[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Can we save our republic?

The only way to preserve our newly acquired freedom is to put power where it belongs—to the people.

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Can we save our republic?

ILLUSTRATION: REHNUMA PROSHOON

We can pat ourselves on the back for having been selected the "Country of the Year" by the Economist for overthrowing an autocrat. But for the role of the students and the youth, we might well not have been able to assert ourselves. Thus, the acknowledgement of the Economist is actually an acknowledgement of the power of the young generation, or Gen Z, to provide leadership in reverting the regression of the country, reclaiming its sovereignty and bringing it back to the path of prosperity.

However, the magazine ends on a cautionary note mentioning the bumpy road ahead, economically, politically, and indeed diplomatically. The British weekly commented that in 2025, "Bangladesh would need to repair ties with India and decide when to hold elections—first ensuring that the courts are neutral and the opposition has time to organise." A tall order indeed.

Not unsurprisingly, our achievement has been taken with derision from certain quarters across the border, in the land of our big neighbour, where the media have gone on overdrive in manufacturing, distorting and concocting news. They manufacture chaos, concoct stories of minority repression, and exaggerate stray incidents to inflate the matter. Admittedly, there have been incidents, albeit isolated, of harassment of minorities in Bangladesh. The difference between what happens in Bangladesh and the persecution of minorities in India is that while in Bangladesh it is done by individuals, the persecution of Indian Muslims is state-sponsored.

We have said many times that while it is one thing to see through a successful revolution, it is another thing to see that the ultimate goal, for which thousands were killed, maimed and disappeared, is achieved. And very few would disagree that the ultimate aim is to achieve an egalitarian society where everyone would be free to follow his or her own goals in a free atmosphere, and would be governed by the rule of law and not by that of men—where s/he can pursue the calling of their own choice and the people's representatives serve the people and not command them. We want a country with a true republican character, in short.

However, regaining our republic will not be an easy task. The path forward appears to be extremely fraught as one would have noticed from the seminal stages of the post-revolution period. We are still in the throes of the initial stage, trying to find our feet. It is the muck that we are struggling to remove, the muck that has accreted over the last 15 years in every sector. Reportedly, the economic highway that was flaunted by the Hasina regime was really a dirt road. The story of economic miracle was a myth. Data was manufactured by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics to present a rosy economic picture. These are not my words but the words of the economic task force appearing in their White Paper on Bangladesh economy.

But there are inimical forces both within and outside the country who are hard at work to reinstate the fallen tyrant by indulging in choreographed movements in some sectors. Various cadres of the civil service are agitating for their own "cause." It seems that suddenly August 5 has generated the rise of a plethora of demands from various sectors, which had not been seen in the last 15 years.

It also seems that there still are a significant number of sympathisers within the administration who are lying in wait for the opportune moment to create chaos and numb the administration. One suspects the deep state is at work, backseat-driving the government. Otherwise, how does one explain such a large number of Awami Leaguers finding their way out of the country? And we saw another physical manifestation of this in the fire incident at the Secretariat. Everything points to a well-planned sabotage work. And this is not the last of such acts of sabotage. The warnings are clear that hostile forces are at work.

The question is, how do we safeguard our revolution, the first being frittered away by a despot who had no love lost for the people of Bangladesh and felt little obligation for the country?

The only way to preserve our newly acquired freedom is to put power where it belongs—to the people. And that brings us to the crux of the issue, that of reforms and election. So far, our base has been weakened. The civil administration and the judiciary, not to speak of the security sector, have been affected by the blatant regime of politicisation by Hasina. Can we proceed with business as usual with a rickety base to build on? The character of the state institutions would have to be restored before the next move in this respect. And that can be possible if we have people with impeccable antecedents and strong moral fibre to run these institutions. But by the same token, laws must be enacted to ensure that state institutions cannot be influenced by the government of the day.

Can we also proceed without holding to account people responsible for gross violations of human rights? And human rights are violated in more ways than one. Can those who have siphoned off billions of dollars of the country's wealth be allowed to go free? And those people include Hasina, her family members, and her cronies in the business world. Who will answer for the extrajudicial killings and the killing of the students in the recent uprising?

Can those who destroyed democracy, deprived the people of their right to choose their representatives, and made a mockery of parliament and the system be allowed to participate in future democratic exercises without paying for their misdeeds?

We would like to end with a brief comment on the said report of the Economist. Bangladesh would need to repair ties with India, it says. Let me stress that it is not for Bangladesh to repair ties with India; rather the opposite is true. Bangladesh has done nothing to impair the bilateral relationship. India has, on the other hand, not only given shelter to a person who stands accused of gross violation of human rights, corruption and other misdeeds in the country's court of law; she is using the soil of India to conspire against Bangladesh.

Since the fall and fleeing away of the autocrat, Indian political leaders have made threatening comments about Bangladesh. Our folly has been that we did not register our protests except for one instance. It is a pity that India has failed to see the reality and to honour the wish of the people of Bangladesh.

The most important thing that is the call of the hour is national unity—this is the first safeguard for our Second Victory.

Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan, ndc, psc (retd) is a former associate editor of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Relation to be pragmatic, not kowtowed or based on a whim: Mahfuj Alam

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam said this in response to the question of a newsperson after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on Sunday

en.prothomalo.com

Relation to be pragmatic, not kowtowed or based on a whim: Mahfuj Alam
Diplomatic Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 29 Dec 2024, 23: 12

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam talks to the media after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on 29 December 2024 Foreign Ministry


The interim government wants the relation of Bangladesh with friendly states to be based on the principle of pragmatism, not kowtowing. There will be no place for adventurism or whim here.

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam said this in response to the question of a newsperson after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on Sunday.

Information affairs adviser Nahid Islam also attended the discussion that was moderated by foreign secretary Jashim Uddin.

Addressing the question of changes in the foreign policy of Bangladesh, Mahfuj Alam said, “‘Friendship with all, malice to none’ - this was like a goal. This has not changed much. Rather, we want a pragmatic relation with all, as is the case among friendly states. This would be pragmatic; there is no place for adventurism or whim here.”

