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Interim govt urged to halt energy master plan before polls

FE REPORT

Published :
Jan 16, 2026 09:06
Updated :
Jan 16, 2026 09:06

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The Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) has come down heavily on the draft Energy and Power Sector Master Plan (EPSMP) 2026-2050, describing it as 'fundamentally flawed, non-participatory and backward-looking'

The private think tank also urged the interim government not to finalise it before the ensuing national election.

It also warned that approving the master plan in its present form would lock Bangladesh into costly and carbon-intensive fossil fuel infrastructure, deepen excess power capacity and delay the country's energy transition by years.

The CPD's concerns and warnings came on Thursday at a media briefing titled "Interim Government's Energy & Power Sector Master Plan (EPSMP): 2026-2050" in the city.

The press conference was moderated by CPD Research Director Khondaker Golam Moazzem while the keynote paper was presented by CPD Senior Research Associate Helen Mashiyat Preoty. Researchers and programme associates from CPD were also present there.

The CPD said the draft EPSMP largely echoes the previous Integrated Energy and Power Master Plan, prepared by the ousted Awami League government, and fails to address the criticisms, concerns and questions that have long surrounded Bangladesh's power and energy planning.

Instead of correcting the past mistakes, the new draft, CPD argued, carries them forward and in some cases intensifies the existing debates.

The draft proposes adding new coal-fired power plants to the grid and revives discussion on exploiting domestic coal resources under the banner of "resource optimisation", according to the CPD.

At the same time, it outlines an expansion of LNG infrastructure, including a new floating storage and regasification unit and a land-based terminal, raising questions about how the interim government intends to escape the sector's growing debt burden while claiming to move away from fossil fuels.

The CPD highlighted faulty power demand forecasting as another key area of concerns. The draft EPSMP projects electricity demand of more than 40,000 megawatts by 2040, while CPD's own analysis suggests that demand is unlikely to exceed 30,000 megawatts by that time.

Mr. Moazzem warned that overestimating the demand would only perpetuate excess capacity, inflate capacity payments and exacerbate the sector's financial stress, as Bangladesh's future economic growth is expected to be more service-oriented and less energy-intensive.

The draft also introduces zone-wise peak demand projections and generation planning, a technically sophisticated exercise that could have been beneficial, CPD acknowledged,

The CPD, however, said inconsistencies between zonal demand estimates, and renewable energy potential and generation plans risk creating additional and unnecessary generation burdens.

Although the EPSMP sets headline targets of 20 per cent renewable energy by 2030, 30 per cent by 2040 and 50 per cent by 2050, CPD questioned the credibility of such goals.

The master plan's definition of renewable energy includes large utility-scale and rooftop solar, onshore and offshore wind, waste-to-energy, geothermal, as well as hydrogen and ammonia co-firing.

The CPD argued that it remains unclear how much of the projected renewable share would come from proven sources such as solar and wind, and warned against "camouflaging" unproven or fossil-linked technologies as renewable solutions.

More critically, the plan places major renewable energy expansion and smart grid development in the post-2040 period, even though the renewable target for 2040 is 30 per cent, according to the CPD.

Mentioning that the existing grid can accommodate not more than about 20 per cent of variable renewable energy, it stressed the need for early investment in grid modernisation.

Delaying smart grid implementation until 2040, it said, is incompatible with the plan's own targets.

Grid upgradation emerged as one of the most overlooked aspects of the draft EPSMP. CPD noted the draft lacks detailed regional power mapping and also the urgency in preparing the grid to integrate higher shares of renewable energy.

It also highlighted weak provisions for institutional reform, including the need to strengthen the autonomy and enforcement powers of sector regulators and to reform the Power Grid Company of Bangladesh to ensure independent and efficient system planning.

The financial strategy outlined in the draft drew sharp criticism, according to the CPD.

It said the plan proposes investment allocations of tens of billions of dollars for electricity generation and LNG infrastructure, alongside billions for hydrogen and ammonia, while allocating negligible resources for renewable energy expansion, domestic gas exploration and transmission and distribution modernisation.

Such priorities, CPD argued, contradict the stated goals of energy security and transition.

