🇧🇩 Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Lessons from Bangladesh

Photo: Prabir Das/Star/File

AFTER the tragic loss of an estimated 300 students during a fatal crackdown on protests in Bangladesh, the world stands captivated by the power of young students who led the demonstrations against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the longest-serving prime minister of the country since its independence from Pakistan in 1971. She was forced to flee the country after over 15 years in power and a brutal campaign of weakening and persecuting any political opposition.

The issue arose with students' frustration at the inability to compete for lucrative government jobs, more than half of which were reserved under various quotas, the largest being the 30 per cent allocation for the children and grandchildren of those who fought for Bangladesh's independence.

This 30pc quota had been scrapped in 2018 after student protests, but the high court reinstated it in 2024 soon after Sheikh Hasina's fourth consecutive victory in a questionable election, widely cited as an unfair one.

When the students started demonstrating against the quota in order to gain their rightful share in taxpayer-funded government jobs on merit, the government and the students body linked with the ruling party responded violently, beating and killing students at Dhaka University. These protests spilled into the streets, transforming into an expression of frustration with the autocratic rule of the Awami League.

It should be encouraging that students in Bangladesh are taking a stand against nepotism.

It is being touted as the first revolution to be led by Gen-Z, the first digital native generation defined by its resolute no-nonsense attitude. Whereas understandably there is a lot of scepticism about whether this will lead to true democracy in Bangladesh — which will require a lot more than a series of demonstrations — it signals the approach of Gen-Z, which is shifting attitudes and practices in a post Covid-19 world as they enter the workforce. There are several lessons for the region and the world from the Bangladeshi Gen-Z's successful campaign against the Awami League government.

First, it shows the frustration that a lack of meritocracy in a state can lead to, especially when it has an economic impact. Universities in Bangladesh led the freedom movement in 1971 when the then East Pakistan was denied recognition of Bengali as an official language despite half the population speaking it. It should be encouraging that students are demanding merit and taking a stand against nepotism and favouritism-based quotas. States must ensure that public sector systems are fair.

Second, several commentators have pointed out that economic success in a country may not be enough to buy a population's acquiescence. Basic rights and equal distribution of resources are key for young people, the lack of which can lead to the toppling of a strong repressive government. Despite documented growth of above 8pc in Bangladesh, people were frustrated by the nepotism of and suppression by the regime, which resulted in unemployment among skilled youth. Assuming that economic prosperity in a pluralistic society will silence dissent is to fool oneself.

Third, censorship of the press and social media, and shutdown of internet and mobile phone networks are not effective in quelling protests and getting the word out in this day and age. Despite a countrywide internet shutdown in Bangladesh, the young protesters persisted and achieved what they had set out to do, all the while using various tools to get information out. It is prudent to listen to the voices of citizens, especially those who shape the nation and its future, rather than attempting to suppress them. Investment in digital repression is counterproductive and futile, especially when public funds that should be spent on progress and development are spent on stunting the potential of the digital economy. Nobody wants to do business with or hire talent from a country where internet shutdowns and the censorship of applications and websites are widespread and arbitrary. According to various estimates by watchdogs, internet shutdowns in Bangladesh cost the economy billions of dollars in the past month.

Fourth, the patriotism of the soldiers in Bangladesh must be appreciated. There is nothing more patriotic than refusing to fire at one's own citizens for demanding their rights, something everyone is entitled to do. Militaries must not turn against their own people as that is the job of occupiers, and not of one's own military that is sustained by the taxpayers. After all, the state belongs to its people and is built by them; orders to attack them must have no place in society.

Fifth, it is inevitable that people will rise against political persecution, illegitimate power grabbed through rigged elections, and a compromised judiciary. Political parties have more to gain by governing through legitimacy rather than relying on state machinery that engineers the usurping of legitimacy and undermining the will of the people.

Moving forward, the challenges for any decentralised youth-led change movement after initial success are two-fold. First, strategising to avoid being co-opted by local actors, such as the military or political parties, who can take advantage of the power vacuum for their own benefit. In such a situation, it is key for representatives of the students to insist on being a meaningful part of any process of change built on the blood and struggle of well-meaning youth.

Second, and the tougher one intrinsically linked to the self-serving cooperation of local power-brokers, is ensuring that the local struggle does not fall victim to the strategic games of international power-brokers who reject any local democratic processes, as was seen in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab Spring protests. This should hold true even if the short-term objectives of the movement align with the foreign powers' objectives in the region. The US helped install dictator Gen Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt after helping him topple a democratically elected government led by Mohamed Morsi after 'Dictator-General' Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down by young protesters.

The power of a frustrated and informed young polity cannot be underestimated, and their struggle and idealism must not go to waste.

[The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.]​

 

[Saif]

Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Throughout the days of fear, uncertainty and lack of security during the revolution, the students of Chattogram remained united and steadfast while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help out the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt...

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Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Photo: Rajib Raihan

Bangladesh just witnessed a one-of-a-kind student movement which later transformed into a revolution, leading to the historical downfall of the Prime Minister. The whole country stepped forward and Chattogram was no different, living up to its name of "Bir Chattala." Throughout the movement, the students of Chattogram remained united while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt throughout the city.

Mostafa Jishan, a student of University of Science and Technology Chittagong (USTC) says, "Honestly, I had nothing to do with the quota reform. My mother is a government employee and I, myself, can use the quota. However, when I witnessed the unjust shooting of Abu Sayed, I had to join the protest. How can the government allow law enforcement personnel to shoot innocent students like this?"

The students had to go through unprecedented horror. One such experience was shared by Tahamid Chowdhury Priyom, a student of Chittagong University of Engineering & Technology (CUET).

"The experience on July 19 at Bahaddarhat still haunts me. A student was shot right in his chest. There was no ambulance. He was taken to the hospital in a rickshaw by some of his friends. To this day, I still don't know if he is alive or not."

Reazul Islam Remon of Chittagong University (CU) says, "There was a lot of gunfire at Muradpur just before the curfew started and my family was scared. I had a long beard, but my mother forced me to trim it."

Another daunting experience was faced by Md Sadek Al Sunny of International Islamic University of Chittagong (IIUC) who says, "On August 4, we went to New Market where people were being attacked by law enforcement personnel. I was really close to the frontline when chaos ensued. More than 200 of us quickly took shelter inside Shah Amanat Market but thugs kept looking for us. We hid there until four in the afternoon when we were rescued. I witnessed two women getting shot and killed near Hazari Market that day. My biggest regret is having to leave their bodies behind."

The coordination amongst the protestors played a big role for the protest to succeed and it was the student coordinators who enabled it. One of them was Mohammed Tawsif, a student of East Delta University (EDU). When asked about how he became a coordinator, he said, "I joined as a protestor but was selected as the coordinator from East Delta University later on."

He recalls how he was constantly at risk throughout the protest, due to being a coordinator, "I had reasons to believe law enforcement personnel were looking for me and when they were conducting raids, they were targeting coordinators. Two coordinators from different universities that lived nearby got arrested. I was in fear that I could be next"

The risk was even greater when he was out on the streets. He says, "There were many instances where I was either chased or beaten by law enforcement personnel or goons. At Cheragi Pahar, I inhaled tear gas for the first time and I started vomiting and needed to rest. On August 4 alone, there were many moments where I thought I would die. One of those moments was at Jubilee Road in front of Golam Rasul Market. A person who was standing right beside me got shot. It could easily have been me."

However, after a tough journey, the objective was achieved, and it was special for Tawsif.

"When I got confirmation that the Prime Minister (PM) had resigned, I cried. Mentally, I had prepared to fight for the whole month of August. There were days I thought I wouldn't make it alive or get arrested. My sister would cry and not eat – waiting for me. After receiving the news, I felt relief that all the sleepless nights were worth it," he shares.