Speaking about the topics of discussion, Mahfuj said that there has been discussions on how the foreign policy should be, how it should be with different countries, ranging from the Middle East to India, China, Myanmar and so on.

“At this stage we have taken some proposals and steps for reforming the state. How those could be made sustainable and visible. In that case, as our opinions, we have said that we need a detailed discussion with all the stakeholders including the political parties,” he added.

Adviser Mahfuj Alam also said, “We need to move towards a consensus with all. The unanimity on the foreign policy should be from the national point of view, and it should not change with the change in government. Rather, the foreign ministry should present the country on the global stage based on pragmatism, and with dignity.”

“We discussed various steps. How to harmonise public diplomacy and soft power with foreign countries; how we can highlight Bangladesh, all these issues were discussed. Another issue is to increase our capacity.”

Mentioning that the foreign ministry was politicised in the past, Mahfuj Alam said, “We want the foreign ministry to represent Bangladesh; not for any party, but to present Bangladesh... We want the consensus of all political parties and all our stakeholders in keeping Bangladesh ahead. This is our point of view now.”

Addressing the discussion, Mahfuj Alam said, “What we need from the state’s point of view is pragmatism. We cannot be run by any kind of whim. We want to focus on the sovereignty, national security, territorial integrity of the state - how we can increase our strength, maintaining our position. Increasing our capacity, our bargaining capacity, is more important than considering what is being done by other countries. People will benefit if we can increase our capacity.”

Responding to a question about the whimsical decisions made by the previous government and after 5 August, Mahfuj Alam said, “What the previous government did more than being whimsical is that they adopted a kowtowed foreign policy. And from our government’s perspective, we have been trying to have a pragmatic foreign policy. We will try to correct if there is any whim or mistake.”

In response to another question, advisor Mahfuj Alam stated that he had heard that the Indian government would not extradite Sheikh Hasina.

“This is a political decision they (India) have taken, they will not return her (Sheikh Hasina). We are hearing this,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

March for Unity today

Students Against Discrimination has announced that it will hold a March for Unity programme at the Central Shaheed Minar today in support of the interim government’s initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

www.thedailystar.net

March for Unity today
Announce student coordinators following govt move for a declaration on July uprising

Photo: Naimur Rahman/Star

Students Against Discrimination has announced that it will hold a March for Unity programme at the Central Shaheed Minar today in support of the interim government's initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

As of 2:30am today, the student leaders had not made it clear whether they would formally proclaim the July uprising as they had announced on Sunday.

"Our heartfelt appeal to the people of Bangladesh, spontaneously participate in this programme," Arif Sohel, member secretary of the platform, told reporters after a near four-hour meeting at the office of Students Against Discrimination at the capital's Banglamotor.

Hours after the students made the announcement on Sunday, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam told reporters that the government had no involvement in the student leaders' proclamation event.

However, the interim government last night said it took an initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

After the government announcement, there was uncertainty about whether the students would hold their event. They then began the meeting.

After 1:30am, the chief organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, Sarjis Alam, said he welcomed the government's decision. "Because if the government does this based on the opinions of all quarters involved in the movement to overthrow the Awami League government, including political parties, it will be sustainable."

According to the Chief Adviser's Press Wing, the declaration will be adopted to consolidate the unity of people formed through the July mass uprising, the anti-fascist spirit, and the desire to reform the state, reports UNB.

The declaration will be prepared, taking the opinions of all political parties, Students Against Discrimination and other student bodies.

It will highlight the perspective of the July uprising, the basis of unity and the aspirations of people, says the press wing.

The government hopes that this declaration will be presented before the nation within a few days.

Earlier, the leaders of the Students Against Discrimination announced that they would hold an event, Proclamation of July Revolution, at the Central Shaheed Minar today.

The students and Jatiya Nagorik Committee said they requested supporters from districts and upazilas to attend the event.

They also invited the BNP, Jamaat, Gono Odhikar Porishad, left parties, and civil society members.

People who were injured in the uprising, family members of those martyred as well as doctors, teachers, labourers, and garment workers had been invited.

Students Against Discrimination, which spearheaded the mass uprising that ousted the Hasina-led government, is set to outline a framework of a society free of discrimination.

The declaration is supposed to present a vision to ensure equality, human dignity, and social justice, said the leaders, adding that they wanted to acknowledge people as sovereign entities.

There will be a brief timeline of the series of incidents starting from the quota reform movement to eventually to the fall of the regime.

The Proclamation of Independence of the liberation war officially announced on April 17, 1971 had equality, human dignity and social justice as principles.

According to the leaders, they will narrate the significant events of history including 1947, 1971 and an evaluation of those events.

They will describe different historical events and explain why the aspirations of different movements failed.​

 

[Saif]

Uprising Proclamation: Student leaders in meeting after govt's move

The meeting, which started at 10:00pm, is being held at the office of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement office in the capital's Bangla Motor area

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Uprising Proclamation: Student leaders in meeting after govt's move

Photo: Amran Hossain

Soon after the interim government announced that it would prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus, Student leaders convened an emergency meeting to decide on their next move.

The meeting, which started at 10:00pm, is being held at the office of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement office in the capital's Bangla Motor area.

"We will announce our decision after the meeting. The meeting is ongoing," Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the platform told reporters.

The meeting was ongoing till filing this report at 12:40am.

On Sunday (December 29), the student movement announced in a press conference that they would unveil the "July Revolution Proclamation" at the Dhaka Central Shaheed Minar on Tuesday afternoon (December 31).

Leaders of the organisation mentioned two key points in the manifesto -- the cancellation of the 1972 constitution, which they dubbed as "Mujibist Constitution" and declaring the "Nazi-like Awami League" irrelevant in Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Uprising, unity, and uncertainty: Power, protest, and politics in 2024

To speak of politics in 2024 is also to recall the entire history of political culture that has unfolded in Bangladesh since 1972.