Mr. Moazzem also questioned the timing and process of the plan's formulation, noting that it was presented to the advisory council just weeks before national elections.

He alleged excessive bureaucratic dominance in drafting the plan and raised concerns about pressure from vested domestic interests and foreign partners, particularly in relation to LNG expansion and potential commitments linked to international trade and economic agreements.

In response to questions from journalists on LNG costs, renewable integration, institutional reforms and the repetition of past planning mistakes, the CPD researchers reiterated the need for a fresh, inclusive and research-based planning process.

The CPD strongly recommended that the interim government suspend the proposed EPSMP and leave the task to an elected government.

It also called for scrapping plans for new coal-fired power plants, initiating a time-bound phase-out of existing coal capacity, halting new LNG terminal projects, accelerating smart grid development from the earliest phase, redefining renewable energy around proven sources such as solar and wind, and integrating regional renewable energy trade, including cross-border imports from Nepal and Bhutan.​
 
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Power capacity charges keep crippling nation

Govt almost maintains previous power structure: economists


Shakahwat Hossain 18 January, 2026, 00:02

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The capacity charge in the form of power subsidy has remained at an elevated level of around Tk 3,000 crore each month on average over the past 30 months including 17 months under the interim government.

Finance ministry officials calculated that the monthly power subsidy was less than Tk 1,000 crore in 2021-22.

In the past week, the Finance Division provided around Tk 24,000 crore to the Bangladesh Power Development Board to clear the arrears to its private power suppliers from the overall allocation of power subsidy at Tk 37,000 crore for the current financial year of 2025-26.

Division officials suspect that the amount of subsidy will supersede the initial projection once again in the current FY26 like the previous three financial years.

Shamsul Alam, energy adviser to the Consumers Association of Bangladesh, said that the interim government had failed to bring about major changes to the energy sector.

The current interim government has almost maintained the structure built by the Awami League regime through the Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) 2010, he said.

PDB officials attributed the growing generation capacity against almost static demand and the presence of 32 costly and fuel guzzling power plants awarded without competitive bidding during the AL regime for the elevated power subsidy.

Besides, the supply shortage of gas to a privately run power plant and a number of coal-fired power plants, including one in the Indian state of Jharkhand by the Adani Power Limited with inflated prices, give no relief from the growing power subsidy, around 80 per cent of which is used for capacity charge.

Giving guarantee of payment with profit to the private power producers even in case of keeping plants idle, the capacity charge payment almost tripled the power subsidy to Tk 29,511 crore in 2022-23 from Tk 11,940 crore in 2021-22 because of unutilised generation capacity.

The current government that assumed power on August 8, 2024, three days after the AL government prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled to India amid a mass uprising scrapped the Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act in November 2024 to bring about transparency in future power deals.

But it has to keep continuing the payment of the capacity charge.

In 2024-25, the Finance Division provided around Tk 62,000 crore in power subsidy, including arrears from the previous years.

As the termination of the controversial power deals might risk facing legal challenges, the current government just decided not to extend the tenure of the controversial plants after their expiry.

PDB officials said that 32 fuel guzzling power plants owned by private groups with the generation capacity of 3,605 MW would expire between 2029 and 2035.

They mostly remained idle and were used only in peak hours of summer days, officials said while highlighting the gap between the generation and the installed capacity.

Former World Bank Dhaka office chief economist Zahid Hussain said that a vicious cycle had gripped the country’s overall power and energy sector because of faulty plans, overpriced deals, and corruption during the past political regime.

The overall daily power generation capacity of the PDB reached 28,909 megawatt at the end of 2025, according to a PDB draft prepared on January 14.

On July 23, 2005, the PDB generated the highest amount of power at 16,794 MW, but its generation fell between 8,000 MW and 10,000 MW recently because of the drop in the demand for the current winter season.

Because of the big gap between the installed capacity and the generation, the national budget has been facing stress over the past several financial years because of the power subsidy.

Zahid Hussain resented that the nation would have to pay the price of the power sector mismanagement for many days to come.

Zahid, who was a member of the national committee to review controversial power sector agreements during the AL regime, calculated that the annual capacity charge to the Jharkhand power plant of Adani amounted to around $85 million.