After the Prime Minister's resignation on August 5, there was joy but there were also instances of violence. One such experience was shared by Mona Ahmed, a student of Jahangirnagar University. She says, "My experience at the victory procession was terrifying. After hearing about the PM's resignation, I immediately joined the procession with my friends. We walked towards Dampara from GEC Circle, and law enforcement personnel threw tear shells and sound grenades at us near BAWA School and College.

We took shelter at Shilpokola. We decided to head back home but then my mother called to inform me that an angry mob had gathered outside my house, looking for a local leader that lived next door with his family. The individual has a wife and kids who are completely innocent, why must they suffer for someone else's crime? I decided to stay at a friend's house for the time being, but I was scared for my family's safety."

Another troubling experience was faced by Sudipto*. He says, "When the PM's resignation was announced, I was happy for my country, but I also knew us minorities would be at risk. The attacks began the next day. I had to advise my own mother not to wear shakha and shindur outside. Why must I feel so insecure in my own home? Every time we voice our concerns, people tell us to be patient. They fail to understand that all we need is for them to hear us and stand by us in these troubled times."

Amidst the tough times, Sudipto also went out to help the community, "I've been involved in cleaning and wall painting activities near the Central Railway Building. I consider this my duty as a citizen of the country. Playing a part in its reform and development is the least I can do."

*Name has been changed upon request.​

 

[Saif]

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs. The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement
bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14
Updated :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs.

The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing, and authorisation wing.

Abdul Hannan Masud, one of the coordinators of the platform, confirmed the committees’ formation in a statement on Monday.

These four units will mainly work towards restructuring the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform. In the meantime, the committees formed with the support of the coordinators will remain in place and all the committees will be reconstituted afresh at different levels, the statement read.

The authorisation wing of the platform will work to form a new committee to protect the order and prevent confusion over fake coordinators.

The members of the organising wing are –

Abu Baker Majumder 2. Abdul Hannan Masud 3. Rifat Rashid 4. Shahin Alam 5. Shyamali Sultana Jedni 6. Naeem Abedin 7. Sanjana Afifa Aditi, and 8. Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi.

Programme implementation wing members are - 1. Hasnat Abdullah 2. Sarjis Alam 3. Abdul Kader 4. Mahin Sarkar 5. Arif Sohel 6. Akram Hossain Raj 7. Hamza Mahbub 8. Noor Nabi 9. Shubho Ahmed 10. Shahinur Sumi 11. Mobassher Alam 12. Hasib al-Islam 13. Mohammed Russell 14. Umama Fatima 15. Anika Tahsina 16. Rawnak Jahan 17. Mehdi Islam, and 18. Takiuddin Ahmed.

Media and communication wing members are – 1. Rizwan Rifat 2. Abdullah Salehin Ayon 3. Tahmid al-Mudadir Chowdhury.

The authorisation wing will be headed by two – Sarjis Alam and Abu Baker Majumder.​

 

[Saif]

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05
Updated :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05

Thousands of jubilant people cheer and wave flags at Shahbagh intersection in Dhaka on Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country. Her departure defused tensions that had been rising during weeks of deadly demonstrations against the government Photo : FE photo by Shafiqul Alam

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the street agitations that could unleash such tremendous youth power that traditional political party failed to demonstrate. But to all appearances, the Indian political observers and the media that reflect their views are not willing to see anything but anarchy and persecution of the Hindus and destruction of their properties and places of worship in thar earthshaking event. To them, the student-led mass struggle against the authoritarian pre-August 5 government in Bangladesh as one spearheaded by Muslim extremists whose only mission was to kill Hindus. But being the next-door neighbour of Bangladesh, they should have been able to understand Bangladesh, its people and their struggles better than the rest of the world.

Consider the deluge of falsehoods disseminated through the Indian media about imaginary atrocities unleashed on the Hindu community of Bangladesh. And there is also gullible audience eager to believe those lies without further scrutiny because those resonate with their own fears and prejudices. RumourScanner Bangladesh, a fact-checking or information verifying organisation, has found from its study on these fake messages, images and video clips that some 50 accounts on the social networking site X, formerly Twitter, were behind spewing disinformation about imagined Hindu persecution in Bangladesh in the wake of August 5 revolution. All those X account holders were operating from India. According to the experts surveyed for the World Economic Forum's 2024 Global Risk Report, India was ranked highest for the risk of misinformation and disinformation.

Joyojeet Pal, who is Associate professor of Information, School of Information at the University of Michigan, USA, says, 'There are three challenges with online dangerous speech and propaganda: sophistication, believability and virality'.

'The levels of polarisation and media distrust in India are such that there are pockets of citizens who are quickly willing to believe things about groups they see as antagonistic to their interests, so believability is already high'. When believability of such online disinformation and false propaganda is high in a society, their potential for getting viral is also higher. Add to that the use of advanced technology including AI to make the fake reports look and sound real. And such distortion of facts has been going on unabated since August 5 to the detriment of people-to-people as well as normal diplomatic relations between the two close neighbours.

Clearly, the intention of those involved in false propaganda was to show the struggles and achievements of the people of Bangladesh in a bad light before the international community. But an investigative report by the BBC published recently has proved that most of such videos showing atrocities being committed against Hindus in post-Hasina Bangladesh shared online were false. "And while reports on the ground have found violence and looting impacted Hindu people and properties, far-right influencers in neighbouring India shared false videos and information that gave a misleading view of the events', the BBC report maintained.

In fact, post-August 5 developments in Bangladesh provided the far-right and Islamophobic quarters not only in India, but also in other parts of the world including Britain with an opportunity to churn out false and distorted stories of violence and murders committed by what they term the so-called Islamic Jihadists, though the movement launched by Bangladeshi students was completely secular in nature. Tommy Robinson, a far-right British influencer, who had been sharing unverified videos on post-August 5 events, claims there is 'a genocide of Hindus' in Bangladesh. However, BBC investigation found his claim and video clips shared online in support of his claim to be baseless.​

 

[Saif]

After the euphoria, the concerns

An incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful Bangladesh.

www.thedailystar.net

After the euphoria, the concerns

VISUAL: STAR

The young people of the country deserve to be congratulated, their heroism celebrated, and their momentous accomplishments acknowledged. Their dedication, bravery and sacrifices to free the country from a deeply unpopular regime justly earned them the affection, admiration and gratitude of the people.

However, the pace and abruptness of these unprecedented developments must give us pause. After all, the actual movement and the fall of the regime occurred within only one month of turmoil and bloodshed. Moreover, the political and psychological legacy left by the previous regime heightens some concerns.

First and foremost, some resentments and frustrations of the people that had accumulated over several years, some sentiments of revenge and retribution among those who had suffered injustice, and some opportunists simply taking advantage of a fluid situation, have all led to various incidents of violence and vandalism. While some of this is expected, it must be resisted.

This lawlessness is particularly worrisome since some people have ransacked government (read people's) properties, destroyed revered historical markers relating to our Liberation War, and attacked minority communities simply because they are vulnerable. Given the fact that the police themselves remain discredited and demoralised, such crowd gangsterism becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy and invites disaster.

Even though people like Gustave Le Bon, Sigmund Freud, Nobel Laureate Elias Canetti and others have studied the psychology of mob behaviour, the phenomenon remains unclear. There are theories of deindividuation when people supposedly lose their sense of individual identity, personal responsibility or moral authority; of people demonstrating "bystander effects" that attract random participants by appealing to their sense of enhanced power; of people responding to simplistic, exaggerated and overly sentimental rhetoric, signs and codes; or of people becoming emboldened to do what they can get away with in the culture of impunity typically associated with the fall of an autocrat.

These groups must be calmed and contained as soon as possible, or it will become progressively difficult to do so later. It is uplifting to witness courageous and committed young people volunteering to combat such sinister forces and protect public order and minority communities. The worst seems to be over. But the anxieties persist, made sharper in the age of social media, AI bots, and deep fakes. One hopes, like Lincoln, that "the better angels of our nature" will prevail. But let us not forget that he himself was killed.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs?

