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It’s time to modernise our air force

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Securing sovereignty in the air requires clarity of doctrine, capability for deterrence, and commitment to modernisation. PHOTO: PID

The crash of a Bangladesh Air Force fighter jet into Milestone School on July 21, 2025, was a moment of national reckoning. It was not merely a tragic accident, but a visible consequence of accumulated neglect in planning. The human cost is now etched in our collective memory.

The crash exposed more than a mechanical fault. It revealed a strategic vacuum—a lack of alignment between the growth of the nation and the transformation of its air power. Against a backdrop of economic ambition, urban expansion, and regional volatility, the country's military infrastructure has not kept pace. This is not just a matter of decisive modernisation or equipment upgrades, but also a need to revisit the strategies guiding the country's airspace security.

Airspace security

Airspace is no longer an inert boundary, but rather a dynamic domain. Securing it requires layered surveillance, rapid response, and integrated command. For Bangladesh, the strategic urgency of airspace security cannot be overstated. It is bordered by India, a regional air power with robust force projection, and Myanmar, where militarisation and instability continue to intensify along the frontier.

The country's airspace is both congested and vulnerable—crowded with civil aviation, military operations, and increasingly unregulated drone traffic. These pose threats to critical installations and population centres. Sadly, what exists today is a patchwork system where reaction replaces anticipation, and gaps in coverage are filled with hope rather than capability.

The situation calls for Bangladesh to build a national airspace architecture with three pillars: persistent early warning systems, an agile interceptor fleet, and data fusion centres, enabling real-time coordination across military and civilian domains.

Power and politics

Air power is not a support arm, but rather a strategic determinant. It extends beyond the battlefield into the realms of diplomacy, deterrence, and doctrine. Countries project air power not only to defend but also to define their role in the geopolitical and geo-economic order.

This is evident across South Asia. India has expanded air bases in its northeast, not merely for national defence but for strategic signalling. It is integrating air capabilities with space-based intelligence and precision strike systems. Meanwhile, Myanmar's military junta, despite sanctions and diplomatic pressure, has invested significantly in combat aircraft to maintain internal control and regional posture.

Bangladesh cannot afford to remain static while its neighbours modernise. Air power is no longer about proximity. It is about presence and the ability to command the skies, matching the aspiration of a nation. Whether in response to cross-border threats, humanitarian missions, or geopolitical deterrence, the ability to command airspace must be a central element of Bangladesh's progress and prosperity.

Doctrine and deterrence

Singapore, with limited strategic depth and territorial skies, has crafted one of Asia's most credible air power doctrines. The strategy rests on pre-emption, networked platforms, and technological supremacy. It does not rely on size but on speed—of detection, decision, and delivery. Singapore's early warning aircraft are networked with data links and ground control. It invests not only in aircraft but in the operational ecosystem that makes the response effective. This is a lesson Bangladesh must heed: modern air power is not about numbers but about integration, agility, and the ability to act decisively.

Bangladesh's Forces Goal 2030 envisaged a shift in principle—a modern tri-service structure with strategic deterrence and interoperable capacities. But implementation remains sluggish. The Air Force is the slowest to modernise.

Without clarity of role, the Air Force becomes reactive. Without a broad employment strategy, procurement becomes piecemeal. Without credible deterrence, diplomacy is exposed to coercion. As regional air doctrines evolve towards integrated multi-domain operations, Bangladesh must not be caught in the inertia of past assumptions.

Beyond the budget

The idea that Bangladesh cannot afford air modernisation must be challenged. National security is not an abstract ideal. It is a public good, foundational to economic and social stability. A modern air force supports not only war deterrence but also disaster response, border surveillance, counterterrorism, and civil-military coordination. It is both a shield and an enabler of development.

At one percent of GDP—which has declined in recent years—Bangladesh's military expenditure lags behind its developmental trajectory and the accelerated growth of regional counterparts. This is not an argument for excessive militarisation, but for smart allocation, prioritising capabilities that deliver strategic returns.