The government has also incurred capacity charge amounting to Tk 59 crore per month as the PDB failed to supply gas to 718MW power plant at Meghnaghat which started commercial operation on July 28 July, 2025.

In September 2023, Nasrul Hamid, the former State Minister for Power, Energy, and Mineral Resources, said that the government had paid a total of Tk 1.04 lakh crore in capacity charges and rental payments to private-sector power plants across its three consecutive terms from 2009 to mid-2023.

Following are the fuel-based rental power plants.

Rajlanka 52 MW, Natore, 2. Baraka Patenga 50MW, Chattogram, 3. Gagnagar (Orion )102 MW, Naryanganj, 4. Lakdanavi 55MW, Jangalia, Comilla, 5. ECPV 108MW , Chittagong 6 Madanganj 55MW, Naryanganj , 7. Kathpatti 52 MW, Munshiganj, 8. Summit Barisal 110 MW, Barisal, 9. Southern Power 55MW, Nababganj 10. Northern Power 55MW , Manikganj, 11 Jamalpur IPP 95MW, Jamalpur, 12 Basila 108 MW Keraniganj, 13. Kamalaghat 54 MW, Munshiganj, 14. Summit 300MW,Gazipur, 15. Summit Kodda 149MW, Gazipur, 16. United 200MW, Mymensingh, 17. Orion Labon Chora 105 MW, Khulna, 18. Acorn Juldah Unit-3 100MW, Chattogram, 19. Midland East 150MW, Ashuganj HFO, 20. Desh energy 200 MW, Chandpur, 21. United 115 MW, Jamalpur, 22. Confidence Power U-2 113MW, Bagura, 23. Baraka, Shikalbaha Power Plant 105MW, Chattogram, 24. Cornafuli Power Shikalbaha, 110MW. 25 Confidence 113 MW, Rangpur, 26. Zodiac 54.36 MW 27. Confidence Power Unit-1 113MW, Bogra, 28. Feni Lanka Power Ltd 114MW, Feni, 29. United Anowara 300MW, Chattogram, 30. HF Power Ltd 113MW, Feni. 31 Orion Sonargaon Power Ltd.104MW, Narayanganj, and 32 Acorn Julda-2 100M, Chattogram.​
 
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Govt allows BPC to import LPG to ease crisis

Sujoy Chowdhury Chattogram
Published: 18 Jan 2026, 23: 04

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In the context of the ongoing crisis and price hikes in the country, the Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation (BPC) has received an approval to import liquefied petroleum gas (LPG).

The state-owned corporation has been granted this approval in principle on a government-to-government (G2G) basis.

Muhammad Fouzul Kabir Khan, adviser to the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, confirmed the matter to Prothom Alo on Sunday night. He said, “BPC has been granted an approval in principal to import LPG.

The chairman of BPC, Md Amin Ul Ahsan, has already been given verbal instructions to start the process. An official letter is being sent. The government will now initiate the import of LPG on a government-to-government basis. Once imported, supply in the market will increase and balance will be restored.”


Muhammad Fauzul Kabir Khan stated that, for the time being, the government will only be involved in the import of LPG. There are currently no plans for direct involvement in storage, bottling, or distribution activities. These tasks will be carried out through private operators.

In light of the recent LPG shortages, the BPC submitted a formal request to the secretary of the Power, Energy, and Mineral Resources Division on 10 January, seeking authorisation to import LPG. The correspondence highlighted that, as the domestic market is entirely privatised, the state's capacity for market intervention during a crisis remains constrained.

Consequently, the government lacks the necessary levers to address supply deficits or combat artificial scarcities. Following this appeal, the BPC has been granted the requisite permission to commence imports.

From which country will it be imported?

According to sources within the BPC, Indonesia, Malaysia, China, and Qatar have been identified as potential sources for importing LPG via government-to-government (G2G) arrangements. The initiative to commence imports will prioritise nations capable of supplying LPG at competitive prices and under more favourable terms.