Second, the rapidity and drama with which the situation unfolded made it impossible for any "day after" scenarios to emerge. There was no time or opportunity to develop any ideals, programmes, goals, or a clear direction forward. So, the situation remains fraught and fragile. This becomes more problematic in the moral vacuum, personal distrust and social erosion that resulted from years of misrule and mischief, and the hyper-polarised political environment that had been created.

Moreover, the very idea of "politics" had been devalued and mangled by successive regimes. The classical notion of "politics" was built around concepts of public service, the common good, and the people's welfare. But in Bangladesh it had become a sport (the word "khela" had been routinely used) in which cynical, cunning and self-serving people desperately and shamelessly pursued the acquisition of personal profit and power.

Additionally, the guardrails that protect democracy, such as independent judiciaries, robust parliamentary oppositions, vigilant media houses, lively civil society platforms, or autonomous institutions of higher education had all been overwhelmed, finessed out of existence, or serially threatened and undermined.

Similarly, political parties that exist are not based on policies, ideologies, or democratic practices. They merely represent some patron-clientelist configurations where some sycophantic and opportunistic followers cluster around a "leader" who demands a cultish reverence (which is often shown in extravagant and comical ways).

The two organised parties which had held power in the past are burdened by their own history of bad governance, electoral abuses, violence against opponents (including assassination attempts and farcical cover-ups like Joj Miah), ethical lapses, constitutional tinkering, endemic corruption, and nepotistic family control. Other parties are shadowy and limited in their organisation and appeal. The consequent political vacuum in the country looks like an abyss staring back at us.

Even the "deep state" in Bangladesh has been debilitated by inefficiency, bribery and political patronage. Access to almost all government services (which are people's rights) as well as the regular functioning of the economy, became contingent upon payments to syndicates, power brokers and toll collectors, and navigating through serpentine and costly procedures and paperwork.

The economy, suffering from inequality, inflation, unemployment, low forex reserves, and a banking sector in shambles, was turned into a vast kleptocracy of the lumpen-bourgeoisie and their bureaucratic enablers. It embraced the principles of predatory capitalism and concentrated on maximising aggregate indicators of growth and undertaking some dazzling megaprojects, while disregarding quality-of-life indicators such as human rights, civil liberties, ecological conservation, economic justice, gender equity, and public safety. To reset directions and craft policies that would prioritise the interests of the people would be a complex undertaking.

Third, the previous regime is down, but not out. They may lie low for the time being, some may have fled, some arrested, some may announce retirement. But they are still there. The fact that so many of their followers are armed, are used to violence and, unlike most other parties, have a mass basis, makes their presence more ominous.

However, while we condemn their behaviour that brought us to this sad situation, that party's role in our national movement for independence and, particularly, the charismatic presence of Bangabandhu in that struggle, cannot be dismissed or minimised. One must demonstrate some maturity and objectivity in separating his inspiring leadership at that critical juncture in our national history from his obvious missteps and misjudgements later.

Along the same lines, weaponising "muktijuddher chetona," the hawking of "official" narratives by claiming exclusive partisan ownership over the war (even pitting freedom fighters against the people e.g., through "quotas") and interjecting the hateful word "Razakar" during the current unrest, were all crude and cruel interventions. However, the war itself, and the artefacts and relics of that glorious period of our national history, must not be tarnished but appreciated, preserved and studied (hopefully by scholars and researchers and not slogan-mongering party hacks).

Finally, the "India factor" lurks around the corner. There is no doubt that India deserves our respect and gratitude for its actions and sacrifices in our Liberation War. It had harboured millions of our refugees, hosted our government in exile, provided weapons and training to our freedom fighters, offered critical diplomatic support and, eventually, fought a war with Pakistan in which 3,843 of its soldiers were killed and 9,851 wounded.

The initial relationship was predictably rosy but soured later. Many bilateral issues (such as trade barriers, market access, illegal immigration, borders, water sharing, etc) could all be resolved if good faith negotiations between equals had been pursued. However, India's patronising attitudes and the insensitivity to the interests and demands of Bangladesh increasingly forced the latter to look weak and dependent. In popular perception, India turned from a "good neighbour" into a "neighbourhood bully."

The relationship became more complicated through the unleashing of communal forces in India through the ascent of proto-fascist forces pursuing a Hindutva agenda of supremacy and intolerance which led to systematic assaults on India's Muslim history and heritage, as well as the rights and practices of minorities. This would affect the people of Bangladesh as well.

Finally, India left the impression that it was more interested in cultivating a relationship with a particular "party" than with the sovereign country that international law and norms dictate. This politicised its role and compromised its neutrality. And since that "party" stands discredited in Bangladesh today, and its leader has found protection in India, the situation becomes murkier yet.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs? The nation wishes them success and waits in hope and prayers.

Dr Ahrar Ahmad is professor emeritus at Black Hills State University in the US, and director general of Gyantapas Abdur Razzaq Foundation in Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of...

www.newagebd.net

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia
Zulker Naeen 21 August, 2024, 00:00

A scene of student protests in Dhaka on July 18. | New Age/Sony Ramany

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of youth-driven movements in bringing about significant radical change in Bangladesh. Like their Arab counterparts a decade earlier, these uprisings were a consequence of widespread dissatisfaction with corrupt governance. The youth of Bangladesh were driven by frustration with autocratic governance, economic inequality, and a desire for greater political freedom.

This revolution in Bangladesh — from a demand seeking reforms in the quota system for public services to a call for Hasina’s resignation — marks a pivotal moment in the country’s political landscape, driven by a generation of young people disillusioned with the status quo. This movement emerged from deep-seated frustrations over economic inequality, job scarcity, and a political system that many viewed as corrupt and unresponsive to their needs.

Sheikh Hasina’s leadership since 2009 has brought significant economic advancement but has also been characterised by an authoritative governance style. The July Revolution, driven by the increasing dissatisfaction of the unstoppable youth, abruptly terminated her 15-year rule over Bangladesh. Textbooks are being rewritten to downplay the darker periods of the Hasina regime, and there is a concerted effort to build a new national identity that reflects the aspirations of a younger generation.

The ‘Bangla Spring’ symbolises a youth-driven movement aimed at challenging the existing political order, advocating for more democratic governance, and rejecting the autocratic practices of the ruling regime. It reflects a broader trend of youth engagement in political activism, with students at the forefront of pushing for systemic change.

This metaphor of rebirth and renewal traces its origins back to the Arab Spring in the early 2010s, where the collective voice of the youth reshaped the future of entire nations. As we witness the recent youth-led revolution in Bangladesh, the question arises: Is this another ‘spring’? And why does the metaphor continue to resonate so powerfully?

Back to history, the Arab Spring began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, set himself on fire in protest against police corruption and ill-treatment. The suicide in public ignited a wave of protests that spread throughout Tunisia to other Arab countries, including Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain.

Similarly, in South Asia, widespread ‘Gota Go Gama’ protests in Sri Lanka in 2022 exemplify the immense power of youth in driving political change, much like the recent uprisings in Bangladesh. As Sri Lanka’s economic crisis deepened in 2022, it was the nation’s youth — primarily university students — who became the backbone of a sustained, months-long movement that ultimately toppled the government.

Recently, on August 9, the ‘Reclaim the Night’ marches across West Bengal, sparked by the horrific rape and murder of a young doctor, have resonated deeply with the spirit of the student-led revolution in Bangladesh.

Now that the movement has spread to other Indian cities like Delhi, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Pune, it goes beyond just a demand for safety; it represents a broader political awakening, a sort of ‘spring.’ The echoes of Bangladesh’s revolution have crossed borders, fuelling a fire in West Bengal that challenges not only the status quo but the very fabric of a system that has long failed its people. Recently, the Pakistan Student Federation issued a stern condition to the government, demanding the release of former prime minister Imran Khan by August 30. This demand follows closely on the heels of the successful student-led revolution in Bangladesh, which has sparked similar sentiments among the youth in Pakistan. This student marches from Islamabad’s D Chowk to bring true freedom, signalling a potential escalation in the already tense political landscape of Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the echos of the Bangla Spring are influencing and inspiring youth movements in neighbouring countries and their political discourse. Perhaps a growing sense of solidarity and shared response among South Asian youths makes them increasingly willing to challenge established political orders in pursuit of justice and freedom.

