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AL spreading propaganda against Yunus, Indian media involved: Press secy
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 08 Feb 2025, 16: 54

View attachment 14211

Chief adviser's press secretary Shafiqul Alam delivers a speech at a book launching event titled "Graffiti of Rebellion: The 24th Mass Uprising" at the National Press Club in the capital on Saturday afternoon. Dipu Malakar

Chief adviser's press secretary Shafiqul Alam has said Awami League, which was ousted in the July mass uprising, is spreading propaganda against the interim government's chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

He also said that millions of dollars are being spent to portray Professor Yunus as a "terrorist leader." Indian media is also involved in this campaign.

Shafiqul Alam made these remarks during a book launching event titled "Graffiti of Rebellion: The 24th People's Uprising" at the National Press Club in the capital on Saturday afternoon.

The book, written by GM Rajib Hossain, a journalist from the Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), was launched in the presence of Shafiqul Alam as a special guest.

He said that the Awami League and the fallen autocrat, the "mother of corruption and enforced disappearances", are trying to challenge Bangladesh’s narrative. They claim that 3,000 police officers were killed, and they are portraying Professor Yunus as the leader of terrorists on their websites.

“This is a well-planned campaign of disinformation. Indian media is also involved. Hasina’s oligarchs are spending millions of dollars,” Shafiqul Alam remarked. He added that they are attempting to convince the world that what happened in Bangladesh was not a mass uprising, but a grand conspiracy.

The press secretary of the chief adviser alleged that attempts had been made to change Bangladesh’s history.

He pointed out that no research or writing on the 1974 famine had been published in the 15 years of the Awami League’s rule. He mentioned the mysterious death of Aftab Ahmed, who had taken pictures in Basanti, and no investigation had been conducted into it.

He noted that 30,000 people were killed by the Rakkhi Bahini (Auxiliary Force). He accused the government of trying to erase history and impose a new one, using the weapon of historical distortion to suppress people.

Shafiqul Alam also mentioned his family experience, saying that his brother had to stand in line in front of a ration shop for days and nights.

People would come to their house asking for rice starch, and he himself had eaten rice starch. Yet, for the past 15 and a half years, it has been claimed that Sheikh Mujib’s rule was glorious.

He stated that Sheikh Hasina and her people have laundered $234 billion from Bangladesh, and more than 3,000 people have been forcibly disappeared. He also mentioned that in July and August, 2,000 people were killed. During Hasina's tenure, there were the Shapla Chattar killings and horrific murders following the verdict of Maulana Delwar Hossain Sayedee.

Shafiqul Alam noted that Professor Yunus had called for calm and said, “Our job is to highlight the horrors of the last 15 years through research. We will hold seminars at every campus, and we will write on every wall the injustices that have been committed so that the fallen autocrats and their associates do not return to Bangladesh. This is something we must do.”

He further stated, “Those who think that the revolution happened in the 21 days of July-August, they are mistaken. The fight had been going on for 15 years before that. We will need to struggle for another 15 years. We will pause for a moment, but they will try to rise again. We must ensure that does not happen.”

The chief guest at the event was BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi. The event was chaired by Hassan Hafiz, the president of the National Press Club. Journalists Kader Gani Chowdhury, Syed Abdal Ahmed, and others also spoke at the event.​

When are Hindutvas going to realize that it is time to move past the stupid "betting-on-Hasina-the-wrong- horse" policy? That policy fell flat on its face on August 2024, despite hundreds of RAW personnel and Indian commandos deployed in Dhaka.

I was amazed when I saw footage of Indian military people in police fatigues escaping to IAF evacuating aircraft on the Dhaka Airport Tarmac a few hours before Hasina escaped. Game over and time to admit the folly.

Now rules will be re-written and based on rules that Bangladesh dictates, otherwise close but no cigar....
 
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India's media misinformation nexus & Bangladesh
Serajul I Bhuiyan
Published :
Feb 10, 2025 21:31
Updated :
Feb 10, 2025 21:31

1739235429554.webp


The modern media have often been referred to as a double-edged sword-a force for empowerment and information but at the same time a tool for manipulation and misinformation. Within this scenario, in South Asia, India’s media industry is outstanding not only for its scale and dynamism but also for its controversial role in disseminating disinformation, particularly about neighbouring Bangladesh. As Nobel laureate Amartya Sen once observed, “Information is the cornerstone of democracy, but misinformation is its poison.”