When asked for comment, BPC Chairman Md Amin Ul Ahsan told Prothom Alo, "The LPG market in the Persian Gulf region—specifically Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—is substantial. Furthermore, Indonesia and Malaysia are also significant players in this sector. We intend to procure LPG from nations that can facilitate imports within a relatively short timeframe and under favourable conditions. Informal discussions have already commenced with several countries, and we anticipate that formal negotiations will begin shortly."

Officials at the BPC have indicated that negotiations will be pursued with the most advantageous partners, with a focus on international market rates, shipping costs, and contractual terms. A primary consideration in these discussions will be the reliability of supply. The overarching objective remains to bolster market availability by securing LPG within the shortest possible timeframe. In line with these efforts, the BPC convened a meeting today, Sunday, with several private-sector LPG distributors.

Various regions across the country are currently experiencing an LPG shortage. In many areas, 12kg LPG cylinders are unavailable at the government-mandated rates. Due to these supply pressures, the market price for cylinders has escalated to an unprecedented degree.

The Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission (BERC) reports that 52 companies have obtained licences for LPG operations in the country. Among these, 32 companies possess their own bottling plants.

While 23 companies have the capacity to import, only 17 managed to do so at various points throughout the previous year. Furthermore, a mere 8 companies maintained a reliable monthly import schedule. Although some firms initiated imports at the start of the year, several suspended their operations towards the latter half.

In 2023, LPG imports reached 1.275 million tonnes, rising to 1.61 million tonnes in 2024. However, imports fell to 1.465 million tonnes last year, representing a 10 per cent decline compared to the previous year.

Consequently, the reserve stocks intended for year-end stability were completely exhausted to meet market demand. This has led to a supply deficit that can no longer be bridged, leaving consumers unable to secure LPG cylinders even at twice the standard price.​
 
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Capacity charge in power sector still drains public funds

THE interim government, which assumed office on August 8, 2024 after the fall of the Awami League regime three days earlier, reckoned with the corruption that built had up on unsolicited rental and quick rental power plants initiated by the Awami League when it assumed office in 2009. The Awami League, which had been in office for a decade and a half in an authoritarian manner, allowed the installation of such power plants, riding on an indemnity law to keep actors and their actions in the power and energy sector above the customary law, as a means to channel public money into private pockets through capacity charges. The capacity charge is the money that the Power Development Board pays power-sector investors even when the plants do not produce electricity, with an aim to cover the loans that the plants receive, along with interest, salaries of the employees and returns on equity. More power plants started being installed, taking the power overcapacity to about 50 per cent, whereas the maximum acceptable power overcapacity threshold is 25 per cent. Even with an increased generation capacity, power woes have not gone away as the government could not create the demand for so much power and could not buy gas or coal to run the plants.

Whilst the capacity charge, more so on an excessive overcapacity, continued to bleed both the power sector and the economy, the situation added to the government’s subsidy on power, most of which is spent on capacity charge payments. The capacity charge in the form of subsidy has now averaged about Tk 30 billion a month for the past 30 months, which include the 17 months of the interim government. Finance ministry officials say that the monthly power subsidy was less than Tk 10 billion in 2021–22. The Finance Division provided about Tk 240 billion to the Power Development Board for the payment of bills in arrears to private power suppliers from the overall allocation of power subsidy at Tk 370 billion for the ongoing financial year. The interim government on November 28, 2024 repealed the Awami League-era Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act 2010 — first extended by two years in 2012, then by four years in 2014, then again by three years in 2018 and finally by five years in 2021 — creating hopes that the government would rethink the agreements, or at least renegotiate them, to end the menace in the energy supply.

The indemnity legislation no longer exists, but the corrupt structure of the power sector centring on capacity charge continues, worryingly, to bleed the power sector and the economy. Whilst the interim government has not done what was imperative for it, it will remain imperative for the next government that would assume office after the February 12 general elections.​
 
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New power & energy sector master plan 2026-2050

The risks for energy sector


Mushfiqur Rahman
Published :
Jan 22, 2026 23:13
Updated :
Jan 22, 2026 23:13

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On January 7, 2026, the Interim Government's Advisor for the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources Muhammad Fauzul Kabir Khan submitted to the Chief Adviser Prof. Muhammad Yunus a new 25-year power and energy sector master plan to be implemented during 2026-2050. As reported, the master plan would be implemented in three phases: 2026-2030, 2030-2040 and 2040-2050.The Master Plan projected country's peak electricity demand of 59,000 megawatts by 2050 (current electricity demand considered to be 16,700 MW).