It was clear when the Kolkata students marched and organised sit-in demonstrations with banners expressing solidarity with Bangladeshi students who were laying chests in front of the gun while protesting against the government in July. Undeniably, this solidarity shown by Kolkata’s youth was a powerful testament to the boundless spirit of youth who stand united against oppression and injustice. It has illustrated that the voice of students knows no borders when it comes to demanding rights and challenging any discriminatory systems.

After this dramatic fall of the Hasina regime, the ‘Bangla Spring’ represents more than just a moment in Bangladesh’s history; it has become a beacon of inspiration for young populations in neighbouring countries like India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The Bangla Spring may very well be the catalyst for a new wave of uprisings across South Asia, as the seeds of revolution are already being sown in fertile soils with discontent. Students and young activists in India have taken to the streets to protest policies they believe undermine democracy and secularism. A growing youth demographic in Pakistan is increasingly demanding systemic change, challenging the status quo with unprecedented vigour because of economic stagnation and political instability. Similarly, in Sri Lanka, young people have been at the forefront of protests against economic mismanagement and political corruption, echoing the spirit of the Bangla Spring in their demands for a new political order.

As young people across the region unite in their demands for a more just and equitable future, they are collectively reshaping the narrative of their nations, signalling that the spirit of the Bangla Spring is alive and spreading, poised to redefine the future of South Asia. Now, it is a clear picture of the streets where the humid air will reverberate with the powerful chants of ‘We want justice,’ a cry that transcends mere slogans to become the very anthem of the march. The streets will be alive once again with the march of students, their faces aglow with the light of mobile phones, candles, and flaming torches. Carrying the national flag with pride, they will stand united, hand in hand, and their voices will be amplified by the auspicious sound of conch shells, a call for justice that echoed through the daylight and night.

Under the cover of umbrellas or soaked by the rain, they will continue their march — a symbol of unwavering determination. Despite the gridlock late at night, the streets won’t contain the tide of marchers. Such a sea of humanity is not an ordinary protest — it is a collective awakening, a powerful testament to the enduring spirit of a people united in their pursuit of justice and change. Similarly, the Bangla Spring, the new dawn of revolution, marks a pivotal chapter in South Asian history, where the youth of Bangladesh became the torchbearers of a revolution — marching to the streets, armed with nothing but their convictions and a desire for change with the spirit of spring — a season of hope, resilience, and transformation. As we watch the events unfold in Bangladesh, it is clear that this movement has the potential to reshape not only its own country’s political landscape but also inspire similar movements across South Asia. Whether this is a new ‘spring’ or just a revolution, one thing is certain: the youth of Bangladesh have made history, and their actions will reverberate far beyond their nation’s borders.

Zulker Naeen is a research coordinator at the Centre for Critical and Qualitative Studies, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably...

www.newagebd.net

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond
Raudah Mohd Yunus 23 August, 2024, 00:00

| New Age/Md Saurav

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably equivalent to the fluency of a 3-year old Bengali kid). This gradual familiarisation with Bangladeshi culture and people has led me to become somewhat well-versed in the country’s history and politics.

From the 1971 war to the recent mass student protests that have finally liberated Bangladesh from Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic grip, my concern for Bangladesh and its future is very much similar to that I had grown for Egypt, where I had spent six years of my early adulthood studying medicine at its Alexandria University. In Egypt, I had seen the good and the evil. For six consecutive years, I revelled in the relentless beauty of the Mediterranean Sea, and enjoyed street foods like kushari, ta’miyya, and the ful-falafel sandwich. I made numerous unforgettable friendships with the locals, from classmates in the campus to the bawwab at the apartment building where I lived. At the same time, I witnessed horrendous atrocities committed against Egyptians, especially students and young people. Despite the widespread political suppression and a palpable climate of fear, Egyptian youth take to the streets every now and then, and were often met with tear gas and bullets from the Egyptian special force known for their brutality.

Frankly speaking, I cannot remember how many times I saw clashes between students and these special forces in our campus and heard news about medical students being arrested, or someone’s father or brother imprisoned. Such was the heavy price Egyptians paid for speaking the truth and demanding something better for the nation. There were days when I had to squeeze myself in between protesters and the security personnel through the university main gate, to catch my classes without being late. In those times, I often felt remorseful that I could not stand with my classmates or help amplify their voices. I was mostly a bystander trying to make sense of the complexities of Egyptian politics with my young and naïve mind.

Given my earlier acquaintance with Egypt, encountering Bangladesh gave me a distinct sense of déjà vu. In Dhaka, the super-crowded streets and impossible-to-navigate traffic reminded me of Cairo al-zahma (‘Cairo the Crowded’). My favourite scenes of green paddy fields and children splashing in ponds along the rail line from Dhaka to Brahmanbaria often brought my memories back to the peaceful life in rural Egypt where farmer families work hard to make ends meet. Some of the rural Egyptian children made it to prestigious medical schools across the country only to be bewildered by the marginalisation of poor students and favouritism shown to their peers from the upper class. What is more, they received harsh treatment if they dared voice out opinions that challenged the authority.

Indeed, this was a common experience among millions of Bangladeshi youth, especially the poor who travel from remote villages to study at universities with the hope of securing better jobs and improving the lives of loved ones left behind. Universities that were supposed to be centres for learning and intellectual development turned out to be a nightmare for innocent students. Many of them soon learnt that these were the places of discrimination, suppression of democratic voices and movements, and outright brutality by political forces such as the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League.

All these bring memories from my days in Egypt. On one sunny day my friends and I were strolling in a park in Egypt’s Abu Qir when a car suddenly pulled up next to us. A young gentleman jumped out, asking where we were from. Perhaps it was obvious from our looks that we were not locals. When we told him about our country of origin, he started pleading for advice on how he could get out of Egypt and travel to a foreign land for better life opportunities. I was taken aback by his sudden, emotional plea. But what I gathered from him was trauma, pain and anger. That man represented the anguish of the millions of young Egyptians who felt betrayed by their country.

Bangladeshi youth were no different. The high out-migration of young people, along with a severe brain drain phenomenon that the country has been grappling with, was a testament to the collective frustration experienced by the young generation, especially those with education and skills. Needless to say, these precious gems would be more than happy to serve the country if given the right treatment and opportunity. Alas, Sheikh Hasina and her colleagues in the government were more interested in ill-gotten wealth and power than investing in their own fellow countrymen!

An ever-present vibe I observed and picked up through conversations with locals in Dhaka and rural areas in Bangladesh that I have visited was fear and intimidation. Among the university students, a recurrent topic was bullying and physical aggression by the BCL members while regular families spoke of kidnapping, forced disappearances and looting of properties by the Awami League’s officers and supporters. Most of these atrocities were committed with impunity. As a result, ordinary people are often too scared to voice their genuine views or make any political demands, because they know too well the consequences.

Back home in Kuala Lumpur, through Bangladeshi expatriate friends, I heard every now and then that someone they knew escaped to Malaysia because of the persecution and harassment they had faced for speaking out against Hasina’s misrule and corruption. As such, I have seen how these forced migrations had caused intense suffering and torn families apart. Some of these victims had to spend years in hiding, moving from one place to another. Some even died in exile, never to see their loved ones again. These stories came from my very own personal encounters; thus, I wonder how many Bangladeshis shared the same fate and fled to other parts of the globe to avoid torture and death.