Recent Cases of Misinformation Targeting Bangladesh: Exaggerated Narratives of Hindu Persecution. Following political turmoil in Bangladesh, a number of Indian media published a slew of unsubstantiated news reports on the atrocities being committed on Hindus in Bangladesh. The report was full of fabricated numbers and incidents. BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari told the house that more than 10 million Hindus were running away from Bangladesh to India due to “Islamic State”. Fact-checkers refuted such reports as nothing but false propaganda, while there was no proof of mass exodus of Hindus from Bangladesh.

If these hyperbolic declarations were not enough, Indian media even went on to accuse “well-known” Bangladeshi leaders, including Chief Advisor Dr. Muhammad Yunus and his cohorts, of complicity in anti-Hindu activities—an accusation supported by no valid evidence. These reports painted Yunus’ administration as indifferent or even hostile to minority concerns, which was vehemently denied by his office. The defamation campaigns were meant to discredit him and align with the narratives of the political opponents of Awami League in Bangladesh. Media coverage also framed the student leaders and advisors associated with Yunus as puppets propagating agendas against India, reinforcing divisive narratives.

The selective amplification of these reports by Indian media had the effect of serving two purposes: domestically, the Hindu nationalist sentiments were fanned by portraying Bangladesh as a hostile space for Hindus; regionally, it was aimed at destabilising Bangladesh. In this manner, media created a dent in the bilateral relations and promoted communalism within India itself.

Misinformation on Border Clashes and Fencing. Indian media have played a significant role in spreading misinformation on border clashes and disputes over fencing between India and Bangladesh. Reports are repeatedly blowing minor incidents out of proportion, depicting them as deliberate provocations by Bangladeshi authorities or civilians. The headlines often portray Bangladesh as a constant aggressor with unverified claims of border violations and hostility. Incidents of cattle smuggling or local disputes are often blown out of proportion and reported as organized cross-border crimes, perpetrated by Bangladeshi nationals. The other oft-repeated storyline in Indian media is that border fencing acts as a guard against “illegal infiltration” and “terrorism”. Such misinformation undermines efforts to address border management collaboratively, escalating tensions between the two nations.

Manipulated Video Clips. Another layer of disinformation was spread through videos that were edited or cropped out of context to show Bangladeshi aggression or anti-Indian rhetoric. The fake videos went viral in showing people supposedly asking that Indian territory like Kolkata be taken over. A most popular clip showcased men shouting slogans in Bangladeshi villages; however, deeper investigation indicated that these were performance art specifically conducted to provoke anti-Bangladeshi sentiments.

Most of such videos were debunked by independent fact-checking and analysis websites, which showed that many were either digitally manipulated or taken out of context. Influential Indian media and social media platforms amplified these stories, increasing distrust between the two nations and encouraging communal tensions within India. Such manipulation does not merely threaten diplomatic relations but also emboldens people in a volatile environment where misinformation feeds xenophobia and hostility.

The Role of “Godi Media” in Misinformation: The term “Godi Media” has emerged as a scathing critique targeting sections of the Indian media that are perceived as over aligned with the government and its ideological priorities. Coined by journalist and satirist Ravish Kumar, the term directly translates to “lapdog media,” reflecting its supposed servility to state power. This critique points to the widely different experiences from India’s relatively revered media past, once celebrated for playing a pivotal role in its hard-won freedom struggle and relentlessly defending democracy.
Historically, Indian media was lauded for championing investigative journalism and serving as the voice of the marginalised. However, over the last couple of decades, significant shifts have occurred-particularly with the rise of corporate ownership and growing state influence over editorial decisions. It has been an evolution marked by increased sensationalism, polarisation, and political patronage at the cost of journalistic integrity. The “Godi Media” phenomenon is, therefore, representative-not only of a deviation from these ideals but also constitutive of broader systemic ills, including regulatory gaps and untrammeled media consolidation.

The modus operandi of “Godi Media” is multifaceted, employing various techniques to shape public perception and advance political narratives. These strategies are not only sophisticated but also deeply embedded in the media’s operational fabric. Some of the key mechanisms include: selective reporting, amplifying communal narratives, social media integration, delegitimiation of critics, sensationalism and fear-mongering
Promoting Awami Narratives. A recent example of selective narrative promotion was observed in an interview conducted by the Indian Express with former Bangladeshi Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal. The interview highlighted Awami League’s stance on regional stability and downplayed opposition viewpoints, aligning with narratives favourable to India’s current government. Critics argue that such interviews often lack balance, failing to represent a comprehensive view of the political situation in Bangladesh. This selective reporting fosters distrust and complicates regional dynamics.

