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    South Asia Bilawal Bhutto's ISI-RAW collaboration call as Shashi Tharoor-led delegation set for face-off in US

    Bilawal Bhutto's ISI-RAW collaboration call as Shashi Tharoor-led delegation set for face-off in US

    By HT News Desk | Edited by Aniruddha Dhar

    Jun 04, 2025 04:25 PM IST

    Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari said cooperation between Pakistan and India's intelligence agencies could reduce terrorism in South Asia.

    Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, Pakistan Peoples Party chairman and former foreign minister, has said cooperation between his country and India’s intelligence agencies could significantly reduce terrorism in South Asia.

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    On Wednesday, when the Indian delegation led by Shashi Tharoor (R) begins its meetings in Washington, the parliamentary delegation from Pakistan led by Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari is also set to arrive in the US capital.(Reuters and PTI)

    The PPP chairman, who is currently leading a high-powered delegation to the United States, as part of a global diplomatic push to seek support following its recent conflict with India, was speaking at a press conference at UN headquarters on Tuesday, the Dawn newspaper reported.

    “I am completely confident that if ISI and RAW were ready to sit down and work together to fight these forces, we would see a significant decrease in terrorism in both India and Pakistan,” Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari was quoted as saying by the newspaper on Wednesday.

    Bilawal Bhutto's statement comes even as an all-party delegation led by Shashi Tharoor has arrived in Washington DC to engage with members of the US Congress, administration, think tanks, media, and policymakers over the next two days.

    The Indian delegation aims to brief key stakeholders in the US on Operation Sindoor, a diplomatic initiative launched to counter terrorism and disinformation following recent terror attacks in Jammu and Kashmir.

    At the press conference, Bilawal Bhutto also urged the global community to remain engaged in South Asia, warning that the risk of conflict between nuclear-armed neighbours had grown, not diminished, after the recent ceasefire.

    “With the intervention of the international community — and I would like to mention particularly the role played by the US President Donald Trump and his team led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio — we did manage to achieve a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. This is a welcome first step, but it’s only a first step,” Bhutto-Zardari said.

    India-Pakistan tensions after Pahalgam attack

    Tensions between India and Pakistan escalated after the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam, prompting India to launch precision strikes targeting terror infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir on May 7.

    In retaliation, Pakistan attempted strikes on Indian military bases over the next three days — May 8, 9, and 10 — to which India responded firmly.

    The hostilities eventually subsided after military-level talks on May 10, where the Director Generals of Military Operations (DGsMO) of both nations agreed to halt further actions.

    Despite former US President Donald Trump’s claim that the United States intervened to stop the conflict, India has repeatedly said the de-escalation was the result of direct communication and agreement between the DGsMO of the two countries.

    Bhutto-Zardari emphasised that diplomacy and dialogue were the only “viable path to peace,” and reiterated Pakistan's willingness to engage in a broad dialogue with India — including cooperation on counterterrorism.

    “Pakistan would still like to cooperate with India to combat terrorism. We can’t leave the fate of 1.5 billion, 1.7 billion people in the hands of non-state actors and terrorists... For them to decide, at a whim, that (when these) two nuclear-armed powers will go to war,” he said.

    India's Shashi Tharoor-led team in Washington

    Chairperson of the standing committee on external affairs Tharoor is leading the delegation, which comprises Sarfaraz Ahmad (JMM), Ganti Harish Madhur Balayogi (TDP), Shashank Mani Tripathi (BJP), Bhubaneswar Kalita (BJP), Milind Deora (Shiv Sena), Tejasvi Surya (BJP) and India’s former Ambassador to the US Taranjit Sandhu.

    The delegation, which had reached New York from India on May 24, travelled to Guyana, Panama, Colombia and Brazil before arriving in Washington for the last leg of its tour.

    In its interactions in the US, the delegation will convey India's resolve against terrorism and emphasise Pakistan's links to terrorism.

    On Wednesday, when the Indian delegation begins its meetings in Washington, the parliamentary delegation from Pakistan led by Bilawal Bhutto is also set to arrive in Washington, DC, news agency PTI reported.