In July 2024, Bangladesh’s streets erupted in violence. To be more accurate, the country was gripped by mass student protests sparked by a discriminatory job quota system. The protests had begun as a peaceful movement until they were met with violence and attacks by security forces and thugs linked to the ruling party. Protesters were deterred by bullets and tear gas, causing a total of nearly one thousand deaths. The number of those who would die later due to injuries is unknown. Among the resistance icons was Abu Sayed, a 25-year-old student from Rangpur who was shot point-blank by the police despite standing with his arms open to show that he did not intend any harm to people around him. To aggravate Sayed’s families’ grief, the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina subsequently staged a two-minute drama of ‘deceitful compassion’ where she invited Sayed’s family to her office, hugged his mother and shed tears, promising her proper investigation and justice. Of course, the two-minute meeting was full of photographers to make sure the drama was well-captured and memorialised, making the whole nation aware of Hasina’s ‘empathy and benevolence’.

Nonetheless, as violent crackdowns continued, Bangladesh’s students defied death and persisted. The increasing brutality against them only strengthened their resolve. On July 18, the government shut down the internet and all communication networks. The next day, the government deployed the military and imposed a national curfew. Bangladeshi friends who live around me in Wisconsin were anxious and panicking over their inability to communicate with loved ones back home. Some of them narrated heart-wrenching stories of how sick family members were unable to move or access health care because of the curfew. For the ill needing urgent medical attention, living through the sudden movement restriction was like waiting for a death sentence.

The protests grew wider and more intense, to the point that police and army officers could no longer bring themselves to use further violence to quell the gatherings despite the ‘shoot-on-sight’ order. On August 5, Hasina fled Bangladesh after a 15-year misrule that has deeply scarred the nation. A wave of shock, relief and joy swept over Bangladesh and beyond. It was a moment of triumph and liberation! Three days later, 2006 Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus arrived in Dhaka to lead Bangladesh’s interim government. There was a mixture of emotions — hope and joy, along with sorrow and grief for the martyrs who had given their lives but did not witness this spectacular victory.

Thirteen years ago, on February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak was ousted following 18 days of intense protests throughout Egypt. His 30-year autocratic rule ended with the uprising of Egyptians who could no longer tolerate a brutal, corrupt and undemocratic government that served not its people but vested interests of the elites and western powers. Similarly, Hasina’s 15-year dictatorship and oppression ended with the revolution of Bangladeshi youth who could no longer endure political injustices and socio-economic discrimination that favoured the few at the expense of the many. The political landscape in Egypt has taken different turns and directions since then. But we pray and hope that the liberation of Bangladesh from the grip of Hasina and Awami League will be a reason to celebrate for a very long time.

As I watch political scenes in Bangladesh unfold, I can only pray hard that this liberation brings lasting peace, justice and prosperity to the millions of Bangladeshi youth who had risked their lives to fight for a better future. May this liberation protect and uplift the oppressed, poor and destitute — from the rickshaw wallas who illuminate the vibrant streets of Dhaka to political refugees living in exile and away from their loved ones. This defining moment is a lesson and reminder to all the corrupt and tyrannical regimes out there. Particularly, Bangladesh’s revolution is a warning to the genocidal Israeli occupation that their day of reckoning is coming soon.

Raudah Mohd Yunus is a public health specialist. She is currently a postdoctoral researcher at the Medical College of Wisconsin, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Revolution before us

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-nig

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Revolution before us
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39
Updated :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-night vigils to drive back robbers as the police fled their stations immediately after the fall of the past government. It was a case of total collapse of law and order. But the nation was united behind students to face any challenge to their independence and national sovereignty. The armed forces also rose to the occasion and stood beside the people.

Students managed road traffic in absence of traffic police and the people were with them heart and soul. Now the nation is facing another daunting crisis, the most devastating flash floods in the last 31 years inundating 11 north-eastern and south-eastern districts. About 5 million people are affected. Will the hardly three weeks old interim government of Dr Yunus be able to tide over this new crisis? But Dr Yunus and his team of advisers are not alone in meeting this new challenge. The whole nation is behind him. Whether natural or manmade, Bangladeshi people have shown in every case of past calamities their resilience against all odds. As always, such resilience is demonstrated through national unity. Consider the long queues of people with food, water, clothes, cash money at the TSC (Teacher-Student Centre) of the Dhaka University where some three thousand students of the anti-discrimination student have been busy collecting and packaging donated relief goods for the flood-stricken people. Notably, their relief goods collection started since August 21 following the heavy rainfall the days before in the Indian state of Tripura causing floods there. To make matters worse, in the face of building water pressure, the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in Tripura was reportedly opened resulting in the sudden deluge in the downstream areas of Bangladesh. The student volunteers have also been coordinating the entire relief operation through their committees formed across the nation for the purpose. The energy of the nation's youth is now unleashed for the humanitarian cause of helping the flood-hit people. All such activities are taking place spontaneously without seeking any state support. So, the government can now plan, and it has already been doing so, how the yet bigger challenge of post-flood rehabilitation work could be met. On this score, the Chief Adviser, Dr Muhammad Yunus, on Saturday, August 24 met NGO leaders and stressed utilising their expertise as well as local knowledge (the experiences of the people in their centuries-long struggle against floods and other natural disasters) to carry out relief operation and post-flood rehabilitation in a coordinated fashion. At this point, he did not fail to bring to the notice of those present on the occasion the extraordinary scene at the TSC.

We also witnessed such concentration of youthful energy when they braved the bullets of the autocracy and brought about its downfall. But they would not have been able to achieve that had their brothers, sisters, parents, friends and neighbours not also joined them.

It is a kind of unity among the people that the nation saw during the Liberation War in 1971. So, it is not just accidental that people are calling August 5 as the day of second independence.

People, in the thick of street fights, skirmishes and brawls during what were later known as revolutions of the past, did not know they were becoming part of history. The famished Paris mob that stormed the Bastille fortress on July 14, 1789 did not know that their action would go down the history as one that would change the world. So were the working class women protesting against food shortages and high prices of bread in the streets of Petrograd (then-capital of Russia) on February 23, 1917 unware that they were part of revolution that not only changed the Russian, but the world history.

In fact, no revolution is ever planned. It happens. History later records it as a revolution. So, was what happened on August 5, 2024 a revolution? Being the part of the fast-changing events, it is not possible to grasp what the totality of it is looking like. Will it all reach a successful end?

Many revolutionary events in history did not end up in the expected way in the long run. The republican revolutions of 1848 in Europe, for instance, finally ended not with a bang but a whimper. So, did many others. This is how some historians would like to describe great social and political events of the past. Success or failure of a revolution is in the mind of the historian who narrates it. Revolutionary events, like storms, take place to bring about a radical change in the existing order of things.

The August 5 was such a revolutionary moment with the potential to change the oppressive structure of the state and governance. Hence was the outburst of protesting masses, whose energy was unleashed to destroy the existing order-the physical structures and the narratives of that oppressive order. So did a few instances of excesses were seen to have been committed to the chagrin of some cultured members of society. True, the people who bring about changes are in the thick of things. They have no scope to observe and analyse events from a distance and come up with a value judgement ---if those were good or bad!

But if excesses do not happen, that is anything but revolution. It is up to history to judge that.​

 

[Saif]

The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds.

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The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The youth-led movement's victory in wresting freedom from an autocratic, kleptocratic government has provided us with the rare opportunity to once more rebuild our nation from scratch, to let go of all previous baggage and perforce political and geopolitical settlements on top of which Bangladesh had to be built. We have managed to raze all of that to the ground and before us lies a clean slate.

However, this is an urgent call to collectively be cognisant of the fact that our country right now is at an extremely critical stage. We are at this point, in essence, straddling a high, thin ledge, on one side of which lies the potential for a strong, sustained democratic Bangladesh and on the other side the spectre of crippled, failed nation.