A Multi-Pronged Approach. These mechanisms reflect a deliberate effort to control public discourse and redirect attention from critical issues toward divisive narratives. Media analyst Pankaj Mishra aptly remarked, “The greatest threat to democracy is not overt censorship but the manipulation of information, where citizens are fed selective truths and outright lies in the guise of news.” Addressing this requires robust media literacy programs, independent regulatory frameworks, and a commitment to journalistic integrity. Only through such efforts can the public be empowered to discern truth from propaganda and foster a more informed, democratic society.

Propaganda Model: One critical method for understanding how mass media works in service to elite interests at the expense of journalistic integrity and accountability to the public has been the Propaganda Model, as suggested by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky. This model postulates that media content is filtered through five key mechanisms: ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak, and anti-communism or ideological control. Each of these filters curbs the narratives that come out to the public and gives a systematic bias in favour of the points of view of powerful stakeholders.

In the Indian context, corporate-owned media houses too often align with government-sponsored narratives, mostly because of the financial dependencies of the media group and regulatory considerations. Heavy consolidation of ownership in politically affiliated entities further cements this alignment. As Noam Chomsky famously observed, “Control of thought is more important for governments that are free and popular than for despotic and military states.” His observation finds perfect resonance in India, with media increasingly playing the role of carrying state-sponsored propaganda and silencing critical perspectives or dissent.

In fact, the Propaganda Model finds relevance in India through selective amplification: pro-government policies are promoted-for instance, CAA or demonetisation policies were completely branded as undisputed success stories, and criticism was either denied or condemned. The framing of neighbouring countries, like Bangladesh, as adversaries normally reflects these filters; it bolsters nationalist sentiments to divert attention from domestic issues. This dynamic, therefore, calls for urgent structural reforms that guarantee media independence and the primacy of public interest over the agendas of elites.

Agenda-Setting Theory: This is the Agenda-Setting Theory by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw, which researched how media controls public discourse at which point something was an issue and where it was irrelevant. “The media doesn’t tell us what to think,” as McCombs said, “but it tells us what to think about.” In the context of India, this influence seems overtly within a strategic prioritising of divisive narratives, more so as a political order.

Indian media’s focus on contentious issues like cross-border migration, communal violence, or border disputes with Bangladesh exemplifies the agenda-setting process. By giving disproportionate attention to these topics, media outlets shape public perceptions, framing Bangladesh as a perpetual threat to Indian sovereignty and communal harmony. For example, exaggerated claims of “infiltration” from Bangladesh are routinely highlighted, creating a sense of urgency and fear, despite evidence indicating that such narratives are often overstated.

This agenda setting bias extends to international relations, where selective reporting shapes diplomatic discourse. This selective focus has not only distorted public understanding but also legitimised divisive policies and undermined regional stability.
Countering this trend, the essentials are media literacy and plurality in newsrooms. The expansion of the media agenda to include constructive and balanced reporting will facilitate India moving closer to an informed and cohesive society.

Impact on India-Bangladesh Relations: Erosion of Trust. Misinformation has indeed dissolved trust between India and Bangladesh, fostered over a long period through diplomatic and cultural interactions. Sensationalist reporting transforms nuanced bilateral issues into either communal or political binaries, thereby building a narrative of division, not cooperation. For example, stories exaggerating incidents of cross-border infiltration or portraying Bangladesh as a haven for anti-Indian elements have fuelled suspicion on both sides. This type of reporting distorts the facts and can generate ill-will, especially when one country is singled out in narratives for blame disproportionately.

More than this, the non-stop framing of Bangladesh as a source of regional instability-either as a source of illegal migration or a threat to India’s border security-has alienated large sections of the Bangladeshi public. Consequences of this are that constructive dialogue or problem-solving is unlikely with eroding trust, leaving festering unresolved issues in its wake.

Regional Instability. Disinformation campaigns have increased regional instability by fanning nationalism and antagonism between India and Bangladesh. Narratives that some media continue to amplify focus on conflicts and grievances, often at the expense of stories about cooperation and mutual benefit. These also extend to hamper efforts at addressing other transboundary issues, such as water sharing from the Teesta River or cross-border migration flows. By depicting such issues as zero-sum conflicts rather than opportunities to bargain over, misinformation diminishes the prospects for diplomatic solutions. The sensationalized narratives have broader ramifications: for one thing, greater communal tensions in India itself, as they are often catering to divisive ideologies.