The Chief Adviser's press wing issued a press release claiming that the newly submitted power and energy sector master plan would require an estimated $177 billion to $192 billion. The Chief Adviser said 'This is the lifeline of Bangladesh's economy. If this sector becomes strong, the economy will stand.'

The press-release said the new master plan analysed policy gaps in the masterplans prepared in 2005, 2010, 2016 and an Integrated Master Plan (prepared by the previous governments with the JICA support) while formulating the new one. The Integrated Power and Energy Master Plan 2023 projected that country's peak electricity demand could reach to 70,500 MW by 2050. Critics said the overestimated projected electricity demand enabled the former government to allow installation of a large numbers of power plants without securing primary fuel supply and necessary transmission and distribution network upgrade. Also, the electricity demand growth for industrial and commercial consumers was far below the projections for the last decade. As a result, nearly forty per cent of the installed power generation capacities remained idle so far. The newly prepared master plan aims to ensure reliable, affordable and sustainable energy for all through 'optimal use of domestic resources, energy security, efficiency improvements and environmental responsibility'. The new plan, however, failed to offer sustainable primary energy supply strategy for the projected growth of power sector.

The non-government think tank Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) suggested that the Interim Government repeated the same mistakes while preparing the Draft Energy and Power sector Master Plan. CPD questioned the reasons for 'hasty' drafting of the master plan without proper consultations with the major stakeholders. As per CPD observations, 'the new master plan contained the same concerns and mistakes like the previous versions of the master plan. It suggested that the new master plan reflected the bureaucratic dominance and 'energy import pressure groups' vested interests' and showed more reliance on imported oil, LNG and coal. CPD claimed that the government's new energy and power sector master plan 2026-2050, if implemented, would push the country backward from a sustainable energy pathway. CPD considers that implementation of the new master plan 'would run counter to energy transition goals and drive towards locking the country into expensive, carbon intensive fossil fuel infrastructure for decades. CPD analysts believe that Bangladesh's future industrial growth is expected to be labour-intensive, more service oriented and less energy intensive. Therefore, about half of the projected electricity generation capacity would meet the country's demand by 2040 (estimated to be below 30,000 MW by 2040). CPD further considers that 'Bangladesh is yet to be technically and economically ready for green hydrogen or green ammonia'. CPD observed that the new master plan largely ignored the potential of regional power trade despite opportunities to access cost-effective electricity from India, Nepal and Bhutan.

The interim government outlined that the new Power and Energy Sector Master Plan (2026-2050) included offshore oil and gas exploration, increased gas production, LNG supply security, petroleum refinery capacity expansion and strategic energy capacity development as priority projects. The new master plan included long term energy projects like developing hydrogen and ammonia infrastructure, geothermal and tidal energy, ocean wave energy development initiatives. Chief Adviser Prof. Yunus considers necessary establishment of a separate, autonomous research and development institute for power and energy for assisting the government policy formulation.

Some observers considered the new master plan a very costly wish list by inclusion of hydrogen and ammonia infrastructure development, geothermal energy development and tidal and ocean wave-based power generation. They opine that current energy crisis needs urgent pragmatic policies supported by public and private sector investment (including foreign direct investment).

Professor M. Tamim, Vice Chancellor of Independent University, Bangladesh and a leading energy expert considers that Bangladesh is now facing one of its most serious risks from the perspective of energy security. He feels that the global energy market situation remains complex and Bangladesh needs to address the issues urgently to overcome its serious energy and investment crisis. He suggested that the next government must make clear political decisions to promote domestic oil and gas exploration, coal extraction, and renewable energy development. He further suggested that the governments' primary objective should be to create enabling investment confidence and formulate policies for bankable project implementation combining domestic and foreign initiatives.​
 
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Review body for scrapping power deal with Adani
Staff Correspondent 26 January, 2026, 00:10

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File photo

A National Review Committee on Sunday suggested that the government should scrap the power purchase deal with the Adani Power Limited, saying that corruption took place in approving the power plant project in the Indian state of Jharkhand for which Bangladesh has to pay extra $400-500 million annually in payment.Bangladesh travel guides

At a briefing on the day in the capital Dhaka, members of the committee said that they had found ‘concrete evidence of corruption’ in the agreement signed during the Awami League regime which was ousted in August 2024 in the wake of mass uprising.