    Speaking to reporters at the United Nations headquarters in New York, Bhutto — who met UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres along with his delegation— said they would meet US government representatives and lawmakers in the American capital.

    The nine-member delegation led by Bhutto-Zardari, which includes former foreign minister Hina Rabbani Khar, former information minister Sherry Rehman, former defence minister Khurram Dastgir Khan and former foreign secretaries Jalil Abbas Jilani and Tehmina Janjua, is set to visit New York and Washington from June 2, according to a readout from Pakistan’s foreign ministry. This delegation will also travel to London and Brussels.

    The Indian delegation is expected to engage with members of the Trump administration, members of influential Congressional committees and key American lawmakers in Washington.

    (With inputs from PTI)
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    East Asia Complete Failure of Chinese weaponry in Indo-Pak conflict of 2025

    I guess the verdict is fairly evident gents. China weaponry don't cut da mustard at all. Just Chinese propaganda no?

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    [🇮🇳] Tejas Mk-1A jet delivery deadline missed again: Here's how timeline unfolded

    Despite a Rs 48,000 crore deal signed in 2021, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) failed to deliver the first Tejas Mk-1A fighter jet, prompting repeated warnings from the Indian Air Force chief.

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    In Short
    Air force chief warns defence industry against missing delivery timelines
    Tejas Mk-1A jets delayed due to late engine supply and certification
    IAF plans follow-on order for 97 more Mk-1A jets worth Rs 67,000 crore
    Amid growing concerns over delays in India’s indigenous fighter jet programme, Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh on Thursday urged the defence industry not to make promises it cannot deliver on time. Speaking at the Confederation of Indian Industry’s Annual Business Summit 2025, the Air Force chief underscored that "timeline is a big issue" — a sharp reminder of the Indian Air Force's mounting frustration with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) over the delayed delivery of Tejas Mk-1A fighter jets.

    Nearly three months ago, the IAF chief had publicly voiced concern about the slippage in deadlines. On paper, HAL was to deliver the first of 83 LCA Mk-1A jets by March 31, 2024, under a Rs 48,000 crore deal signed in February 2021. That did not happen.

    A STALLED TIMELINE

    The Tejas Mk-1A — a more advanced variant of the LCA Mk-1 — has faced persistent delays, largely due to late engine deliveries from GE Aerospace and protracted certification processes. The first F404-IN20 engine for the Mk-1A aircraft was delivered only in March 2025, nearly two years behind schedule

    The delivery, part of a USD 716 million contract for 99 engines, was hailed as a 'milestone' by GE Aerospace's Combat & Trainer Engines General Manager Shawn Warren, who said it would "ensure a strong future for India’s military". But for HAL, it was only the beginning of a race to recover lost time.

    Following the arrival of the long-awaited engines, HAL has ramped up its production capacity by restructuring its Bengaluru facility and adding a parallel assembly line. The goal now is to deliver at least 16 Tejas Mk-1A jets annually, aiming to complete the 83-aircraft order by 2028.

    HAL Chairman Dr DK Sunil had earlier assured that with engine supplies stabilising, the production of Mk-1A jets would gather pace. "We have now promised that we will have all the Mk-1A structures ready. Once the engines are available, the Mk-1As will start rolling out," he said at Aero India 2025.

    NEW ORDERS IN PIPELINE
    Despite the initial hiccups, the IAF is gearing up to place a follow-on order for 97 more Mk-1A aircraft, estimated at Rs 67,000 crore, which would bring the total fleet size to 180. In parallel, a mega Rs 1.3 lakh crore deal for 156 Light Combat Helicopters (LCHs) for both the IAF and Indian Army is expected to be finalised within the next six months.

    HAL has committed to delivering all 180 Tejas Mk-1A fighters by 2031, with a consolidated production capacity of 16 to 24 aircraft annually beginning 2025-26.

