking on student politics, Dhaka University Prof Md Tanzimuddin Khan said public university students were often forced to join politics by party leaders, and it would be wrong to judge them solely based on their political affiliation.

"If students do not engage in politics, who will? This change we brought about was the result of a kind of political activism. While we can debate its quality, politics remains fundamental."

Prof Tanzimuddin Khan, also a member of the University Grants Commission (UGC), said universities established under the previous regime were in dire condition.

"Some universities exist only on paper. In the name of higher education, the previous authorities have deceived students. Not speaking out about such crimes is also a crime.

"If the state system is not in order and is overrun by mafias, the quality of education deteriorates, and ultimately the sector suffers."

"So, without bringing change to the state system, it will not be possible to bring any change to the education sector."

DU Prof Kamrul Hassan compared teachers and journalists to the "white blood cells" of society, but lamented their diminished role over time.

"We should remember that we cannot go back to the state we fought against. We must commit ourselves and be informed about our responsibility..

Prof Kamrul also said it was the responsibility of teachers to prepare the next generation for the future and the same applied to journalists, who must carry out their roles as watchdogs of society.

"We failed to build universities as true institutions of higher learning. We have allowed discrimination to persist among students and teachers. Students are still afraid to ask questions, keeping universities at a school-like level."

Meanwhile, Prof Mirza Taslima Sultana of Jahangirnagar University called for greater autonomy for universities, asserting that each institution should have the freedom to set its priorities.

"Students must be empowered to voice their demands. To this end, student unions are required, not only at the central level but in every department. And this practice must begin in schools and colleges."

She also urged citizens to question the continued existence of discrimination, even after successful anti-discrimination movements.

Echoing the call for university autonomy, Musharrat Sharmee Hossain, a faculty member at North South University, said, "We must consider the unique characters of each university and conduct its academic and administrative activities accordingly."

"Without autonomy, the UGC exerts too much control, deciding everything from the timing of classes to whether they should be online or offline."

Shahnawaz Khan Chandan, a teacher at Jagannath University, said, "If we can ensure quality education at the grassroots, then we can provide quality education to the masses."

While moderating the event, Nazia Manzoor, editor of Daily Star Books and Literature, said, "We need to question the structural flaws in society from the root level. If we can't raise questions now, the future of this country will be bleak, to avoid which we took part in the July-August uprising."

Participants also discussed the prevalence of a culture of intolerance and recommended that family guidance and education, beginning at the primary level, are crucial for promoting mutual understanding and respect.​

 

[Saif]

Powerful lobbies, elites and corporate interests thwart tax reforms

According to the white paper on the state of the economy

www.thedailystar.net

Powerful lobbies, elites and corporate interests thwart tax reforms
According to the white paper on the state of the economy

A complex political economy that sees powerful lobbies, political elites and corporate interests oppose changes to the status quo has limited the mobilisation of domestic resources by slowing the pace of planned reforms, according to the white paper on the state of the economy.

Although multiple documents have outlined various tax reforms and emphasised the need for the digitalisation of government services, these reforms have never been fully implemented.

Among the most pressing issues has been low tax collection, which the paper said was driven by weak governance, widespread corruption, and a lack of trust in how tax revenue is used.

According to the paper, it is worth noting that the 7th Five Year Plan had set a target of raising the revenue-GDP ratio from 10.9 percent to 16 percent by the end of the plan period.

However, the paper added it is abundantly evident that "corruption, especially in tax administration, leads to widespread tax evasion and poor compliance".

"The informal and discretionary tax system benefits these groups, making reform difficult," it said, adding that the so-called push for digitalisation has stalled for the same reasons.

It stated that the 1991 VAT reform's success stands in contrast to subsequent failures, emphasising the necessity of substantial political backing, technical planning, and stakeholder ownership in order to accomplish significant tax reforms.

The half-hearted automation of the National Board of Revenue's (NBR) tax collection system is a major barrier to effective revenue generation, deepening inefficiencies and fostering a climate of non-compliance, the white paper pointed out.

Although the NBR has implemented certain automated tax filing and payment systems, these initiatives are dispersed and not entirely integrated with other pertinent and vital organisations, including the Ministry of Finance, the Registrar of Joint Stock Companies, the Bangladesh Bank, and others, the paper alleged.

Because of this fragmented strategy, the NBR is unable to obtain up-to-date information on individuals and companies, which makes it more difficult to effectively track revenue, monitor corporate operations and stop tax evasion.

If the NBR does not have a comprehensive picture of a taxpayer's financial transactions across several industries, it is exposed to fraud, false declarations, and underreporting, the paper added.

Additionally, weak local governance and limited fiscal decentralisation hinder public service delivery, discouraging citizens from paying taxes, it said.

While the 1991 VAT reform succeeded, subsequent attempts, such as customs duties reform and VAT expansions, faced opposition and were poorly implemented, it added.

According to the paper, efforts like the 2011 Tax Modernisation Plan and 2012 VAT Law failed to modernise the tax system, which is outdated and ineffective in generating sufficient revenue.

The paper also pointed out that personal income tax yields, which account for only 1 percent of the GDP, are still low although per capita income is rising. It attributed this to poor compliance, a disproportionate number of exemptions, and ineffective administration in the personal income tax system.

It also said tax evasion is common, especially among high earners, driven by corruption, political connections and informal deals with tax collectors.

Difficult filing requirements, such as being asked to provide wealth statements, further discourage compliance.

The paper estimated that tax evasion is widespread, aided by political connections and informal settlements with tax officials.

As for corporate taxation, the white paper said the system is complex, with varying rates across sectors, and high rates in sectors such as tobacco and telecommunications, discouraging investment.

The problems at the NBR begin at the top, with efficient administration and governance of the revenue authority being seriously hampered by the current procedure to choose the chairman, the white paper committee said.

The NBR Order 1973, which stipulated that the NBR chairman would be chosen from one of the NBR members, was the reference point.

However, an ordinance was passed in 1979 that allowed the NBR chairman to be selected from the administration cadre.

These appointments created problems as such individuals could not properly grasp nor adequately address the complexities of the NBR's operations.

Additionally, the tenure of the NBR chairman is structured in such a way that it encourages short-term objectives over long-term, sustainable reforms, the white paper added.

"For tax reform to succeed, it's not just about policy; it is also about overcoming political and bureaucratic resistance and addressing corruption," it said.

Bangladesh's tax collection woes reflect a deeper issue: reforming the system means dismantling decades of political influence and a culture of favouritism.

"The way forward to greater domestic resource mobilisation lies in better governance and stronger institutions," the paper added.​