Statistics, unfortunately, offer no solace either. In modern history, student-led movements against autocratic regimes have been one of the most studied phenomena in the realms of politics and political science. Here, statistics show that most countries fail to achieve that holy grail of a corruption-free, economically stable democracy, the vision of which generally fuels the movement towards its culmination of ousting an unpopular regime.

The post-movement results however fall anywhere along the spectrum of a country either descending into a failed state, reverting to some other form of autocracy, falling into military control, or managing to attain some success but by no means anywhere near the anticipated goal. Therefore, the aftermath of a successful movement is a political "Bermuda Triangle" so to speak—the potential to transition to democracy following many a successful uprising has disappeared exactly at this stage.

Post-movement, Bangladesh is at that fragile stage right now. If we want to beat the odds, and beat the statistics, we absolutely must draw lessons and do things differently. This begins with the urgent realisation that the key drivers of a successful mass uprising and those of a democratic transition post long-term autocracy are vastly different.

The necessary drivers of a democratic transition, following a successful movement include: firstly, a temporary governance arrangement that is non-partisan, socially legitimate with clear time limits and with predominant responsibility to establish an enabling environment for the conduct of free, fair elections; second, a set of functioning state institutions that would enable the conduct of democratic elections; third, existence of pro-democracy political parties with clear democracy mandates; and finally a regional environment that is supportive at the very least.

It is then important to analyse whether these drivers are present and if so, how do they manifest in case of Bangladesh? In case of their absence, what can be done as corrective action?

Taking the first driver, we have largely met that condition by establishing, in the immediate aftermath of an autocratic regime, a non-partisan, interim government that is socially acceptable to all stakeholders. Also fully understood is that the interim government will be working towards ensuring a democratic general election. However, a clear time limit and the overall terms of responsibility are yet to be set officially, which are essential elements of any temporary governance arrangement.
Nevertheless, concessions may be made for not being able to immediately set a time limit or terms of reference, as the interim government took reins at a time of deep national crisis. Almost all state institutions have been rendered completely dysfunctional through the infestation of the upper ranks with inept, corrupt, and partisan personnel.

This brings us to the second stated driver of having some key functioning institutions in place for the conduct of elections. It can therefore be argued that the reforms being undertaken by the interim government, which include the law enforcement agencies, judiciary, election commission etc., are required, at the very least, for democratic elections to be held.

Having said that, it will, however, be an astute move by the interim government to try and keep within a time frame of 120 days, as was stated in the erstwhile caretaker government provision. An interim arrangement, in juxtaposition to an active constitution of a parliamentary democracy, continuing for a longer period lays it open to several risks. These include the risk of being challenged on the legitimacy of reforms that cannot be directly linked to the formation of an enabling environment for general elections, the risk of being viewed as a form of power nab backed by the military (akin to the 2006-08 situation), consequently the risk of losing goodwill and support of international, pro-democracy allies; and perhaps most importantly, the risk of allowing our great "neighbour" time to re-insinuate itself once again and debilitatingly so, into our socio-political sphere.

Moving to the third driver, this requires the existence of pro-democracy political parties that in mandate and action engage to protect and uphold the principles of democracy. In functioning democracies, political parties tend to fulfil a vital intermediate role between citizens and the state, in which they represent citizens' interests and translate these into policy agenda. Now, in Bangladesh, most existing political parties will state that they are pro-democracy by "general intent," but by no means do they represent citizens' interests nor are they responsive to the needs. Instead, parties are engaged in struggle for power and access to state resources. In addition, 15 years of hostile rule by a single party have, to a great extent, left an impoverished political culture.

To ensure a sustainable democratic transition, we therefore need political parties that are explicitly pro-democracy, reinvigorated to embrace and represent the needs of the citizens, and eschew focusing on personal interests and patronage systems. Although there is no dearth of political parties in Bangladesh, extensive party reforms are necessary to have them surface into the modern era and serve as vehicles of representation. As such, one of the key tasks that the interim government should engage on, and this can relate directly to its primary mandate of electoral preparations, is to dialogue with political parties on required reforms, to be able to carry forward the kind of democracy we Bangladeshis are dreaming of.

The fourth and final driver, and perhaps the most significant one, is sadly one that is missing in case of Bangladesh: a regional environment that is supportive for a democratic transition. Through a combination of geography and an unrelenting, detrimental presence in our internal affairs, "regional" for us has unfortunately devolved into meaning only India. With Sheikh Hasina gone, perhaps for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, most serendipitously, India has been left with little or no "game" in this country, so to speak. However, we are indeed feeling the effects of this: the inexorable effort to try and establish the "invisible foreign hand" conspiracy theory, for instance, to not only undermine the agency of Bangladeshis to oust an autocracy but to also try and create a narrative for India to come (back) in to counter the "foreign hand."

Then there is misinformation vastly exaggerating the attack on minorities. Despite more and more reports to the contrary, India continues to overplay this in local and international media. These are all but a few post-Hasina shenanigans of our great neighbour. The situation has been aptly described by a well-known international publication which headlined, "India 'over-invested in Hasina and under-invested in Bangladesh' – and is now panicking"

If democratic elections are held timely, for the first time India might find itself in a position where it neither influences the ruling party nor the opposition. This is a highly undesirable state of things for India and something it would try its level best to remedy. Therefore, the longer we go without a democratically elected government, the more vulnerable we remain to overt and covert ploys being set in motion to regain a structure of influence in Bangladesh.

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds. However, this will require us, both collectively and individually, to be aware of our current vulnerabilities and our fragility such that we can address these and make that transition to a democratic society, that so many before us have failed to achieve.

Mir Nadia Nivin is an international governance and institutional reform specialist having served previously with the UN in many countries around the world helping strengthen governance and implementing reforms.​

 

[Saif]

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive But to be young was very heaven Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement
Neil Ray
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive

But to be young was very heaven

Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic wrongs for the nation's journey to its cherished goal. But why is it heaven to be young? It is because they have dared to be the torch-bearers of not only an adventure on the road to a dream destiny but also challenged the rest of society to become their co-travellers.

First, they did it successfully by bringing down the government that represented the obsolete authoritarian system. Then, again they led from the front to take society at large along with themselves in mitigating the sufferings of the flood victims in the south-eastern areas of the country. The contrast between responses from either the deposed government or the people in general in the wake of cyclones Amphan or Remal and floods in Sylhet and those now witnessed is unmistakeable. Sure enough, the country's students or youths are the beacon of hope for the nation.

However, is the nation or even a section of students ready to go all the way with the mainstream students who have been striving to cement the student-people bond in favour of a social transformation for the better? Certainly, there are forces within the ranks of both students and people who joined the mass movement ---and those apart from anti-social elements ---inimical to the causes the leaderships of students are fighting for. The 200 or so higher secondary examinees who stormed the secretariat to wrest the cancellation order from the newly installed government expose a glaring deviation. Then the numerous incidents of resignation by teachers under duress in several cases accompanied with humiliation and physical assaults are contrary to the spirit of the anti-discrimination movement.

The other negative development is the non-compliance at the grassroots level of instructions issued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) hierarchy. There are reports that immediately after the entrenched extortionist gangs of the deposed government left the scene, their places have been taken over by the counterparts from the BNP. Initially, students monitored some lucrative spots for extortion such as Karwan Bazar and the new batch of extortionists could be kept at bay. With the student vigilance gone on account of concentration to both study and collection of relief materials for the flood victims, the social parasites have staged a comeback.

However, one particular incident involving such a takeover of Shimulia ferry ghat (jetty), fish jetty and trawler jetty inspires hope. More than a hundred BNP lower ranked leaders and followers, reports a contemporary, brought out a protest rally demanding expulsion of the president and general secretary of the BNP unit of Kumarbhog, Louhajang for their capture of the jetties and starting extortion from there and shops all around. Remarkably, the general secretary of the Krishak League of Louhajang Upazila took lease of the jetties from the Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority (BIWTA) on payment of Tk 16,000,000 for the current fiscal year.