    The delays come at a time when the IAF is retiring ageing aircraft like the MiG-21, MiG-27, and Jaguars, leaving its squadron strength critically depleted. Without the timely induction of Tejas Mk-1A, the gap between required and available fighters continues to widen — raising serious questions about India’s aerial combat preparedness.

    To address these systemic delays, the Ministry of Defence had constituted a five-member Defence Empowerment Committee led by Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh. The committee recommended a slew of short, medium, and long-term solutions — including involving private players in the LCA production chain.

    Private companies are now contributing critical components such as fuselages. Alpha Tocol Engineering Services Pvt Ltd recently handed over the first rear fuselage of the Mk-1A to HAL, with more scheduled to follow. Deliveries of the aircraft will now be streamlined across three separate HAL production lines.
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    [🇧🇩] Liberation War: Sheikh Mujib and Others

    March 7 belongs to people, not just AL: Anu Muhammad
    Says any attempt to erase history won't be tolerated

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    Anu Muhammad

    Renowned economist and former Jahangirnagar University professor, Anu Muhammad, today said March 7 does not belong to the Awami League, nor is the historic speech of that day a personal matter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

    In response to the recent cancellation of March 7 as a national day, Prof Anu expressed his views on his personal Facebook account, saying that the day represents the collective consciousness of people from all walks of life, nearly every political group, and organisation in the country.

    "The power of Mujib's speech was derived from the extraordinary rise of the people. In fact, the Liberation War of 1971 began on this very day.

    "March 7 is undoubtedly a significant part of our history. While Sheikh Mujib is a political figure subject to criticism and analysis, but any attempts to erase history will not be tolerated," he wrote.​
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    [🇵🇰] Shalwar Kameez with Waistcoat: A Timeless Classic in Men’s Fashion

    The shalwar kameez and waistcoat paired with a waistcoat, is a staple in men’s traditional wear, offering a perfect combination of comfort and style. The loose-fitting shalwar, paired with the long kameez, allows for easy movement, making it a practical yet elegant choice for various occasions. When complemented with a waistcoat, this classic outfit is instantly elevated, adding a touch of formality and refinement.

    Whether for festive events, weddings, or formal gatherings, the waistcoat adds structure to the shalwar kameez, making it look polished and sophisticated. Available in a variety of fabrics and designs, the waistcoat can be tailored to match or contrast with the outfit, providing endless possibilities to personalize your look. This combination blends tradition with contemporary fashion effortlessly, making it suitable for both modern and cultural settings.

    At Stylish Garments, our shalwar kameez sets come with finely tailored waistcoats that are perfect for any occasion. Explore our collection for the ideal outfit that reflects both comfort and class.
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    Please post in "Pakistan Fashion".
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    [🇦🇫] Pakistan watches with caution as old ally Taliban gets closer to India

    Islamabad, Pakistan – When the Taliban took over Kabul in August 2021, then-Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan famously said the Afghan group had “broken the shackles of slavery” as they returned to power for the first time since 2001.

    Taliban’s ascension was seen as a boost to the regional influence of Pakistan, long regarded as the patron of the Afghan group in pursuit of “strategic depth” for Islamabad.

    This doctrine reflected Pakistan’s military interest in maintaining a strategic hold over Afghanistan through the Taliban and using it as leverage against India, its traditional adversary.

    Three years later, that calculation appears to have flopped, instead leaving Pakistan’s officials fuming at ties with Kabul even as the Taliban edges closer to an unlikely partner: India.

    India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met acting Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi in Dubai last week, marking the highest-profile public engagement between New Delhi and the Taliban. That meeting followed a series of steps taken by both sides that suggest a dramatic break from a quarter century of animus and distrust rooted in Pakistan’s support of the Taliban.
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    [🇧🇩] Dr. Yunus's Trip to UNGA and More

    High expectations from Dr Yunus's UNGA trip
    Scope for improved relations and collaborations

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    VISUAL: STAR

    For Bangladesh, the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) holds more significance than usual as this is the first major global summit the country is taking part in following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime. Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus flew out of the capital at around 5:10am on September 23 to attend the UNGA, as well as a number of meetings. Given his international stature, we expect to see opportunities open up for Bangladesh to build meaningful, strategic collaborations that will help with its reform agenda in the short term, and with trade, economic growth and development in the long term.

