Bangladesh Defense
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[h3]Here is a very honest assessment of the re-casting of Indo-Bangla relations by Student Activist Taposhi Dey Prapti, who happens to be Hindu - in Outlook India. She forcefully debunked the false claims of Hindu oppression which were originated and circulated by the Indian Godi media[/h3][h3]
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[/h3][h3]Minorities In Bangladesh Are Determined Not To Be Political Pawns, Says Student Activist Taposhi Dey Prapti.[/h3]Taposhi Dey Prapti, a leading figure in Bangladesh's student revolution, discusses the nation's transition and the crucial reforms needed for a brighter future
Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay
Updated on: 3 September 2024 3:17 pm
Bangladesh Protest Photo: (Special Arrangement)
Taposhi Dey Prapti, one of the most prominent faces of the student-led people's revolution in Bangladesh spoke to Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay regarding the current socio-political scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh. She also shared her thoughts on the newly formed interim government, significant administrative reforms, women's rights, as well as the potential opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for the new Bangladesh. Taposhi is currently studying economics at the Jahanginar University, Dhaka.
Three weeks have passed since the student-led uprising in Bangladesh effectively brought an end to the 15-year autocratic rule of the Sheikh Hasina Government. The country is now in the throes of a transition. As an activist and a student coordinator, what's your take on the current scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh?
Under the dictatorship of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh's political landscape had evolved into a heavily unbalanced structure, resembling a one-party state that exhibited favourable treatment towards factions associated with the ruling Awami League.
Despite all odds, we are now focused on rebuilding our nation by dismantling the remnants of the previous government's corrupt and oppressive governance.
Even though the major priority of every freedom-loving Bangladeshi citizen was to end the fascist rule of the previous government, it's important to note that our revolution was not solely about overthrowing the Hasina regime. There are numerous changes that we still need to fight for. The culture of impunity has to be demolished, sexual assault and discrimination against women have to be stopped at any cost, the military rule in the CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) has to be removed, and the government must ensure the safety of minorities, among other necessary administrative reforms. Without these changes, the revolution can never be deemed successful. Today's Bangladesh stands on the sacrifices of our martyr brothers who were brutally murdered during the July-August protests. We won't let their sacrifice go in vain.
Following Sheikh Hasina's ouster, growing cases of attacks on the Hindu communities have sparked alarming concerns about the safety of the minorities within the country. Could you please shed any light on the current state of the minorities in Bangladesh?
After the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on 5 August, minority communities in Bangladesh encountered tragic incidents of vandalism and looting due to the absence of law and order. However, the situation has since improved. Religious attacks have significantly decreased with the establishment of the interim government and reinforced administrative measures. The police forces are now actively working all across the country and military presence has been deployed in areas predominantly inhabited by Hindu and other minority groups.
But how many of these claims of religious attacks were actually true?
A recent fact-check report by the BBC revealed that a significant portion of the widely circulated social media footage depicting attacks on Bangladesh's Hindus and other minorities was false and fabricated. The majority of these false claims were originated and circulated by the Indian Godi media, alleging genocidal acts against Hindu minorities in Bangladesh, leading to a Hindu exodus. However, they intentionally overlooked those numerous instances where our Muslim brothers and sisters vigilantly safeguarded the Hindu temples and other places of worship throughout the night. Being a Bangladeshi Hindu myself, I can tell you that we haven't seen such a heartwarming display of unity for a long time in Bangladesh.
Are minority communities in Bangladesh well aware of the communal propaganda circulating within and beyond the nation's borders?
Yes, most of the minorities in Bangladesh are well aware that these attacks tend to be more politically driven rather than communal.
Historically, the Bangladeshi Hindus and other minorities have always been exploited for political gains by those in power. The Awami League has long exploited us for the past 15 years, preceding a similar pattern as the previous Khaleda-led Jamaat-BNP government.
Following Hasina's departure, the Awami League and its factions attempted to associate the people's rebellion with communal tensions, while other fundamentalist groups, such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, sought to exploit the situation for their beneficial gains. The turmoil persisted until the establishment of the interim government under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus.
This time, the Hindu, Buddhist, Sufi, and other minority communities in Bangladesh are determined not to be used as political pawns in any divisive agenda. We strongly refuse to be drawn into any communal traps.
The inclusion of the Bangladesh military in the newly formed interim government has sparked concerns about the potential long-term ramifications of military involvement. Do you think that there are any possibilities of a military takeover?
The coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination movement have consistently emphasized that there is a pervasive lack of trust among students in the army as a military-ruled state has never brought any good to civilians.
However, unlike previous instances where the military played a more prominent role in the interim governance, such as from 2007 to 2009, the current scenario indicates a relatively hands-off approach by the Bangladesh army, allowing the interim government significant autonomy. As of now, the Bangladesh army shows no inclination to take over governance, opting to leave administrative duties to interim authorities. Unless unforeseen events occur or significant shortcomings emerge in the interim government's approach, the army will likely remain stationed within its barracks.
But what makes me even more worried is the growing military glorification among the individuals. Such fierce display of military fetishism, whether intentional or not, appears to downplay the violent actions committed by the armed forces in the Chittagong Hill Tracts over the years. We must not forget that it was the Bangladeshi army who facilitated Hasina's escape from the country and engaged in preliminary discussions regarding the interim government with organizations such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islam without prior consultation with student coordinators.
Did you expect the violent military rule in the hills to continue even after the formation of the interim government?
Well, that's something absolutely unfortunate to witness. Tribes living in the CHT have always been the victims of evictions, endemic violence, land-grabbing and intimidation on their ancestral land. Hill people were victims of evictions in the past and now they are being evicted in the name of tourism. The military’s engagement in the tourism industry has resulted in the forced eviction of Indigenous inhabitants and the unlawful leasing of land to non-local individuals, leading to the expropriation and degradation of Indigenous territories.
We had high expectations for the newly formed interim government to prioritise the withdrawal of armed forces from the hills; however, the CHT remains plagued by violence and terror.
Throughout the years, two types of rule had been established in the same country through the army in the hills, making the indigenous communities an outsider in their own land. Why would one have to show ID cards to the army personnel to roam freely in his own country?
Even after the formation of the interim government, indigenous communities in the hills are still suffering unthinkable dehumanising treatment by the Bangladesh army. The Jumma and Marma women are frequently subjected to rape and sexual assault at the hands of Bengali settlers and the armed forces. People are even getting arrested for simply drawing graffiti on the wall!
Is this what we fought for? We didn't ask for a "yes sir" representative who only works in favour of the majority. Our brothers and sisters from the hills equally fought and sacrificed their lives alongside us in the revolution, we will not stop our protests and agitations until we achieve the justice they deserve.
In retrospect, a situation akin to that of Bangladesh also happened in Iran during the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Do you see any possibility for Bangladesh to turn into an Islamic state in the near future?
To be honest, not really for now. Although it's undeniable that some of those who fought alongside us against the fascist Hasina regime aspire to see Bangladesh become an Islamic state. Hopefully, the majority of the student-citizen protesters now desire a democratic, liberal, and secular Bangladesh as we have already witnessed the consequences of granting power to authoritarian figures such as Ershad, Khaleda, and Hasina. Nobody wants to witness a repetition of the past.
After the barbaric incident in RG Kar, women across Bangladesh held protests in solidarity with the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata. Similarly, protesters in Kolkata also drew inspiration from Bangladesh's recent revolution. What are your thoughts on this rebellious sisterhood across geographical borders?
The gruesome murder and gang rape of Tilottoma has left us absolutely shattered. After seeing the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata, we decided to organise a similar march in Bangladesh to show solidarity with the protests in Kolkata, demanding a fair investigation and justice in all rape cases, including those of Sohagi Jahan Tonu in Cumilla and Mosarrat Jahan Munia in Dhaka. The RG Kar incident has once again highlighted the issue of women's safety across borders and emphasised the need for strict punishment for perpetrators. That's why in our demonstrations, we declared, "We are all Tilottoma, we are all Tonu, Sohagi Jahan, Mosarrat Jahan, and Munia, we are all Kalpana Chakma, we are all Palestine!"
The entire South Asian region is currently witnessing widespread resistance against oppression, patriarchy, and imperialism. The 2022 Aragalaya revolution in Sri Lanka has been major a source of inspiration for us, and the recent protests in Kolkata and Balochistan reflected the unwavering spirit of our rebellion. Furthermore, the ongoing struggle of Palestinian women against the Israeli Occupation has also been a significant inspiration for our fight for rights. These cross-border exchanges reflect the universal spirit of women's resistance against patriarchy and injustice across the globe.