Modernisation is not about prestige purchases but about capability integration—including Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) platforms, long-range multirole combat aircraft (MRCA), anti-drone systems, and electromagnetic warfare preparedness.

Bangladesh must move beyond episodic procurement and towards platform synergies—linking aircraft, surveillance, command, and electronic warfare into a cohesive force.

A fractured fragmentation

Urban density in Dhaka has surpassed the thresholds for safe air operations. Military and civil aviation now operate in a dangerously overlapping airspace. Yet air base relocation proposals—from Kurmitola to Trishal, and the planned shift to Arial Beel—remain incomplete or indefinitely deferred. These failures are not logistical. They are political and institutional, reflecting a dearth of strategic prioritisation.

Even among military institutions, there exists turf protection, outweighing strategic coherence and breeding risks. Bangladesh's defence planning must encompass land, water, aerial and hybrid dimensions. There is also an urgency for institutional reform to facilitate at least biannual joint-domain operations.

Mature modernisation

Securing sovereignty in the air requires clarity of doctrine, capability for deterrence, and commitment to modernise. A credible air force does not only defend the skies. It provides the reach, response, and resilience needed in a century where threats travel faster than ever before. It enables national development. It ensures that a growing economy is not hostage to security fragility.

The shocking event of July 21 marks a turning point not only in mourning, but also in meaning. Bangladesh must reimagine its defence thinking, reclaim its sky, and modernise with purpose—not merely to fly higher, but to think further.

Dr Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir is professor at the Department of Development Studies, University of Dhaka.​
 
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54 Skydivers congregate above Dhaka's sky on the 54th Victory day

 
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President mourns death of Bangladesh's first Air Force chief AK Khandker

bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 20, 2025 23:41
Updated :
Dec 20, 2025 23:41

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President Mohammed Shahabuddin has expressed sorrow at the death of AK Khandker, the deputy chief of staff of the Bangladesh forces during the Liberation War and the country’s first Air Force chief.

He died around 10:30am on Saturday, aged 96.

Khandker was a pioneering figure in the formation of the Bangladesh Air Force during the war of independence. He later held a number of senior positions in both military and civilian life.

He served as an ambassador during the military rule of late president Ziaur Rahman and went on to become planning minister under military strongman HM Ershad.

After the return to parliamentary democracy, Khandker was elected to parliament in 2008 from Pabna as an Awami League candidate. He served as planning minister in Sheikh Hasina’s cabinet for five years.

In recognition of his contributions to the Liberation War, the government awarded him the Independence Award in 2011, the country's highest civilian honour.

He had earlier been awarded the gallantry title of Bir Uttom for his role in the war.​
 
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Liberation War dep commander AK Khandker laid to eternal rest

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Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus pays respects to Abdul Karim Khandker, former deputy commander of the Liberation War and the first chief of the Bangladesh Air Force, by placing a floral wreath on his coffin after the funeral at BAF Base Bashar Parade Ground in Dhaka yesterday. Photo: CA PRESS WING

Abdul Karim Khandker, former deputy commander of the Liberation War and the first chief of the Bangladesh Air Force, was laid to rest with full state honours yesterday.

Khandker, who was awarded Bir Uttam, was buried at the Shaheen Graveyard at BAF Base Bashar in the capital, said an ISPR press release.

Earlier, his namaz-e-janaza and a funeral parade were held at the BAF Base Bashar Parade Ground after Zohr prayers.

The imam of the BAF Base Bashar central mosque conducted the janaza, attended by advisers of the interim government, chiefs of the three services, senior civil and military officials, and members of the armed forces.

Earlier, pallbearers slow-marched the coffin to the stage while a funeral parade was held, according a state salute to Khandker.

BAF Air Secretary Air Vice Marshal Abdullah Al Mamun read out the war hero's biography. Khandker's son, Jafrul Karim Khandker, also spoke.

Following the prayers, tributes poured in.