In this case, the protest has come from within the party rank and file. This bodes well for all including the interim government because such social resistances make its job easier. There is no alternative to banishing extortionists from society. Not only do they hold hostage business and transports but also contribute to stoking inflation. Now is the time to bring an end to this anti-social culture once for all. The social parasites ---no matter which party they belong to ---must not be given any space if the purpose is to create a society free of discrimination.​

 

[Saif]

We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus sends out a message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising in Bangladesh.

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We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain
The chief adviser’s message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising

Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history’s most glorious revolutions. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

On September 5, we celebrated a month of achieving Bangladesh's second independence. Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history's most glorious revolutions.

They have ended the 15-year-long dictatorial rule of the fascist Sheikh Hasina, under whose leadership a brutal massacre was conducted. Sheikh Hasina has fled, leaving behind a corrupt state and a fragile economy. It is our responsibility to establish our Bangladesh in her full glory.

I am remembering those brave young people, workers, day labourers, and professionals who embraced death as they stood up against a heinous, murderous, fascist power. I am remembering the journalists killed during the movement. I convey deep respect to everyone who was martyred in this revolution.

I also want to salute the thousands of people who were wounded, who were hit by deadly force to be left crippled for life, and those who lost their eyes.

Last month, when I was given the responsibility of leading the interim government, I was inspired by the selfless sacrifices of Abu Sayed, Mugdho, and every known and unknown martyr, to take the responsibility despite all my limitations.

I am committed to fulfilling the dream of building a new Bangladesh that our young revolutionaries have ignited in the hearts of the people of the country. Inspired by the sacrifices of the martyrs, we want to change the course of history. We want to commence a new era.

You took an oath to realise your dreams. Your dreams, painted across the walls of urban and rural localities, still stand in front of us adorned in colours.

During the revolution, you discarded your studies to spend your stressful, sleepless nights with friends and then in the daytime, you said your final goodbyes to each other and took to the streets to resist a cruel regime. At the end of the revolution, you guarded the religious minorities of the country and their places of worship, and took the responsibility of directing traffic across the country. I know your studies have been harmed. So now, it's time to get back to your studies. Schools, colleges, and universities have been reopened. I urge you to go back to class and to your campuses. Because we need a well-educated and skilled generation to take home the fruit of the revolution.

It has only been a month since the interim government took responsibility. Despite that, we have undertaken important reform work to achieve the true goals of the revolution. Our first task is to ensure justice and accountability for the killings of July and August. To conduct a free and neutral investigation into the massacre under the leadership of the United Nations, we have invited the United Nations Human Rights Office. They have come to the country and started their work.

Other than this, I have also spoken to leading international law experts with a view to creating a tribunal of international standards to try those individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the months of July and August. We want to extradite the murderers and bring back the money that corrupt individuals, politicians, and bureaucrats have embezzled during the time of the autocrat. We have started discussions with specialist institutions to this end.

One of our prime responsibilities is to ensure the free treatment of the thousands who were severely injured during the revolution. Countless young students have lost their eyesight because Hasina's criminals shot rubber bullets aiming for their eyes. We will try with everything we have to bring back the light in their eyes. We are continuously working to create a full list of those martyred and wounded. The main list is ready. Now, we are collecting information on those whose bodies have been taken far away to make the list complete. Work is at the final stage to create a foundation to cover the expensive treatment of the hundreds of wounded who need long-term treatment, as well as to look after the families of the martyred. We will never forget those whose martyrdom gave us the birth of a new Bangladesh.

Recently, we signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As a result, we are internationally committed to ending the "disappearance culture" established by the dictator. Separately, we are forming a commission to investigate each and every incident of enforced disappearance in the 15 years of the fascist rule. Our hearts go out to the families who have spent years after years in painful wait for their missing fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers.

The Aynaghars ("Houses of Mirrors," where victims of enforced disappearance were kept) have been closed down. We will soon be able to know about the suffering and pain of our brothers and sisters who were victims of enforced disappearance.

I presented a report of the important reforms our government has undertaken in my address to the nation at the end of last month. We are continuously meeting political parties, editors, political leaders, members of civil society, and diplomats. They are supporting our reform initiatives. We have been overwhelmed by the massive support we have received from our foreign friends. Our brave and patriotic expatriates have also been engaged in the efforts to reform the nation. I want to thank them all sincerely.

On this memorable and sad occasion, I want to express endless gratitude to the families of every martyr and every person who was wounded. I will invite the family members of every martyr to the capital, and I will meet them within a few days. I want to assure them that we will never betray the dreams of the martyrs.

We are moving forward. Now, our big challenge is repairing the damage created by misrule and dictatorship. For this, we need unity and coordination.

We all take the oath to not allow, as a nation, the blood of the martyrs and the sacrifice of our wounded brothers and sisters to fail at any cost. We will never allow the opportunity they have created for us to slip out of our hands. On this memorable occasion, we vow again to create the Bangladesh of their dreams.

May the Almighty help us all.

Prof Muhammad Yunus is the chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don’t stop till the job is done

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students’ and the people’s dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

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Don’t stop till the job is done
Yunus tells organisers of student movement about building a new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus talking to organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement at the Chief Adviser’s Office in the capital’s Tejgaon yesterday. Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students' and the people's dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

"For the dream, they sacrificed their lives. We must make that dream a reality. We have no other way," he said.

Not only are the people of the country eager to build a new nation, but Bangladeshis all over the world are also saying they want to be a part of realising that dream, he said at a views-exchange meeting with the students at the Chief Adviser's Office yesterday.

Yunus said when he sees graffiti on the walls, it surprises him. "How did the students come up with so many words? There were no poets, no writers, and no scholars behind them," he said.

Warning the students about possible attempts to sideline them from their nation-building work, he said, "Don't give up until the job that you have taken up is done."

Students have awakened a wave; they have also awakened the youth of the whole world. "The youth of other countries also say they want to learn about us because they need this in their country too," Yunus said.

He urged the students to write to him at least once a month so that the government does not go off course.

Bangladeshis did not get such an opportunity to rebuild the country since its birth. All should remain alert so that no one can take this away, he said, adding that if the opportunity was taken away, there would be no future for Bangladesh.

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles during the uprising were present at the event.

Briefing reporters at the Foreign Service Academy later on, Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up in the discussion.

"Sir [Prof Yunus] repeatedly said that we need good relations with our neighbours, but it needs to be based on equity, honour, and justice."

MOB JUSTICE, VIOLENCE

During the views exchange, a student leader pointed out that stopping the incidents of mob justice is one of the main tasks of the interim government.

If mob justice spreads to different parts of the society, then a vested group can infiltrate and definitely try to destroy the students' unity, the leader said.

Mahfuj in the briefing said, "The government has a clear position regarding mob justice. It can in no way be allowed."

He said the law would take its own course when it comes to vigilante justice like attacks on mazars, temples or any person.

"People will not 'try' anyone who was part of the fascist government or the sycophants that surrounded it. Rather, they will remain alert so that there is no compromise [with the perpetrators] and no one betrays the martyrs and those who got injured," Mahfuj said.

He said that the government has already taken some stern actions and will take even stronger measures.

RELIGION IN POLITICS, CASES

Another student leader said religion has consistently been used as a political tool and this has to be stopped.

Mahfuj after the event said a student of BRAC University raised the issue of religions being used in politics.

He said there were no discussions regarding the matter as it involved the constitution and other institutions.

When a reporter asked about the large number of people being accused in cases, Mahfuj said that a due and standard process should be followed when a case is filed.

CAMPUS POLITICS

A woman student leader said a teacher or a student may have their own political ideology, but on campus they should only be a teacher or a student.

"We don't want to see any politically labelled teacher or student on campus," she said.

Mahfuj said many agreed in the meeting that the kind of student politics Chhatra League and Awami League practised should not return to campuses.

There is an ongoing debate and discussion at educational institutions about what kind of politics the students and teachers can be involved in on campus. The government will decide only after seeing a consensus reached through that debate, he said.