From Dhaka to Balochistan to Kolkata, the wind of change is blowing everywhere. Revolution is contagious indeed!
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[/h3][h3]Minorities In Bangladesh Are Determined Not To Be Political Pawns, Says Student Activist Taposhi Dey Prapti.[/h3]Taposhi Dey Prapti, a leading figure in Bangladesh's student revolution, discusses the nation's transition and the crucial reforms needed for a brighter future
Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay
Updated on: 3 September 2024 3:17 pm
Bangladesh Protest Photo: (Special Arrangement)
Taposhi Dey Prapti, one of the most prominent faces of the student-led people's revolution in Bangladesh spoke to Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay regarding the current socio-political scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh. She also shared her thoughts on the newly formed interim government, significant administrative reforms, women's rights, as well as the potential opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for the new Bangladesh. Taposhi is currently studying economics at the Jahanginar University, Dhaka.
Three weeks have passed since the student-led uprising in Bangladesh effectively brought an end to the 15-year autocratic rule of the Sheikh Hasina Government. The country is now in the throes of a transition. As an activist and a student coordinator, what's your take on the current scenario of the post-revolution Bangladesh?
Under the dictatorship of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh's political landscape had evolved into a heavily unbalanced structure, resembling a one-party state that exhibited favourable treatment towards factions associated with the ruling Awami League.
Despite all odds, we are now focused on rebuilding our nation by dismantling the remnants of the previous government's corrupt and oppressive governance.
Even though the major priority of every freedom-loving Bangladeshi citizen was to end the fascist rule of the previous government, it's important to note that our revolution was not solely about overthrowing the Hasina regime. There are numerous changes that we still need to fight for. The culture of impunity has to be demolished, sexual assault and discrimination against women have to be stopped at any cost, the military rule in the CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) has to be removed, and the government must ensure the safety of minorities, among other necessary administrative reforms. Without these changes, the revolution can never be deemed successful. Today's Bangladesh stands on the sacrifices of our martyr brothers who were brutally murdered during the July-August protests. We won't let their sacrifice go in vain.
Following Sheikh Hasina's ouster, growing cases of attacks on the Hindu communities have sparked alarming concerns about the safety of the minorities within the country. Could you please shed any light on the current state of the minorities in Bangladesh?
After the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on 5 August, minority communities in Bangladesh encountered tragic incidents of vandalism and looting due to the absence of law and order. However, the situation has since improved. Religious attacks have significantly decreased with the establishment of the interim government and reinforced administrative measures. The police forces are now actively working all across the country and military presence has been deployed in areas predominantly inhabited by Hindu and other minority groups.
But how many of these claims of religious attacks were actually true?
A recent fact-check report by the BBC revealed that a significant portion of the widely circulated social media footage depicting attacks on Bangladesh's Hindus and other minorities was false and fabricated. The majority of these false claims were originated and circulated by the Indian Godi media, alleging genocidal acts against Hindu minorities in Bangladesh, leading to a Hindu exodus. However, they intentionally overlooked those numerous instances where our Muslim brothers and sisters vigilantly safeguarded the Hindu temples and other places of worship throughout the night. Being a Bangladeshi Hindu myself, I can tell you that we haven't seen such a heartwarming display of unity for a long time in Bangladesh.
Are minority communities in Bangladesh well aware of the communal propaganda circulating within and beyond the nation's borders?
Yes, most of the minorities in Bangladesh are well aware that these attacks tend to be more politically driven rather than communal.
Historically, the Bangladeshi Hindus and other minorities have always been exploited for political gains by those in power. The Awami League has long exploited us for the past 15 years, preceding a similar pattern as the previous Khaleda-led Jamaat-BNP government.
Following Hasina's departure, the Awami League and its factions attempted to associate the people's rebellion with communal tensions, while other fundamentalist groups, such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, sought to exploit the situation for their beneficial gains. The turmoil persisted until the establishment of the interim government under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus.
This time, the Hindu, Buddhist, Sufi, and other minority communities in Bangladesh are determined not to be used as political pawns in any divisive agenda. We strongly refuse to be drawn into any communal traps.
The inclusion of the Bangladesh military in the newly formed interim government has sparked concerns about the potential long-term ramifications of military involvement. Do you think that there are any possibilities of a military takeover?
The coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination movement have consistently emphasized that there is a pervasive lack of trust among students in the army as a military-ruled state has never brought any good to civilians.