On behalf of President Mohammed Shahabuddin, his military secretary paid homage to Khandker by placing a wreath on his coffin.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus, Chief of Army Staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman, Chief of Naval Staff Admiral M Nazmul Hassan, and Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal Hasan Mahmood Khan, and Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam, Bir Protik, also paid homage to the Liberation War organiser.

A fly-past featuring BAF helicopters was also displayed.

Khandker breathed his last around 10:35am on Saturday aged 95.

Born on January 1, 1930, Khandker was a distinguished figure in national history. He played a pivotal role in the Liberation War as deputy chief of staff.

On December 16, 1971, Khandker was present during the Pakistani forces' surrender at the Race Course Maidan as the representative of Bangladesh.

He also served as a diplomat, and became the planning minister after being elected to parliament from Pabna-2 constituency in 2009.​
 
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Adieu to a frontliner of our Liberation War

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Bir Uttam AK Khandker. (January 1, 1930-December 20, 2025)

On December 20, 2025, Bangladesh lost Bir Uttam Abdul Karim Khandker, Liberation War deputy chief of staff and the first chief of the Bangladesh Air Force. His death is not only the passing of a decorated officer; it is the loss of a living bridge to the Liberation War. With him goes a voice that carried memory, discipline, and moral weight from 1971 into our uncertain present.

AK Khandker belonged to a generation that chose risk and duty over fear. When the country needed structure, he helped build it. When the war demanded courage with restraint, he offered both. His leadership was not loud, but it was firm. In a time when survival itself was unsure, he believed that victory had to be organised, ethical, and rooted in service to the people.

As the deputy commander, his role went beyond command during the war. He helped coordinate, plan, and sustain a resistance that was often outmatched in resources but not in resolve. On December 16, 1971, he was present during the Pakistani forces' surrender at the Race Course Maidan as the representative of Bangladesh. The Liberation War was won not just by the courage of millions but also by leaders like him who could think clearly under pressure and turn scattered bravery into collective strength. AK Khandker was one of those leaders.

After independence, his responsibility did not end. As the first chief of the Bangladesh Air Force, he faced a mammoth task—building an institution from almost nothing. It demands patience, vision, and integrity. He helped shape the Bangladesh Air Force as a professional body grounded in discipline rather than politics, and service rather than spectacle—standards still relevant. He also served as a diplomat, and became the planning minister after being elected to parliament from Pabna-2 constituency in 2009.

What makes his passing especially heavy is the time we are living in. Our public life is often noisy, divided, and impatient. We speak of development, reform, and national pride, yet we rarely pause to listen to those who built the foundations we stand on. AK Khandker represented an increasingly rare leadership. He believed that power should be accountable, that institutions should outlast individuals, and that patriotism is measured by service, not slogans.

His life also reminds us that the Liberation War was not a single moment frozen in textbooks. It was a process, filled with hard choices and moral tests. Leaders like AK Khandker carried those lessons forward. They understood that independence was not an ending. It was a beginning that required constant care. When such figures leave us, the risk is not only forgetting their names, but forgetting the values they lived by.

We often say that we honour our freedom fighters. But honour is more than ceremony. It is the willingness to protect institutions, reject violence as a political tool, and value competence over loyalty. It is the courage to defend truth even when it is inconvenient. These were principles that shaped AK Khandker's public life.

As the nation mourns him, we should ask ourselves what we are doing with the inheritance he and his peers left behind. Are we strengthening the republic they imagined, or are we slowly eroding it through neglect and short-term thinking? Are we building leaders who see power as responsibility or as entitlement?

AK Khandker's death marks the fading of a generation that knew the cost of freedom firsthand. With each such loss, the distance between us and 1971 grows wider. That distance makes memory fragile. It makes distortion easier. It makes duty feel optional. That is why remembering him matters.

We have lost a leader and a frontliner of the Liberation War. But we still have a choice. We can let his legacy become a line in history, or we can let it guide our conduct. If we choose the latter, then his life will continue to speak, quietly but firmly, to a nation that still needs its compass.

K. M. Iftesham Islam is in-house contributor of Tech & Startup at The Daily Star.​
 
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