    The chief adviser is scheduled to address the UNGA on September 27, where he will present the context of the anti-discrimination student movement that evolved into a mass uprising in the face of state-sponsored violence, ultimately ending the 15-plus years of Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian rule. He is also set to highlight the reform initiatives that his government has undertaken, which we believe is a crucial part of his UNGA agenda. Presenting before the world our people's aspirations for a strong, fair and equitable justice system, impartial state machinery that serves only the people, and a democratic system where no one's voice is suppressed is key to gaining acceptance and cooperation from the international community—both at the government-to-government and people-to-people levels.

    On the sidelines of the UNGA, the chief adviser is scheduled to meet US President Joe Biden on September 24. This meeting is considered significant as it's the reflection of US support for the interim administration in Bangladesh, according to diplomatic sources in New York. Plus, it's not usual for a US president to hold bilateral meetings during the UNGA. So, we hope to see a new strategic partnership emerge out of this meeting that will strengthen our ties with the US and protect our interests at the same time. Another high-level meeting is set to take place between Bangladesh Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain and Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, which we expect to kick-start the process to normalise relations between the neighbouring countries after weeks of tension surrounding Hasina's fall and her being sheltered in India.

    The chief adviser is also set to hold bilateral meetings with several heads of governments, and some of our strategic and development partners, including the EU. Bangladesh will also host a high-level reception on September 24, marking the 50th anniversary of its UN membership, and will attend a high-level side event on the Rohingya crisis.

    As it goes through a massive transformation following the events of August 5, Bangladesh has yet to find an even footing. Our economy continues to struggle, our foreign exchange reserve crisis is still concerning, and our export earnings are still not up to the mark. Years of corruption and irregularities have left some lasting wounds, and to heal them, we need help from our partners. We hope the interim government will be able to garner the support needed to smoothen Bangladesh's reforms and aid in its interests moving forward.​
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    [🇧🇩] Ties between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

    Navigating economic crisis and political unrest: Lessons Bangladesh and Sri Lanka can share

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    VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

    There is much to learn from both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, two South Asian countries, as they navigate their shifting landscapes. While political changes swept through Bangladesh a few months ago, Sri Lanka experienced a political earthquake in 2022. Both countries grapple with an economic crisis, governance challenges, and social unrest. These comparative experiences hold a number of valuable lessons about resilience, managing crises, rebuilding stability, and recovering lost public trust.

    In recent years, both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have experienced severe economic strains, albeit for different reasons.

    In 2022, acute foreign exchange shortages, rampant inflation, and high climbing debt marked a boiling point in Sri Lanka. Fiscal mismanagement for years, untroubled borrowing, and inefficiencies in the structure of the economy pushed it to default on its external debt for the very first time in history. Then came the Covid pandemic, which exacerbated the situation as tourism, one of the major sources of income that kept the country afloat, collapsed, and remittances fell. When forex reserves started to dwindle, the island nation could no longer import basic goods like fuel, food and medicine. The public took to the streets in protests amid political turmoil. Though there have been some improvements over the last couple of years, the economic crisis is still not over.

    Bangladesh's situation, while not as severe, has shown troubling signs in recent years. The country has been facing growing inflation, a widening trade deficit, a rapid fall in forex reserves, and increasing debt. Like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh has also suffered from rising energy prices and difficulties in securing foreign exchange. While Bangladesh has so far avoided a full-blown crisis territory, much like Sri Lanka, there is a growing concern that mismanagement and unbridled borrowing under the Hasina government, juxtaposed against external pressures, might push it in the same direction.

    Both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have suffered from crony capitalism in recent years, where political favouritism and close ties between business elites and government officials have led to inefficient resource allocation, corruption, and exacerbated economic vulnerabilities.