As Noble Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus once said, “Regional harmony cannot flourish in an environment polluted with lies. Respect for one another and honest dialogue are the bedrock of development.” Reducing the destabilizing potential of this disinformation calls for underlining transparency, open dialogue, and actually to belie all those misguiding narratives that delay regional stability with positivity from both countries.

Way Forward: Media Accountability. The media in India will have to regain credibility through transparency and accountability as basic tenets. It would require regulatory mechanisms that are non-partisan and do not fall prey to the interests of political and corporate master minds. Fact-checking initiatives like Alt News and BoomLive need more support from civil society and international organizations if they are ever going to win the battle against the proliferation of fake news. As Dr. P. Sainath, one of the more prominent media scholars, echoes, “The media have to be the watchdog of democracy, not the lapdog of power.” For that to happen, there needs to be a promotion of ethical journalism over sensationalism for profit. An independent media council would be a damper on biased reporting and make them accountable for spreading misinformation.

Diplomatic Engagement. Open communications between both countries would, therefore, enable India and Bangladesh to discuss core causes and consequences of disinformation campaigns. There is a need for setting up dedicated bilateral committees on media ethics and regional stability as an icebreaker for constructive dialogue. These could comprise representatives from the government, academia, and independent media organizations that provide a balancing effect for well-rounded perspectives to ensure actionable outcomes. Regular exchanges among journalists, fact-checkers, and policymakers in the two countries can create mutual understanding and reduce the scope for misinterpretation and deliberately created misinformation.

Public Media Literacy. The only constructive, long-term solution for defeating the spread of misinformation empowers the public to critically assess information. Media literacy programs should be integrated into school curriculums, workplace training, and community outreach initiatives. Such programs can help people to identify credible news sources, spot biases, and understand manipulated content; such knowledge will make citizens resilient. The entrenchment of media literacy is not only an antidote against misinformation; rather, it allows citizens to meaningfully engage in democratic processes.

Conclusion: The media in India wields immense influence in shaping public discourse, both within its borders and across the region. However, its growing alignment with political and ideological agendas has increasingly turned it into a vehicle for misinformation, particularly in narratives concerning neighbouring Bangladesh. This transformation poses significant challenges to the integrity of journalism and the stability of regional relationships.

What is expected is for the Indian media to regain the lost credibility by going back to the very foundational role of being the watchdog of democracy. That would require putting in place strong ethical frameworks which prioritize truth and accountability over political convenience and sensationalism. This calls for comprehensive media reform, public education on the issue, and international cooperation.

The stakes are higher than the newsroom. Misinformation is not only a national issue but also affects India’s reputation as a regional leader.

Of course, it will be much more about restoring trust in the media, but essentially, the struggle against misinformation will safeguard democratic values that bind nations together. India’s media, government, and civil society must come together to reclaim the integrity of information so that public discourse is informed by fact and fairness, not propaganda and prejudice. In so doing, India will be able to restore trust at home and contribute toward peace in the region and stability in the world.

Dr Serajul I Bhuiyan is a professor and former chair, the department of Journalism and Mass Communications at Savannah State University, Savannah, Georgia, USA.​
 
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‘Our July documentaries are slaps for Indian media’: Shafiqul
BSS
Published :
Feb 17, 2025 20:22
Updated :
Feb 17, 2025 20:22

1739837449810.webp

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam on Monday watched a documentary on July movement at the Comilla University conference room. Photo : BSS

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam on Monday said Indian media run many fake stories about the Bangladesh July uprising, but “each of our documentaries on the popular uprising is a slap for the Indian media.”

He said this after watching a documentary on the July movement at the Comilla University conference room.

The event was arranged by the Comilla University Journalists’ Association, marking its 11th founding anniversary.

Alam said it is a matter of great joy that such documentaries portrayed the participation of people of marginal areas in the July uprising.

Mentioning that girls were at the forefront of various educational institutions in the movement, he said they have always stood against bullets.

“Although there were fewer girls in the 1990s movement, women were at the frontline of the July movement,” he said.

Comilla University Vice-Chancellor Professor Dr Md. Haider Ali addressed the event as the chief guest, while Pro-Vice Chancellor Professor Masuda Kamal and Treasurer Professor Dr. Mohammad Solaiman spoke as the special guests.