OTHER SUGGESTIONS

The student leaders recommended that the interim government take steps to control the price of essentials and ensure voting rights of the people by reforming the Election Commission.

They said the government should focus on increasing agricultural production by providing subsidies to farmers, lowering the costs of pesticides, diesel, and farm equipment.

They also expressed concerns over brain drain; border killings; and law and order.

A student leader appealed to Yunus to take steps so that those who go abroad for postgraduate and PhD degrees return home afterwards.

Another student called upon the interim government to allocate a greater portion of the GDP to the education sector.​

 

[Saif]

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh

Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

www.thedailystar.net

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh
Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged students to keep up their efforts to build Bangladesh as a "dignified and unique" country.

"Don't give up until the task that you have taken up is completed," he told students at an opinion exchange meeting at the Chief Adviser's Office, alerting them that there might be efforts to isolate them from their nation-building work.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh did not get such an opportunity since its birth, and there will be no further if this opportunity is missed.

"We will build a dignified and unique country together. People from the whole world would come and learn from you," he said, urging the students to keep up the momentum.

"Don't come out of your efforts," said Prof Yunus, adding that this is a collective dream that needs to be materialised.

The Nobel Laureate said the young people who brought an opportunity to build a new Bangladesh are on the right track.

"You are right and transparent in your thoughts. Write to us at least once in a month. Remind us repeatedly if anything remains undone. Keep reminding us so that we do not deviate from materializing your dream," he said.

Prof Yunus said the students have done an extraordinary job and they have no intention to deviate from doing whatever is necessary for building a new Bangladesh.

He said the students did not only create a wave of change in the minds of people in Bangladesh but also people around the world.

Prof Yunus said this is the beginning of a new world led by the youth. "You are history."

Much of Dhaka has turned into the graffiti capital of the world. Young students and children aged as young as 12-13 have painted the walls of this 400-year-old city with images of a new democratic environment-friendly Bangladesh.

"This surprised me. Each word written on walls is important," said Prof Yunus, adding that, "We are here to build a new Bangladesh. We need to do it together."

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles on the ground were present at the opinion exchange meeting held at the Chief Adviser's Office.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said there was an emotional atmosphere and they could not hold tears at one stage when Prof Yunus was sharing his experience based on what he saw in his eyes.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Fragile unity and challenges ahead

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led...

www.newagebd.net

Fragile unity and challenges ahead
HM Nazmul Alam 19 September, 2024, 00:00

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

H M Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans

NRBs gathered in New Jersey showed eagerness to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward.

www.thedailystar.net

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans
Snapshots from my latest conversations with Gregorians in North America

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It was heartwarming to see so many old faces from my school days as I attended the second reunion of Gregorians of North America (GNA), held on September 14 in New Jersey, US. Nearly 200 former students of St Gregory's High School, Dhaka had gathered—many with their spouses—from all over the US and Canada. The occasion was one of reconnecting, reminiscing, and exchanging stories, anecdotes and school-era jokes.

The most popular session was the one that focused on how Bangladesh became a Test-playing cricket nation and how we can build upon our recent extraordinary Test performance against Pakistan. There were many exciting comments regarding the ongoing tour of India. The session consisted of our early cricket heroes such as Syed Ashraful Huq, Yousuf Babu, and Khandker Nazrul Quader Lintu. Their personal stories of early failures, hard work and subsequent success entertained us all. Their experience-rich comments about the future kept everyone in rapt attention, and we wondered why these three stars are not a part of our present-day cricket board leadership, especially when so much is changing at the top echelon of professional bodies.

Shahudul Haque—Gullu to us all—kept the audience enthralled with the story of his incredible journey of walking more than 15,300 miles in 1,425 days (three years and 11 months). Starting on October 17, 2020, he has walked every day. Everyone gasped when he recounted that on rainy days, when he cannot go out, he climbs up and down the stairs of his 13-storey apartment building for as many times as it takes to complete his daily routine of minimum five miles. The circumference of Earth is nearly 25,000 miles, of which he has already passed the halfway mark. For someone who is in his mid-70s, such a feat of endurance made him an instant hero of the event.

Where I had the privilege to speak was a session titled "Recent events in Bangladesh and how NRBs can contribute in the changed circumstances." Everyone spoke in a manner that proved that they had been following the recent uprising most meticulously. There was a lot of pride in what has been achieved, accompanied with some feeling of uncertainty, especially regarding the various forces that appear to have been unleashed. While there were some uncertainties regarding reforms, a consensus seemed to prevail about significantly trimming the prime minister's power and fixing their tenure in office to a maximum of two terms.

Generally, they all welcomed the toppling of the previous government, having suffered the humiliation for many years of belonging to a country whose reputation of corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, cronyism and unaccountable power surpassed most others of similar category. Like us at home, the non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) also wondered how the Sheikh Hasina government could become so unbelievably oppressive. Whatever details I could provide led to more in-depth questions about the gradual deterioration of the quality of governance in Bangladesh. They wondered, like many of us, how a powerful regime like Sheikh Hasina's could fall so fast, so completely, and so ignominiously. People's power made it all possible.

They marvelled at the bravery of our young. Though we have a long tradition of student movements, the distinguishing feature of the July uprising was the participation of younger generation—boys and girls from schools. The Road Safety Movement in 2018 seemed to have broken the psychological barrier of school students to get down to the streets to fight for what they considered to be right and just. Families descended on the streets of Dhaka with courage and bravery that armies get trained for years to master. What amazed the NRBs over and over again were the stories of these students, spontaneously joined by the general public—including women, the elderly and young mothers—who continued to demonstrate for days in spite of police killing. To defy the trigger-happy police, Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) members for days, without the slightest sign of fear or despondency, will surely be recorded as one of the most courageous mass demonstrations in the world. The GNA audience were mesmerised by how young women participated with equal intensity and courage as their male counterparts in the daily battles with police and other forces. This marked a new phase in their sense of equality, confidence and self-assertion.

The NRBs' faith in Prof Muhammad Yunus seemed boundless. They all believe that he is the right person for the job, but are worried as to whether he would be given the time he needs for the reforms people expect him to deliver. The length of his tenure remained a lively topic throughout the event.

Fear was expressed about too many issues being placed on the agenda and that the enormity of the task would jeopardise the interim administration's success. The formation of six commissions with highly competent leaders somewhat assuaged the fear among the audience that substantive work could now be expected in some crucial areas.

What impressed me immensely was the eagerness of the NRBs gathered in New Jersey to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward, which has so suddenly emerged. The whole session was full of questions as to how these highly qualified Bangladeshi-Americans could help in the progress of their country of origin. There were professionals from academia, business, engineering, IT, medicine, pharmacy, and even cybersecurity. Those present mostly consisted of mid- to high-level professionals who, though they were US citizens, were eager and willing to partake in the new journey. They cited the example of their Indian counterparts who have made significant contributions to India's march forward. They greatly regretted the failures of past governments to tap into these highly trained intellectual resources, who have now gained strength and momentum and are ready to assist their country of origin. What they eagerly wanted was a dependable conduit—either governmental or through the private sector—to channel their professional and academic expertise to their counterparts in Bangladesh. Given Prof Yunus's experience and personal expertise on knowledge transfer, these NRBs feel confident that their long-cherished wish is on the verge of being fulfilled.

My brief exposure and fragmented exchanges convinced me that it's high time we established professional linkages with these highly qualified and equally highly motivated NRBs, and use their knowledge to assist in our journey in the potential-rich 21st century. We need to urgently set up some sort of mechanism to make use of this huge reservoir of talent that can help transform Bangladesh.

If knowledge is the most important resource of future advancement, then the global citizens of Bangladesh origin are eagerly waiting to serve Bangladesh in providing that crucial resource. It has been foolish on our part not to seek their collaboration earlier. It will be self-defeating, in fact suicidal, to continue in that direction.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​