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Uprising, unity, and uncertainty: Power, protest, and politics in 2024

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The year 2024 has emerged as the most significant conjuncture in the political history of Bangladesh since its independence in 1971. To state the obvious: on August 5 this year, we witnessed the fall of the longest-serving fascist ruler in the country's history, brought down by the largest mass uprising in the history of Bangladesh. Also known as the July uprising, it was led by none other than students themselves. Indeed, the uprising was an epic of resistance—what some have even metaphorised as a "political earthquake"—that morphed the mundane prose of daily life into the vibrant poetry of broad-based unity, particularly in July and August.

This epic was written with the blood, sweat, and tears of the people themselves as they came together across classes, genders, professions, occupations, political parties, organisations, groups, even generations. For instance, even children—cradled in their mothers' arms or perched on their fathers' shoulders—were visibly present on the streets, embodying the collective spirit of our resistance. And, of course, the costs of this uprising were staggering. At least 1,500 people were brutally killed, with nearly 20,000 wounded, many suffering devastating injuries such as the loss of eyes, arms, legs or other limbs. Those who were murdered came from all walks of life—children, youth, the middle-aged, the elderly, women, workers, and more—each a poignant reminder of the immense sacrifices made in the pursuit of freedom and justice.

But to grasp the significance of the year 2024 in political terms, I believe, requires accounting for its radiant singularity as well as understanding its determinate web of connections—direct or indirect—to preceding years. In other words, it is essential to envision a dialectic of continuity and discontinuity that encompasses a broad temporal horizon—a framework that underscores the imperative to historicise. Rabindranath Tagore, although on a different register, tells us in a poem, "O time past, you wander from world to world, continuing to work in silence" (translation mine). I particularly align with my favourite Black writer James Baldwin, one who instructively asserts that "history is literally present in all that we do." To speak of politics in 2024, then, is also to recall the entire history of political culture that has unfolded since 1972, and—dialectically—with the history of people's resistances to that very culture. So, what does politics look like in 2024? And what is politics, after all?

Politics is often understood as the art and science of governance, involving the administration of government, public policymaking, and control within a formalised state apparatus. This includes the actions of political parties, elected officials, bureaucracies, and legislatures, as well as formal mechanisms like laws, elections, and diplomacy. However, politics ranges beyond the zodiac of formal institutions to encompass all spaces where power relations, power struggles, and decision-making processes and practices obtain and operate—from families and communities to workplaces and even global interactions. It also embraces informal practices, resistance movements, and cultural norms (as the Italian Marxist revolutionary Antonio Gramsci rightly contends, culture is political). In this piece, I address politics in both its formal and broader senses while exploring political culture.

Of course, understanding politics and even Realpolitik requires grasping the underlying political culture. And the mainstream ruling-class political culture that has evolved from 1972 to 2024 can be characterised by at least five broad and distinct yet interconnected trends: 1) the commodification and commercialisation of politics and politicisation of plundering business elites, driven by the logic of capital; 2) the bureaucratisation of politics and the politicisation of bureaucracy; 3) the militarisation of politics and the politicisation of the military; 4) the class-driven politicisation of religion, often divorced from religious principles; and 5) the criminalisation of politics and the politicisation of criminals, as Badruddin Umar aptly described. Together, these trends characterise at least part of what I term the "fascisation of politics," exemplified in practices like extreme nationalism, authoritarianism, corporatism, media monopolisation, cult fetishism, masculinist idolisation or even deification of a singular leader, and repression through organised state violence and surveillance—all continuing to remain decisive hallmarks of Sheikh Hasina's regime in 2024 (more on Hasina's brand of fascism later). Clearly, the trends I have categorically described here egregiously ran counter to the core principles of our Liberation War of 1971—equality, human dignity, and justice—principles that the July uprising sought to reclaim repeatedly with exemplary fervour and brio. Within this framework, then, Hasina's 2024 election (January 7), the year's first major political event, must be understood.

Indeed, from 2008 to 2024, Bangladesh's elections under Sheikh Hasina's leadership were marked by the abolition of the caretaker government system and the establishment of an electoral process that lacked genuine competition. Opposition parties faced repression, electoral fraud, and exclusion, with the ruling Awami League securing unopposed or manipulated victories. Formal elections every five years turned out to be merely symbolic, bereft of public participation. This monopolistic governance led to severe declines in human rights, the rule of law, and economic stability, leaving the people in crisis, its so-called economic growth notwithstanding (more on economic growth later). Kallol Mustafa's 2024 book titled Sheikh Hasina Sarkar: Durnitee o Nipironer Khotian (Sheikh Hasina's Government: A Chronicle of Corruption and Oppression) usefully anatomises and analyses Hasina's electoral authoritarianism. Drawing on his rigorously researched work, I have identified 18 key areas of the fascist Hasina regime's actions, most, if not all, of which continued through 2024: 1) deprivation of voting rights; 2) dismantling democratic norms; 3) suppression of dissent; 4) enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings; 5) judicial impunity; 6) politicisation of state institutions; 7) corruption and money laundering; 8) bank looting and scandals; 9) stock market manipulation; 10) reliance on foreign loans for costly projects; 11) rising inequality; 12) jobless growth and unemployment; 13) severe labour exploitation; 14) business cartels and rising commodity prices; 15) fabricated statistics; 16) plundering in the energy sector; 17) environmental destruction; and 18) a submissive foreign policy with India, compromising sovereignty. And, undeniably, 2024 emerges as the bloodiest year in our history since 1971—a year soaked in violence and despair. Pablo Neruda's haunting lines resonate powerfully, "Come and see the blood in the streets/ Come and see/ Blood in the streets." At least 1,500 lives were mercilessly taken, and countless others left maimed and shattered, as already noted. This is a year that surely calls for reckoning, not mere remembrance.