‘Details of illegal transection of funds in this connection have already been gathered,’ said the committee members while making the report public.

The interim government appointed the five-member committee led by former High Court judge Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury to review the power purchase agreements with independent power producers under the Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act 2010 which was annulled by the interim government.

The committee, however, suggested not to scrapping the controversial power plants by local IPPs and bargaining with them for revising the overvalued prices of power.

On January 20, the committee submitted the report to the Power Division.

Highlighting main features of the report today, the committee members also shared the findings with reporters and focused on the next course of actions for the government.

Along with Moyeenul other committee members Abdul Hasib Chowdhury, a teacher at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology, Ali Ashfaq, former partner of KPMG Bangladesh, Mushtaq Husain Khan, a teacher at the University of London, and Zahid Hussain, former lead economist at the World Bank Dhaka office, were also present at the briefing.

Mushtaq Husain said they identified three reasons — place, price and condition — to conclude that massive corruption took place while signing the agreement with Adani under the dictate from the former and deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

He said that initially Godda in Jharkhand of India and Maheskhali in Cox’s Bazar of Bangladesh were identified as the site for the plant.

They did not find any answer as to why Maheskhali was dropped, he said.

The price of power from Adani was almost double compared with that of power imported from other plants from India. Bangladesh pays Adani $1 billion in payment annually.

The NRC identified that Adani deal was the hallmarks of systemic corruption rather than commercial necessity.

Adani Power in a statement on the day said, ‘We have not received any communication regarding the review committee report and neither the said report has been made available to us.’

‘Therefore we cannot offer any specific comment regarding the report. At no point in time were we approached by any Bangladesh authority to provide our viewpoint or share any inputs,’ said the statement.

The executive summary of the report said that for more than a decade, Bangladesh’s power sector was governed not by competition or regulation, but by an emergency law.

What began as a short-term response to blackouts in 2010 evolved into a procurement regime that, according to a government-appointed national review committee, enabled systemic overpricing, excess capacity and the transfer of billions of dollars from the public to a small group of private power producers.

The legal foundation of the system was the Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act, 2010, enacted at a time when Bangladesh was struggling with daily power cuts.

The law allowed the government to bypass competitive bidding, weaken regulatory scrutiny and shield decisions from judicial challenge.

Although designed as a temporary measure, the Act remained in force for more than 14 years. In practice, it became the dominant framework for power-sector contracting, covering hundreds of power purchase agreements signed without open tender.

According to the NRC, this created a ‘parallel governance system’ in which discretion replaced rules and accountability was structurally disabled. Regulatory oversight by the Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission was marginalised, while courts were prevented from reviewing contracts approved under the Act.​
 
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How energy insecurity and climate vulnerability converge in Bangladesh

26 January 2026, 01:01 AM

By Raida A. K. Reza

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FILE VISUAL: Anwar Sohel

Conversations around energy transitions are typically focused on swift transitions, with solar panels appearing overnight on rooftops, wind farms sprouting across landscapes like mushrooms after rain. The reality, particularly for developing nations navigating complex economic pressures, tells a different story.

And for Bangladesh, a country that simultaneously grapples with climate vulnerability and economic transition, clean energy isn’t just an environmental aspiration, but a necessity that could redefine the industrial future.

Picture this: nearly 666 million people globally still live without reliable electricity, with over 85 percent concentrated in Sub-Saharan Africa. And while the entire population in Bangladesh is said to have access to the grid, “access” is not the same as reliability. Frequent power cuts and a heavy reliance on expensive, imported fuels make the system fragile.

While the lights are mostly on, heating energy is where the real crisis resides. Less than 30 percent of Bangladeshi households have access to clean cooking fuels like gas or electricity. Most still rely on wood or crop waste, creating indoor smoke that is a leading cause of early death in the country. This “energy poverty” isn’t just an inconvenience, but a significant health hazard to a substantial portion of the population.