Editor-in-Chief of Netra News Tasneem Khalil spoke as the special discussant at the event with Comilla University Journalists’ Association President Zubair Rahman in the chair.​
 
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How Indian media distorted two interviews with the CA's press secretary

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VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The India Today interview, aired on December 3, of Shafiqul Alam, the chief adviser's press secretary, is a fairly good example of the typical Indian disinformation campaign.

The tone is set right at the beginning when the presenter introduces Shafiqul saying, "…now listen in to how, in fact, this Yunus-government insider actually denies Hindu hate" as if that has already been established.

Gaurav Sawant begins by saying that the reports from Bangladesh suggest the situation is rather "grim" for Hindus and minorities in Bangladesh and proceeds to ask Shafiqul, what the government is doing to make Hindus and other minorities feel secure "amid reports that there is a sharp rise in attacks on them." There is no substantiation of the "grim" situation or the "sharp rise," however, as if it is already established.

Shafiqul begins by saying there is an industrial scale misinformation coming out of India and the situation here for Hindus, or other minorities, is not as bad as is being made.

By the time Gaurav Sawant comes back with the question, the screen starts showing a photo of Ramen Roy and another of former ISKCON monk, Chinmoy Krishna Das, with subtitles reading Ramen Roy, Chinmoy Prabhu's lawyer, allegedly attacked by Islamists. This is where another layer of disinformation begins.

Ramen Roy is a Supreme Court lawyer who was attacked in Shahbagh on November 25 during a protest by ISKCON supporters. He slipped into a coma for lack of medical attention. A grave misfortune, no doubt, and rather deplorable incident. But the man was by no means Chinmoy's lawyer. In all likelihood, Ramen Roy was caught in a scuffle and the police must find the perpetrators of this senseless violence and ensure justice for the lawyer. As for Chinmoy himself, the monk had to leave (or was let go) ISKCON under very dubious circumstances with grave allegations levelled against him.

Gaurav Sawant then goes on to say, "The manner in which Hindu temples are being burnt, professors are being sacked, police personnel are being sacked…your attorney general is calling ISKCON fundamentalist but Hefazat-e-Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami, they seem to be ruling the roost in Bangladesh…it just seems a little odd for a country like Bangladesh where India had played a very critical role in the freedom of Bangladesh from Pakistan and it just seems to be becoming another Pakistan." To that, Shafiqul repeated that India was flooded with an industrial scale misinformation campaign and asked Gaurav to send his team to Bangladesh.

The line of questioning brings in too many elements into play which makes it difficult to address the actual question at hand because of the need to set the premise straight—that the fundamentalist Islamists are not ruling the roost. No one from Bangladesh challenges Indian government about why RSS is ruling the roost there. It is a question for the Indians and their journalists to ask but not for outsiders. What the Indian media establishment refuses to accept or acknowledge is that they have a party in power for the last 10 years that aspires to establish a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu state, which is almost similar to what the Jamaat-e-Islami aspires for—an Islamic state. Also, just because India helped Bangladesh does not mean Bangladesh is a vassal state.

The presenter suggested that hundreds of temples are burning as he speaks, while frenzied mullahs are forcing Hindu teachers and police officers to resign. It is not that it has not happened. It has. But police officers and teachers were made to resign for their political affiliations, not because they were Hindus, there were Muslims too. In fact, if one were to enumerate them, Muslims would perhaps outnumber Hindus by four to one. It was political retribution. That was also the same case with Munni Saha, which Shafiqul explains as another case of political reprisal, and not a case of religious persecution. There were some temples vandalised in August while in Chattogram, one temple was stoned and its glass door broke down.

But Shafiqul does not get the opportunity to point this out as Gaurav Sawant has begun talking at his interviewee almost goading him, instead of talking to him. Shafiq implores to let him finish before the host begins to shout over him. The interview soon breaks down where both are talking at the same time and it seems to the audience that a government official has been exposed.

In another interview with NDTV (this one with Shafiqul as well, aired on December 4), the anchor points out that the government has not arrested the violence on minorities "given the fact that some of the videos and photos and commentary that's been coming in are actually attacks on minorities that continue unabated." Again, none of this is established or attributed directly. But the question is premised in such a manner that the unabated violence is a universally acknowledged truth.