Owing to space constraints, I will briefly focus on inequality and the marginalised populations who have suffered most under Sheikh Hasina's regime, both before and during 2024—and who continue to endure hardship today. To put it briefly and bluntly, Bangladesh's economic growth under Hasina has coincided with rising inequality. Since 1986, IMF-led reforms prioritising export-driven trade over welfare have fuelled labour exploitation, inequality, and deregulation in health and education. In the garment industry, employing over 50 lakh workers, wages remained among the world's lowest—Tk 12,500 ($113) monthly, while recent raises still remain inadequate. Roughly, the richest five percent control over 30 percent of the national income, while the poorest five percent hold only 0.37 percent. With 84.9 percent of workers in the informal sector and precarious jobs and more than 9,200 workplace deaths reported since 2013, inequitable policies have widened disparities, leaving most struggling to meet basic needs. Neoliberalism, this historically specific phase of capitalism, has repeatedly failed to provide a way forward.

As others and I have written elsewhere, ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities—particularly Indigenous communities, Bangalee Hindus, Ahmadis and Shias, Urdu speakers—have faced multifaceted marginalisation since 1975, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party authoritarian rule sowed the seeds of fascism. For these groups, land rights have always been a critical issue, compounded by unjust, discriminatory laws—an issue that remains insufficiently addressed to this day.

The July uprising and the subsequent formation of the interim government on August 8, 2024 must be viewed in this broader context. While I can't recount the full narrative of the uprising here, its significance deserves brief but categorical reflection. First, the movement inaugurated a collective political subjectivity and new historical agency, made possible by the creative, non-hierarchical, non-partisan leadership of young students and the oppressive history of fascism and failed resistances. Second, it heightened political consciousness among the people like never before. Third, it immediately secured certain freedom of speech. Most importantly, through the students' anti-discrimination platform, the movement repeatedly reclaimed the three core principles of our Liberation War: equality, human dignity, and justice. Finally, it led to the formation of the interim government, a necessary but increasingly fragile outcome.

The interim government, led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, identifies as reformist, establishing commissions to propose democratic restructuring of state institutions. Student leaders from the uprising, alongside the military and political parties, helped negotiate its composition. However, most of its members, lacking political expertise and experiences (in the hardest sense) and even ties to mass uprisings, do not position the government as "revolutionary." It is unrealistic to expect it to extend beyond limited democratic reforms within the existing undemocratic systems.

To be effective, the Yunus government must reprioritise instead of restlessly moving in numerous directions. First, it must compile a full list of those killed and injured during the uprising and provide financial support to their families. Second, accountability demands that those responsible for the mass killings—especially Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet—be brought to justice. Third, the police and bureaucratic system must be restructured and made efficient. Fourth, the government must address soaring prices of essential goods. Lastly, of course, it must ensure conditions for free and fair elections.

There are immense challenges ahead, both for the government and for us—the people. Let 2025 not drag on but give way to a truly new year of meaningful action and intervention. A new Bangladesh cannot emerge from old ideas and from old, unreformed political parties. Democracy and the country's future decisively rest on centring—not tokenising—the agendas and aspirations of the most exploited and marginalised: poor peasants, workers, women, ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities, who together constitute the majority. Our real struggle begins now—after the uprising—as we confront the question of how to use our newfound freedom.

Dr Azfar Hussain is director of the graduate programme in social innovation and associate professor of integrative/interdisciplinary studies at Grand Valley State University in Michigan, US. He is also vice-president of the US-based Global Center for Advanced Studies (GCAS).​

 

[Saif]

New political settlement and the vision of a democratic state

Bangladesh’s ongoing democratic transformation calls for reforms, a new constitution, and youth leadership.

www.thedailystar.net

New political settlement and the vision of a democratic state

The July student and public uprising was a powerful call to establish a new political settlement. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

More than four months have elapsed since the student and public uprising in July. During this time, the newly formed interim government has confronted numerous challenges and has often struggled to demonstrate tangible progress. Nevertheless, the government is resolutely laying the foundation for essential reforms across several critical sectors. Overall, Bangladesh is unmistakably moving forward through a significant transformation.

The July student and public uprising was a powerful call to abolish the fascist system and establish a new political settlement. This movement was not merely about replacing or overthrowing the rulers; it was about fundamentally transforming the system that enables state oppression of the people, rooted in specific socio-economic and political conditions. Nur Hossain bravely sacrificed his life to dismantle the military dictatorship of Ershad, driven by the conviction that democracy must be liberated. Despite establishing an electoral system in post-1990 Bangladesh, true democracy could not be achieved. Had democracy been genuinely realised, the sacrifices of individuals like Abu Sayed and Wasim Akram would have been unnecessary.

A critical issue in discussions about democracy in Bangladesh is the mistaken belief that elections equate to democracy. This prevailing narrative falsely asserts that holding elections is synonymous with being a democratic state. In reality, elections are merely a method for selecting a government for a specific period in a genuine democracy. If the state lacks fundamental democratic principles—such as the rule of law, institutional freedom, freedom of the press, freedom of speech and expression, and the right to assembly—then conducting elections every five years fails to establish true democracy.

In Bangladesh, we have decisively failed to establish a strong electoral system, severely undermining the continuity of elected governments. Numerous political parties have set a dangerous precedent by seizing power through elections but refusing to relinquish it at the end of their terms. This has created a cycle of coups, countercoups, military rule, a blatant disregard for democracy, and a pervasive culture of political violence.

It is evident that after each major historical event in our nation—specifically in 1947, 1971, and 1990—the resulting arrangements have consistently fallen short. The core issue is a glaring lack of a clear and unified vision for a democratic state. We must confront and resolve this fundamental problem if we are to advance effectively.

The call for the abolition of the fascist system and the establishment of a new political settlement during the 2024 uprising must be understood in its historical context. The post-uprising student movement, fiercely opposing inequality, along with the determined efforts of the National Citizens' Committee, is firmly rooted in this understanding. The National Citizens' Committee demands a new democratic constitution to ensure that no government can devolve into authoritarianism once in power. The 1972 constitution failed to deliver democracy and justice, ultimately paving the way for the oppressive one-party rule of the Baksal regime.