However, Bangladesh suffers not only from a lack of energy access, but is also one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable nations. According to the World Bank, tropical cyclones already cost the country about $1 billion every year. If sea levels rise by just 27 cm by 2050 (which is a very real possibility), the southern coast could lose nearly 18 percent of its farmland, plunging the country into a severe food crisis.

Every new coal or gas plant built today adds to this risk of exacerbating climate change. The irony is that Bangladesh produces very little of the world’s pollution, yet it pays one of the highest prices.

Transitioning to clean energy isn’t just about “being green,” but also about stopping the cycle of damage that drains billions from the economy. Bangladesh’s economy relies heavily on exports, with around 85 percent of its export earnings coming from the readymade garment industry. To grow further into leather, jute, and food processing, the country needs massive amounts of energy. Modern manufacturing is energy-intensive. The RMG sector requires reliable, affordable electricity for every stage of production, from spinning yarn to running sewing machines to powering climate-controlled warehouses. Leather processing demands substantial energy for tanning and finishing. Food processing and cold chain logistics are energy voracious. If Bangladesh hopes to expand and diversify its industrial base, it must solve the energy equation.

Currently, the country is stuck in an “import trap.” About 65 percent of the country’s power depends on imported fossil fuels like liquefied natural gas (LNG) and coal. In 2025 alone, the cost of importing LNG jumped to nearly $3.9 billion. So, when global fuel prices spike because of wars or supply chains, Bangladeshi factories suffer.

Clean energy offers an alternative pathway. By using sunlight and renewable resources, Bangladesh can harness energy domestically, reducing import dependence and price volatility.

Consider the RMG sector specifically. Factories powered by rooftop solar installations coupled with energy-efficient machinery don’t just reduce carbon footprints, they lower operating costs and enhance competitiveness in international markets where there is an increasing demand for sustainable production. European and US buyers are implementing stringent environmental standards and factories powered by clean energy gain market access advantages.

Yet, the painful reality is that Bangladesh needs this transition at a time when it can least afford it financially.

The numbers paint a sobering picture. The country has already allocated $15.7 billion for interest payments alone in fiscal year 2024-25, nearly one-fifth of the total budget. As Bangladesh graduates from Least Developed Country (LDC) status, it faces higher borrowing costs as well as reduced access to concessional financing. Tax revenues remain constrained by a narrow tax base. Development financing is becoming increasingly scarce as global crises, such as wars, pandemics, and other emergencies, dominate international attention and resources.

Climate adaptation and mitigation programmes require substantial funding through bilateral and multilateral sources. But the current geopolitical landscape doesn’t prioritise climate action when conflicts rage and economic uncertainties loom. This makes financing for clean energy much harder to find.

To make the jump to clean energy, Bangladesh needs to frame these projects not as “costs,” but as “investments.” Every dollar spent on a solar farm today is a dollar not spent on expensive foreign oil tomorrow.

Renewable energy projects create construction and operations jobs. Reduced fuel imports improve trade balances. Lower energy costs enhance industrial competitiveness. Energy access in rural areas unlocks economic opportunities previously constrained by darkness.

Renewable sources are abundant, emit minimal greenhouse gases, and offer energy sovereignty. To stay stable, Bangladesh must move away from fossil fuels. Bangladesh has a goal: to have 40 percent renewable energy in its energy mix by 2041.

The International Day of Clean Energy, observed on January 26 is also the founding date of the International Renewable Energy Agency, and it serves as more than ceremonial recognition. It’s a call to action for just and inclusive energy transitions that benefit both people and planet.

For Bangladesh, this day should prompt reflection on uncomfortable truths. Economic stability cannot be built on unstable energy foundations. Industrial diversification cannot succeed without reliable, affordable power. Climate adaptation cannot happen while simultaneously expanding the fossil fuel infrastructure that accelerates climate catastrophe.

Progress is taking place. Renewable energy capacity in developing countries has grown from 155 watts per capita in 2015 to 341 watts less than a decade later. But Bangladesh, along with the global community, remains off-track in terms of achieving Sustainable Development Goal 7, which calls for universal access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and modern energy by 2030.