    Both countries' economic troubles have been linked, at least in part, to political instability. Since 2022, Sri Lanka's political turmoil intensified due to an economic collapse, widespread protests, and the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The presidential election last month became a critical moment, focusing on economic recovery, governance reforms, and addressing the citizens' demands for stability and accountability.

    In July 2024, Bangladesh experienced a major political crisis sparked by student-led protests against a controversial job quota system. These protests boiled over into a nationwide unrest, demanding the resignation of the head of government, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The violent government crackdown, which saw many deaths, further catalysed this movement. Hasina thus resigned and fled the country, leaving a power vacuum. In this respect, an interim government headed by Nobel Laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus, is trying to bring things to normal. The crisis represents a dramatic turn in the topography of Bangladesh's politics.

    First, debt management is required. Too much borrowing by Sri Lanka in unproductive infrastructure projects drained its financial resources, and Bangladesh similarly needs to diversify into more value addition within other sectors in order to avoid such a risk.

    Second, avoiding populist economic policies is essential. Sri Lanka's tax cuts and subsidies worsened its fiscal deficit; Bangladesh must prioritise sound fiscal management over short-term political gains.

    Third, agricultural reforms must be gradual and well-planned. Sri Lanka's rushed organic farming transition decreased productivity, worsening food shortages. Bangladesh must support farmers and ensure that sustainable policies are scientifically sound.

    Fourth, Bangladesh can also learn from Sri Lanka's recent economic reform process by prioritising fiscal discipline, improving debt management, and fostering transparency in governance to avoid the pitfalls of unsustainable borrowing and ensure long-term economic stability.

    Similarly, Sri Lanka can learn key lessons from Bangladesh's economic and political landscapes.

    First, there is a need for an inclusive economic policy. Dissatisfaction with job quotas was one of the precipitating factors in the July-August uprising; thus, inclusive policy matters in seeking the amelioration of economic inequalities. Sri Lanka needs to provide equal opportunities, especially in offering jobs to its youth.

    Second, it is about democratic governance too. Bangladesh's gradual drift into authoritarianism and manipulation of elections built up reasons for unrest. In Sri Lanka's case, protecting democratic processes and ensuring that governance is transparent are pivotal for sustaining political stability.

    Third, there should be a check on corruption or mismanagement. Economic mismanagement in Bangladesh instigated animosity among the public. Sri Lanka should make effective efforts to reduce corruption, ensure fiscal responsibility, and thereby initiate sustainable development in a way that will help it avoid economic mismanagement.

    At the same time, both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka face broader regional and global challenges that complicate their recovery efforts. These are pressing issues of rising global inflation, energy crises and the impacts of climate change, for which both nations will have to adopt quite pragmatic policies. Regional cooperation could provide opportunities in areas such as trade, infrastructure development and climate resilience for both countries. However, in the absence of any effective regional cooperation mechanisms, these two countries should aim for extended bilateral trade and investment ties.

    Besides, the issue of governance improvement, reduction in corruption, and enhancement of the rule of law are areas to which both countries need to pay extra attention. A stable political environment is needed for the successful implementation of economic reforms. Institution-building, anti-corruption measures, and gaining public trust in governance are areas where much priority needs to be accorded by both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka if the economies of these countries are to recover on a sustainable basis.

    Bangladesh and Sri Lanka also have salient lessons for each other regarding the ways to manoeuvre through the now-intractable nexus of economic crisis and political instability. Sri Lanka represents a cautionary tale of debt-fuelled downfall, whereas Bangladesh has managed to attain a manufacturing export-driven growth model that Sri Lanka can emulate in order to diversify its economy. Fiscal prudence, strengthening democratic institutions, and social safety nets are areas where both countries need to concentrate their efforts to ensure that this does not happen again. The lessons to be learnt from one another are by far the best means for them to create more resilient and prosperous futures for their citizens.

    Dr Selim Raihan is professor at the Department of Economics in the University of Dhaka and executive director of South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM).

    Dr Ganga Tilakaratna is research fellow and head of poverty and social welfare policy research at the Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka (IPS).​
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