The student movement against inequality demands the declaration of a second republic. These demands from students and citizens cannot be ignored. Achieving fundamental change in our country requires more than just rushing into elections without necessary reforms. We firmly believe in the importance of elections as a core practice of democracy; however, we categorically oppose electioneering.

Electoral politics relentlessly seeks to maintain the status quo and obstruct essential reforms. In stark contrast, the movement to dismantle the fascist system is determined to eradicate the authoritarian elements entrenched within the state's structure. Our goal is clear: to establish true institutional democracy by creating a democratic constitution through an elected constituent assembly and conducting parliamentary elections under that constitution. This is the undeniable pathway of our democratic revolution.

This aspiration is not merely a romantic notion; it is a concrete vision grounded in global democratic principles. Our proposed vision for the state demands the establishment of a democratic constitution that unequivocally removes state institutions from executive control. We will implement decisive measures to limit the powers of the prime minister, preventing the rise of a singular authority.

We will unapologetically recognise the rights of all ethnic communities and prioritise the needs of minority groups. Ensuring a safe public space and achieving economic equality for women are non-negotiable imperatives. We reject the binary politics of religion versus culture and instead assert the necessity of building a cohesive political community through the integration of religion, language, history, and heritage within the framework of self-development.

Many researchers assert that Bangladesh's strategic geopolitical position commands the attention of both global and regional powers. Our geopolitical strategy is anchored in an unwavering commitment to protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our nation. When it comes to foreign policy, we rigorously prioritise mutual interests and uphold our dignity.

Bangladesh will no longer be dismissed as a "bottomless basket." We've emerged as one of the world's rising economies, and it is clear that, had it not been for the extensive looting, rampant corruption, and money laundering of the past 15 years, our economy would rank among the foremost in Asia. We are resolute in our commitment to eradicating corruption and money laundering, creating abundant employment opportunities, offering special incentives to small and medium-sized enterprises, and transforming the tourism industry.

We will ensure that healthcare reaches every citizen, fully committed to the vision set forth by the late Dr Zafrullah. Our emerging political party, focused on engaging the youth, will prioritise increasing funding for education and promoting research and knowledge production. It's time to take bold action for the future of Bangladesh.

Criticism and dissent are vital pillars of democracy. We must unequivocally ensure that no government has the power to harass or torture individuals for their criticisms, nor can they engage in abhorrent acts such as enforced disappearances or imprisoning citizens without trial. It is imperative that we proactively prevent any recurrence of such egregious human rights violations. The recent extrajudicial killings have made it crystal clear that we will not tolerate these injustices. We cannot allow another life to be lost in this way.

The brutal actions of Sheikh Hasina and her party must remain etched in the public's memory. We will honour the martyrs with the utmost respect, and the injured will receive the highest standard of care. Their sacrifices and suffering will fuel the relentless reconstruction of Bangladesh.

We mustn't pit reform against elections. To establish a robust foundation for Bangladesh's democratic system, reform is not just necessary; it is unavoidable. The outcome of these reforms—free and fair elections—must restore our electoral democracy. We refuse to accept the loss of more lives merely for the sake of elections. The will of the people is unmistakably inscribed throughout the country. The message is clear: we demand reform in our nation, society, state, and institutions. While this reform process will not last indefinitely, the government must be given a defined period to deliver results. We must be vigilant to ensure that the urgent call for elections does not compromise the reform agenda. The government has no right to fail.Following these reforms, they must lay the groundwork for a new government to assume power within a strong and democratic framework, and that is our expectation. The youth will undoubtedly lead every sector of future Bangladesh.

Nasiruddin Patwary is the convener of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt to draft July uprising proclamation on consensus

The interim government has taken an initiative to prepare a declaration of the July mass uprising based on a national consensus, said the chief adviser’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, on Monday.

www.newagebd.net

Interim govt to draft July uprising proclamation on consensus
Staff Correspondent 30 December, 2024, 21:42

Chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam speaks at a press briefing in front of state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka on Monday night. | CA press wing

Leaders of Student Movement Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee say they will hold their planned programme at Central Shaheed Minar scheduled for today

The interim government will prepare a proclamation of July Uprising based on national consensus, said the chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam on Monday.

However, hours after the government’s announcement to adopt the July Uprising proclamation, the Student Movement Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee confirmed that their event would proceed at the Central Shaheed Minar in Dhaka as previously planned, but the proclamation would not be made.

At a press briefing in front of state guest house Jamuna in the capital, press secretary Shafiqul Alam said that the proclamation would be adopted to consolidate the unity of the people, the anti-fascist values and the desire for state reforms that was expressed through the July uprising.

The press secretary revealed that the declaration would be prepared based on the opinions of all participating students, political parties and stakeholders, including the Students Against Discrimination that led the uprising.

‘We hope that this proclamation will be prepared unanimously within a few days through everyone’s participation and will be presented to the nation,’ he added.

Earlier, the Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee announced an event to declare July uprising proclamation at the Central Shaheed Minar in the capital today.

Immediately after the government announcement about the proclamation, student leaders convened an emergency meeting to decide about today’s event.

After extensive discussions, chief organiser of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement Abdul Hannan Masud told reporters about 1:00am today that they would hold the rally at Shaheed Minar today. He, however, did not clearly say if they would make the proclamation at the event.

Announcing the proclamation event, Student Movement Against Discrimination convener Hasnat Abdullah on Sunday said that with the proclamation of the July uprising, the 1972 ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’ would be buried on December 31.

‘We demand that the Mujibbadi Constitution be declared obsolete. The grave of the Mujibbadi Constitution of 1972 will be created at the same place where the one-point declaration was announced. We hope that the July revolution declaration will declare the Nazi-like Awami League irrelevant in Bangladesh,’ he said at a press conference in the capital Dhaka.

Although the programme was scheduled for 3:00pm today, Jatiya Nagorik Committee spokesperson Samanta Sharmin on Monday evening told New Age that the draft of the proclamation was yet to be finalised.