However, unlike previous instances where the military played a more prominent role in the interim governance, such as from 2007 to 2009, the current scenario indicates a relatively hands-off approach by the Bangladesh army, allowing the interim government significant autonomy. As of now, the Bangladesh army shows no inclination to take over governance, opting to leave administrative duties to interim authorities. Unless unforeseen events occur or significant shortcomings emerge in the interim government's approach, the army will likely remain stationed within its barracks.
But what makes me even more worried is the growing military glorification among the individuals. Such fierce display of military fetishism, whether intentional or not, appears to downplay the violent actions committed by the armed forces in the Chittagong Hill Tracts over the years. We must not forget that it was the Bangladeshi army who facilitated Hasina's escape from the country and engaged in preliminary discussions regarding the interim government with organizations such as BNP and Jamaat-e-Islam without prior consultation with student coordinators.
Did you expect the violent military rule in the hills to continue even after the formation of the interim government?
Well, that's something absolutely unfortunate to witness. Tribes living in the CHT have always been the victims of evictions, endemic violence, land-grabbing and intimidation on their ancestral land. Hill people were victims of evictions in the past and now they are being evicted in the name of tourism. The military’s engagement in the tourism industry has resulted in the forced eviction of Indigenous inhabitants and the unlawful leasing of land to non-local individuals, leading to the expropriation and degradation of Indigenous territories.
We had high expectations for the newly formed interim government to prioritise the withdrawal of armed forces from the hills; however, the CHT remains plagued by violence and terror.
Throughout the years, two types of rule had been established in the same country through the army in the hills, making the indigenous communities an outsider in their own land. Why would one have to show ID cards to the army personnel to roam freely in his own country?
Even after the formation of the interim government, indigenous communities in the hills are still suffering unthinkable dehumanising treatment by the Bangladesh army. The Jumma and Marma women are frequently subjected to rape and sexual assault at the hands of Bengali settlers and the armed forces. People are even getting arrested for simply drawing graffiti on the wall!
Is this what we fought for? We didn't ask for a "yes sir" representative who only works in favour of the majority. Our brothers and sisters from the hills equally fought and sacrificed their lives alongside us in the revolution, we will not stop our protests and agitations until we achieve the justice they deserve.
In retrospect, a situation akin to that of Bangladesh also happened in Iran during the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Do you see any possibility for Bangladesh to turn into an Islamic state in the near future?
To be honest, not really for now. Although it's undeniable that some of those who fought alongside us against the fascist Hasina regime aspire to see Bangladesh become an Islamic state. Hopefully, the majority of the student-citizen protesters now desire a democratic, liberal, and secular Bangladesh as we have already witnessed the consequences of granting power to authoritarian figures such as Ershad, Khaleda, and Hasina. Nobody wants to witness a repetition of the past.
After the barbaric incident in RG Kar, women across Bangladesh held protests in solidarity with the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata. Similarly, protesters in Kolkata also drew inspiration from Bangladesh's recent revolution. What are your thoughts on this rebellious sisterhood across geographical borders?
The gruesome murder and gang rape of Tilottoma has left us absolutely shattered. After seeing the women's "Reclaim the Night" march in Kolkata, we decided to organise a similar march in Bangladesh to show solidarity with the protests in Kolkata, demanding a fair investigation and justice in all rape cases, including those of Sohagi Jahan Tonu in Cumilla and Mosarrat Jahan Munia in Dhaka. The RG Kar incident has once again highlighted the issue of women's safety across borders and emphasised the need for strict punishment for perpetrators. That's why in our demonstrations, we declared, "We are all Tilottoma, we are all Tonu, Sohagi Jahan, Mosarrat Jahan, and Munia, we are all Kalpana Chakma, we are all Palestine!"
The entire South Asian region is currently witnessing widespread resistance against oppression, patriarchy, and imperialism. The 2022 Aragalaya revolution in Sri Lanka has been major a source of inspiration for us, and the recent protests in Kolkata and Balochistan reflected the unwavering spirit of our rebellion. Furthermore, the ongoing struggle of Palestinian women against the Israeli Occupation has also been a significant inspiration for our fight for rights. These cross-border exchanges reflect the universal spirit of women's resistance against patriarchy and injustice across the globe.
From Dhaka to Balochistan to Kolkata, the wind of change is blowing everywhere. Revolution is contagious indeed!
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