Of course, change takes time. The export diversification Bangladesh is seeking won’t be achieved overnight. The clean energy transition requires patient, sustained policy interventions and investments. But the foundation must be laid now, even amid fiscal constraints and global uncertainties.

The incoming government faces a momentous choice: continue down a path of energy vulnerability and climate risk or embrace clean energy as the cornerstone of economic stability, industrial competitiveness, and climate resilience. The former threatens continued instability. The latter offers a fighting chance at a sustainable future.

For a nation that has survived cyclones, floods, and countless other challenges through resilience and ingenuity, the clean energy transition represents not a burden but an opportunity. An opportunity to power industries with the sun, to build stability on renewable foundations, and to demonstrate that climate vulnerability can catalyse climate leadership.

The question isn’t whether Bangladesh can afford this transition, but whether it can afford not to pursue it.

Raida A. K. Reza is doctoral researcher at United Nations University’s Institute for Integrated Management of Material Fluxes and of Resources (UNU-FLORES), Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development (IOER), and Technische Universität Dresden.​
 
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Firm stance needed on unfair Adani power deal

FE
Published :
Jan 27, 2026 23:35
Updated :
Jan 27, 2026 23:35

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The National Review Committee formed by the interim government to look into the suspected anomalies in the power purchase agreements (PPAs) struck with the Indian Adani Power Ltd and some local independent power generation companies during the Awami League-led autocratic regime has come up with evidences of widespread irregularities and corruption. The contracts were awarded without any competitive bidding but by orders from the then-prime minister's office. So, the power tariffs fixed by the supplier companies were excessive and against the interest of Bangladesh. Especially, the 25-year PPA with Adani power Ltd, that started supplying power to Bangladesh since 2023, has been found to be unfair and graft-ridden, the Committee reportedly told journalists at a recently-held press briefing. The evidences of such irregularities and graft were learnt to be amply supported by bank records, transaction dates, foreign travel documents of the government high-ups, to name but a few of the instances.

The power supply contract inked with Adani Power Ltd during the autocratic regime has proved to be an albatross around the neck of the government. In fact, Bangladesh has to pay the company excess charges between US$450 and US$500 million annually. The fallout from this deal is that over the contract's lifetime, an aggregate sum of US$10 billion will be due to the Indian power supplier. The worse part of the PPAs including the one cut with Adani is that, as pointed out by the Committee, those (PPAs) were indemnified by a special law, styled, 'Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provision) Act 2010. The law in question was scrapped by the interim government in November last year.

Obviously, the Committee suggested that the government should seek compensation from the Adani Group or cancel the contract before the contract is affirmed. Notably, the contract is so structured that it has allowed Adani to profit from the entire supply chain, including mining in Australia, port handling and transportation of coal to the Godda power plant at Jharkhand in India and so on that ultimately passed all the costs unfairly to the Bangladeshi consumers. The power pricing formula is also heavily skewed against Bangladesh as the costs (charged by Adani) are significantly higher than the power supplied by the coal-fired power plants in Bangladesh. So far as tax issues are concerned, under the contract, Adani has included Indian excise duties and taxes in the tariff paid by Bangladesh, which are definitely unfair. Add to that the later instance of withholding certain tax benefits from the Godda plant, which was, evidently, egregious as it was done in breach of the original PPA. However, the PDB's approach to settle the issues directly with Adani was, reportedly, spurned by the latter, who on the contrary, was in favour of appointing a mediator. Clearly, the suggestion implied that instead of direct talks, the Indian power supplier was rather interested in engaging in a legal battle at the Singapore International Arbitration Centre. No doubt, that would not only be a time-consuming affair, but also involved the risk of paying huge penalties at the arbitration. In that case, what are the options open to Bangladesh? Should it continue to go by the unfair conditions of the deal with Adani to the ultimate disadvantage of Bangladesh and its consumers or cancel it (the deal) altogether despite risks and challenges involved? Needless to say, despite its limitations, the interim admin has to take an expeditious but firm, well-thought-out stance on the Adani power deal issue, if only, to protect national interest before it is too late.​
 
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