According to the draft proclamation, the students and people of Bangladesh have faced brutal repression, including killings, harassment and internet shutdowns, while peacefully protesting against discrimination.

Despite these atrocities, they continued to demand the resignation of Sheikh Hasina and called for a non-cooperation movement.

The protests gained widespread support across all sectors of society, uniting people against fascism, the draft said.

In response, the students and citizens have called for the dissolution of the current parliament, and the reform or annulment of the 1972 constitution to restore the promises of liberation war – dignity, equality and justice — and an end to fascism in Bangladesh, it said.

It also said that the people of this land fought for independence from colonial domination, achieving freedom from the British rule in 1947 and later from Pakistan in 1971 after immense struggle and sacrifice.

It said that the 1972 constitution undermined democratic aspirations, leading to weakened institutions and governance.

Successive political manoeuvres, including martial law and constitutional amendments, further eroded the state’s stability.

The ‘Mujibist paradigm’ entrenched by the one eleven paradigm sustained Sheikh Hasina’s dominance, while the ideals of the liberation war were exploited to promote authoritarianism and the cult of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

‘We resolve that, we need a political settlement altering the ‘72 and 1/11 settlements, which will pave the way for new democratic republic. We further resolve that, we need a state which will be free of any kind of discrimination,’ the draft proclamation said.

The proclamation of July uprising will come into retrospective effect on August 5, 2024, it said.

Protesting against the discrimination in government job opportunities, the students began a protest in July.

The demonstrations turned violent as the protesting students were badly beaten and shot to death.

In protest, mass people took to the streets, demanding a change in state power.

Ultimately, they ousted the Awami League regime on August 5 amid the student-mass uprising.

The Mass Uprising Special Cell on December 21 published its first draft, saying that 858 people were martyred and 11,551 injured in the student-mass uprising.​

 

[Saif]

Make July uprising proclamation by Jan 15

Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee yesterday said they would take to the streets again if the government does not make the Proclamation of July Uprising by January 15.

www.thedailystar.net

Make July uprising proclamation by Jan 15
Students, Nagorik Committee issue ultimatum to govt, threaten to take to streets again demand justice, reforms

Hasnat Abdullah speaking at March for Unity. Photo: Screengrab

Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee yesterday said they would take to the streets again if the government does not make the Proclamation of July Uprising by January 15.

At the March for Unity at the Central Shaheed Minar, they said their "revolution will end only when the nation gets justice and the reforms are carried out".

People in droves joined the gathering with national flags, placards, festoons, and banners.

They chanted slogans like "Ei Muhurte Dorkar, Bichar R Sangskar" (now is the time for justice and reforms) since they began gathering there in the afternoon. Most of the speakers ended their speeches with the slogan "Inquilab Jindabad" (long live revolution).

The programme was initially announced for making the Proclamation of July Uprising. But the government later said it would formally make the proclamation based on national consensus.

The students then renamed their programme "March for Unity".

Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the Students Against Discrimination, said, "We still do not have a document of proclamation on the July mass uprising. It must be issued by January 15. That day we want to reunite here with the proclamation.

"Our struggle against fascism and the Awami League will continue. Many couldn't accept our uprising and that is why there are conspiracies afoot at the Secretariat, in the police, and even in the courts."

Hinting at government officials, he said, "Accept the reality. Killer Hasina, who had taken away the people's right to vote by torturing political parties, won't be rehabilitated."

Nasiruddin Patwary, the convener of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said the proclamation should incorporate the spirit of July uprising that ousted the fascist government with the blood of hundreds of martyrs.

"We want a new Bangladesh that will not tolerate any intimidation by any country; we want a country without any tender manipulation and extortion. We want the government to immediately bring the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina to book," he said.

Mentioning that the gathering was a renewed effort to press home the demand for justice by the families of the martyred and the injured, Nasiruddin said, "We will fight until justice is ensured."

Akhtar Hossain, member secretary of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said people want a new constitution. "The next election will be held to elect a constituent assembly which will decide on the new constitution and later will play the role of the legislature."

He said the government's announcement that it would write the proclamation is a victory for the Students Against Discrimination.

Member secretary Arif Sohel of Students Against Discrimination said, "We learned from the uprising that the meaning of independence is the rights of farmers-labours, the basic human rights of all people, their right to food, education and health. All these should be in the proclamation."

Sarjis Alam, an organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said the interim government should focus on breaking up the syndicates that have the markets in their grips.

Spokesperson of the Students Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee Umama Fatima and Samantha Sharmin, and organisers of the platforms in the districts and universities also spoke at the event.

The event began with a one-minute silence in remembrance of those martyred in the uprising.

Abul Hasan, father of martyred Shahriar Hasan Alvi, made the introductory speech. He said, "We feel our children every moment. Our tears will never dry. Murderer Hasina, her cabinet members, and the helmet-forces must be brought to book."​

 

[Saif]

Chhatra Shibir is co-fighter of July uprising: Sarjis Alam

He urged the Chhatra Shibir men to achieve the highest level of credibility through their works.

en.prothomalo.com

Chhatra Shibir is co-fighter of July uprising: Sarjis Alam
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 31 Dec 2024, 22: 38

Sarjis Alam speaks at a member conference of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir in Dhaka on 31 December 2024.Tanvir Ahammed

The chief organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, Sarjis Alam, has lauded the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir as its activists were co-fighters during the student-led mass uprising in July and August.

Addressing a member conference of the student front at the capital’s Suhrawardy Udyan on Tuesday, Sarjis noted that the Chhatra Shibir men were on the street during the movement and also offered significant advice at different crucial points.

The movement leaders found the Shibir men beside them, be it directly or indirectly, from the very beginning of the uprising. “No one can suppress the truth for good. Its emergence is just a matter of time,” he said.

Sarjis Alam recalled the torture of the Awami League regime and described its leader Sheikh Hasina as a killer. He said Sheikh Hasina played a blame game against anyone whom she considered a potential threat to remain in power.