Shafiqul acknowledges that there were indeed some violence and says there were isolated incidents. While this host continues in a more civil manner, the footage on screen turns aggressive. It shows absolute mayhem in several places, where thugs are beating up young women on the streets, mobs are chasing away police patrol and vandalising a police pickup van. Anyone would agree that the situation was completely out of control in Bangladesh and Hindus were indeed in grave danger. Except, most of the clips are from July and August where Chhatra League goons were beating up protesters, or where protesters were chasing away policemen and trying to vandalise their cars. Thus, through Shafiqul's insistence that the situation is stable, he comes off as brazenly misrepresenting facts.

Rumor Scanner, a factchecking outfit in Dhaka reported on December 6 that as many as 49 Indian news outlets published 13 fake news items on Bangladesh over the four months that the interim government has been in power. The outlets include reputable ones like Live Mint, India Today, Hindustan Times and The Print.

This selective choice of half-truths and exaggerating them with meticulous manipulation is repeated so much, especially on social media platforms and television stations, that they have unfortunately come to define the Indian media. There are of course some credible outlets like The Hindu and tough, but journalistic interviewers like Karan Thapar. In fact, Rajdeep Sardesai's recent interview by Karan Thapar for The Wire where the reputed journalist expressed his disillusionment with the Indian media establishment bears testimony to its downward spiral.

What is perhaps most worrying is that this unrelenting barrage of disinformation campaign from the other side of the border is not helping cool down temperatures. It is becoming increasingly worrisome for minorities in India as well as those in Bangladesh, sometimes to such an extent that governments are now having to grapple with the issues before they escalate further.

Tanim Ahmed is digital editor at The Daily Star.​
 
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Step up efforts to curb misinformation
February saw at least 268 instances of fake news circulation online

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VISUAL: STAR

We're concerned about the continued prevalence of misinformation in post-uprising Bangladesh, with Rumor Scanner identifying 268 instances of fake news circulating online in February. Of them, 127—or 47 percent of the total—were political in nature, while 73 were related to national issues, 10 to international affairs, and 18 to religion. Naturally, the interim government was a frequent target, with 16 misinformation cases about it, mostly negative, along with 16 cases against the chief adviser and several others targeting other advisers. Meanwhile, BNP and its leaders, including Khaleda Zia and Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, each faced six negative cases. Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Chhatra Shibir faced 13 and 16 cases respectively, mostly negative. The Student Against Discrimination platform also faced 10 cases, while its leaders were also targeted.

In contrast to these mostly negative portrayals, misinformation involving Awami League, Chhatra League, and Sheikh Hasina greatly favoured them, suggesting a campaign by the fallen regime to improve its image. Clearly, fake news is being manufactured to manipulate public opinion with often devastating consequences. Worryingly still, mainstream media outlets themselves disseminated 10 pieces of fake news, while there were 57 cases of media impersonation using doctored logos and graphics, which is quite concerning. The role of Indian mainstream and social media in propagating false narratives has been equally troubling. For example, nine instances of misinformation about Bangladesh were found in Indian media. Rumor Scanner also identified 20 instances of communal misinformation, with half of them traced back to Indian social media accounts.

These trends at a time of continued political upheavals do not augur well for Bangladesh. The sheer volume of misinformation that spread in the months after the ouster of the Awami League government has been truly alarming. In January, we expressed our concern when news emerged that fact-checking organisations had debunked 58 percent more content in 2024 compared to the previous year. According to Dismislab's annual roundup, fact-checkers identified and verified over 3,000 unique pieces of false or misleading information last year, fuelling a wave of chaos the effects of which are still being felt.

These trends at a time of continued political upheavals do not augur well for Bangladesh. The sheer volume of misinformation that spread in the months after the ouster of the Awami League government has been truly alarming. In January, we expressed our concern when news emerged that fact-checking organisations had debunked 58 percent more content in 2024 compared to the previous year. According to Dismislab's annual roundup, fact-checkers identified and verified over 3,000 unique pieces of false or misleading information last year, fuelling a wave of chaos the effects of which are still being felt. While everyone agrees that curbing misinformation has become more urgent than ever before, no one seems to know how to go about it in a manner that eliminates the threat without infringing on people's rights.

The dangers of misinformation should be clear to us by now—it is fuelling confusion, division, and instability. Therefore, we must adopt a multi-pronged approach to address it. There should be more digital literacy campaigns to help users identify fake news, while social media platforms should take stronger action against disinformation campaigns. Fact-checking organisations should also receive greater institutional support to enhance their reach and impact. Meanwhile, mainstream media platforms must step up efforts to debunk false narratives and increase access to proper information.​
 
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