Jamaat chief Shafiqur Rahman welcomes Sarjis Alam at the member conference of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir at Suhrawardy Udyan in Dhaka on 31 December, 2024.Tanvir Ahammed

“We witnessed that she had killed many Islamic scholars through jail sentences, attacks, lawsuits, and torture, simply because they were perceived as potential threats. Killer Sheikh Hasina made survival difficult for many dignitaries and organisations like the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir,” he said.

Highlighting the bravery of the youth, Sarjis said the current generation drove out fascist Sheikh Hasina from the country as they are driven by their conscience.

He urged the Chhatra Shibir men to achieve the highest level of credibility through their works.

“To us, the countrymen come before any individual, group, or party. We will continue working unitedly to build Bangladesh, keeping the national interest above all, just the way we fought hand in hand as well as shoulder to shoulder and sat at the table for planning during the uprising,” he added.

Shafiqur Rahman, ameer (chief) of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, attended the conference as the chief guest, with participation of leaders from different political parties and student organisations.​

 

[Saif]

We welcome the government’s move

Photo: Prabir Das

The proclamation of July 'revolution' had perturbed political quarters when it was announced on Saturday for the first time.

Leaders of Students Against Discrimination, who spearheaded the campaign that toppled Hasina's regime, said it was 'now or never' and wanted to 'bury the constitution of 1972' which they tagged as Mujibist. The Jatiya Nagorik Committee, a civic platform, also joined the rhetoric calling for a mass rally at Shaheed Minar.

On Sunday, the chief adviser's press secretary announced that this proclamation was a private initiative and that the government had nothing to do with it. This did not calm fraying nerves, however, and speculations ran wild about what the students actually wanted to achieve with this proclamation. It almost appeared that the students were about to undermine the authority of a government that people had installed.

Last evening, within a day of saying it was a private initiative, the same government official told the press that the government would announce a proclamation of the uprising—not revolution as the students had said, but uprising—within a few days. This has, at least for now, taken the steam out of the students' call for the rally and diffused the tension.

However, this latest move also confirms general apprehension of uncertainty about the government's position. It is unlikely that the recent decision was the outcome of a full cabinet meeting, where it was duly deliberated. When reports of the six vital commissions are due within weeks on the very topics the 'proclamation' wanted to address, the rationale of the whole event goes beyond one's understanding.

Going into the new year, it would be relieving for the general public to hear the government explain the purpose of this proclamation and what it would achieve almost five months after the deed was done.​

 

[Saif]

We haven’t started drafting July proclamation yet, says Advisor Rizwana

Drafting of July proclamation yet to begin: Rizwana The interim government has yet to begin drafting the July proclamation despite a 15-day deadline set by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement and the National Citizens’ Committee. Speaking to journalists outside the Secretariat on Wedne

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

We haven’t started drafting July proclamation yet, says Advisor Rizwana
bdnews24.com
Published :
Jan 01, 2025 19:43
Updated :
Jan 01, 2025 19:45

Drafting of July proclamation yet to begin: Rizwana

The interim government has yet to begin drafting the July proclamation despite a 15-day deadline set by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement and the National Citizens’ Committee.

Speaking to journalists outside the Secretariat on Wednesday, Environment, Forest, and Climate Change Advisor Syeda Rizwana Hasan provided an update on the status of the proclamation and responded to inquiries about its progress.

“We have not drafted the 'July proclamation' yet. The drafting process will begin soon,” she said.

When asked about consensus among all parties, Rizwana expressed optimism, saying: “Most parties broadly agree on the necessity of a proclamation. We expect their support.

“Since everyone will have the opportunity to participate in the drafting process, there should be no reason for disagreement.”

The advisor claimed that the Muhammad Yunus-led government prioritises both reforms and elections in its agenda.

She said, “From discussions with politicians, it’s clear that there is a desire for reforms. Some want fundamental reforms before elections, while others prioritise elections first.

“For us, both issues hold equal importance.”

Regarding BNP’s demand for elections, Rizwana said: “During discussions with BNP, they never said reforms are unnecessary.

“They recognise the need for reforms and are offering their own views on the matter.”

She continued, “They are also providing written opinions. This indicates that politicians also want reforms.

“The extent of the reforms, the areas they will cover, and the mechanisms for implementing them are aspects where politicians hold specific positions.

“Our chief advisor has said that a separate commission will be formed to reach a consensus, and he will lead it himself.”

Rizwana clarified that a legal process is already under way regarding the repatriation of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

She said, “A letter has been sent as part of the legal process to bring Sheikh Hasina back. We have made our stance clear on the matter, and we have also highlighted our treaty with India, which includes certain exceptions.

“What stance India will take and how long it will take is uncertain, but we must leave that for the future.

“Our position remains that we want trials to take place in her presence. If that is not possible, we will proceed with the judicial process as required.”

In response to a question about whether the Awami League will be able to contest elections, Rizwana said: “It is not for us to decide which parties will contest. Any party wishing to participate can do so.

“These matters will be handled by the Election Commission.”

She concluded, “The government has not yet expressed any opinion on this matter. No stance has been taken regarding banning the Awami League.”​

 

[Saif]

Ensuring unity of uprising actors

The year 2024 is lost in the layers of time. Just like any other year in the Gregorian calendar, it was comprised of 12 months, 52 weeks and 366 days. Yet, it was profoundly distinct in its essence, as the events that unfolded during this period reshaped lives, politics, system of governance, and,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Ensuring unity of uprising actors
Atiqul Kabir Tuhin
Published :
Jan 01, 2025 21:24
Updated :
Jan 01, 2025 21:24

The year 2024 is lost in the layers of time. Just like any other year in the Gregorian calendar, it was comprised of 12 months, 52 weeks and 366 days. Yet, it was profoundly distinct in its essence, as the events that unfolded during this period reshaped lives, politics, system of governance, and, overall, the course of Bangladesh's history. The bygone year has assumed such significance that it is being compared to 1971, the year Bangladesh achieved independence. This is because 2024 witnessed the rebirth of Bangladesh. Under a decade and a half of autocratic and corrupt rule by Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime, not only had democracy lost its course, but also all other sacred founding principles of the nation, such as liberty, equality, and justice, were being trampled upon. Moreover, it was widely seen as a puppet government of a neighbouring country. In July, when the despot attempted to crack down on a peaceful student protest, it sparked a mass uprising that ultimately led to the downfall of the tyrant.

The enormity of this transformative event, which placed Bangladesh on the right course of democratic transition, is so significant that The Economist named Bangladesh its "Country of the Year" for 2024. This recognition, however, does not imply that Bangladesh has achieved a miraculous success overnight in its system of governance or economic performance. Rather, it acknowledges the potential unleashed by this transformative change. Now, in 2025, the foundation for realising this potential must be laid. In that sense, the year 2025 is extremely important for Bangladesh and the interim government must prove its mettle in reforming and rebuilding the democratic institutions and steering the nation towards a sustainable democratic future.

In 2025, the toughest challenge will be to keep the reform process on track, because unity among various parties on the issue of the July-August uprising is already frayed, and patience is wearing thin among certain political parties. Of the 15 reform commissions that the government formed to propose reform measures on various state affairs, six are slated to submit their reports in January. Then the National Consensus Building Commission will explore the areas on which consensus can be established and reforms can be implemented by exchanging views with the political parties and other stakeholders.

The Chief Advisor has outlined two potential timelines for national elections: one by late 2025 with minimal reforms, and another by the first half of 2026 with extensive reforms. Without a comprehensive overhaul of democratic institutions such as the Election Commission, Judiciary, Public Administration, Police, and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), elections and the mere transfer of power may fail to address the deep-seated ills afflicting the state. In such a case, the country risks reverting to the old way of things and the sacrifice of nearly 2,000 martyrs and 33,000 wounded will be in vain.

Therefore, while the government is trying to reform the state, political parties should focus on internal reforms to ensure intra-party democracy. As the adage goes, "charity begins at home," so too must reform. Democracy is more than just holding elections. Despite elections having been held at regular intervals since independence, Bangladesh has yet to develop a healthy democratic culture, largely due to the undemocratic character of mainstream political parties. Even though the parties claim to be in the vanguard of democratic struggles in the country, their leaders are not democratically elected. Even party decisions are not reached through democratic processes. Instead, party decisions often reflect the will of party leaders rather than the collective will of the party. This practice undermines internal democracy and can lead to authoritarian tendencies within the party itself. If political parties are governed internally in a fascist manner, they are likely to replicate these authoritarian tendencies when they assume power.

So, in order to realise the aspiration of July-August uprising of building a democratic and discrimination-free country, political parties must undergo significant internal reforms and practice intra-party democracy. How they elect leaders, nominate candidates, mobilise funds, and the sources of income for party leaders and activists must be transparent and accountable. Politics must not be treated as a profession; it should be viewed as a mission to serve the public. And there should be strict guidelines prohibiting the use of students, religion or the place of worship for political purposes.

Another pressing agenda of the year is the prosecution of those responsible for the July-August massacre. The nation owes it to the martyrs of the uprising, to history, and to the 400 individuals who lost their eyesight and countless others who suffered the loss of limbs after being injured by bullets during the uprising. The stage is set for the trials at the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), and any progress in this regard is being watched with the utmost anxiety by the entire nation.

Luckily, there is no dissenting voice among the stakeholders of the uprising regarding the trial procedure. Some, however, are raising questions about whether the trial should be completed during the tenure of the interim government or whether it should be carried forward to the next elected government. But the interim government should at least complete the trials of those accused of commtting atrocities. The trials must be conducted fairly, transparently, and in accordance with international standards to ensure that their outcomes are beyond reproach.

Last but not least, while the government has managed to bring about a modicum of order and stability in the macroeconomic and financial sectors, economic challenges before the government are still far from over. Inflation and unemployment rates are stubbornly high, while the influence of oligarchic business interests continues to distort market dynamics. The government faces the daunting task of revitalising a stagnating economy, accelerating growth, and stimulating trade and investment, all the while navigating the constraints of a contractionary monetary policy. Decisive actions will also be required to address frequent workers' unrest, resolve power and fuel supply crises, mitigate liquidity problems in the banking sector, and manage high interest rates.

Amidst these multifaceted challenges, all stakeholders of the July-August uprising must remain united to ensure successful implementation of reforms in the national interest. A divided stance will not only weaken the government but also invite interference from conspirators and external actors.​

 

[Saif]

July proclamation: Students to hold nationwide campaign

The Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee will campaign from January 6-11 across the country to listen to what people want so that their hopes and aspirations are reflected in the proclamation on July uprising.

www.thedailystar.net

July proclamation: Students to hold nationwide campaign

The Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee will campaign from January 6-11 across the country to listen to what people want so that their hopes and aspirations are reflected in the proclamation on July uprising.

Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the students' platform, announced the programme at a jointly held press conference at the organisation's central office in the capital's Bangla Motor yesterday afternoon.

"We will distribute leaflets, hold rallies, and engage with people from all segments of the society," he said.

Hasnat said the campaign will cover all districts and upazilas.

"The July-August uprising saw participation from all segments of society, from marginalised communities to urban residents. We hope this proclamation will reflect their hopes and aspirations."

The government pledged to issue a proclamation through national consensus, but no visible progress has been made, Hasnat noted.

"Drafting this proclamation is a critical matter. Although we were ready to announce it on December 31, we refrained when the interim government assumed responsibility. Now, we urge the government to act promptly."

Hasnat said the student platform is ready to share its draft should the government seek its input.

Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of the citizens' platform, warned of tougher programmes unless the government showed visible progress by a few days.

Nasiruddin said he thought an election for a constituent assembly was necessary to enshrine the people's rights.

"Both parliamentary election and a constituent assembly election can take place simultaneously."

The press conference was moderated by Abdul Hannan Masud, chief organiser of the student platform.​