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[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
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Reforms crucial for a functioning democracy
Govt must implement some key changes before election

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VISUAL: STAR

It is disheartening that the interim government has yet to take any major initiative to implement the proposed reforms by various reform commissions. The July uprising created a rare political opening, raising public expectations that long-delayed institutional reforms would finally happen. Yet, many crucial proposals remain ignored, diluted, or quietly dropped, undermining the very purpose for which these commissions were formed. In this context, the frustration expressed by the chiefs and members of several reform commissions over the lack of implementation is justifiable.

Reportedly, a wide gap persists between recommendations and implementation, with many major reforms stalled and recommendations dropped. A telling example is the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) Reform Commission's proposal for quarterly public accountability reports. This recommendation was neither radical nor complex; it sought only to introduce basic transparency in a vital institution. Despite this being one of the commission's most important proposals, it was later removed. And despite broad political support for most other proposals, many were not enforced.

The Election Reform Commission's experience is equally disheartening. Its proposals to promote internal party democracy, ensure transparency in political financing, and strengthen candidate scrutiny were meant to address the root causes of the country's dysfunctional electoral culture. Key recommendations—such as electing party leaders from the grassroots, limiting the influence of wealthy individuals, and bringing parties under the Right to Information Act—were not adopted. While the Election Commission has taken some immediate steps, including better affidavit disclosure and expanded CCTV coverage, these fall short of tackling deeper problems like nomination syndromes, unchecked campaign spending, and weak accountability.

Perhaps most concerning is the state of media reforms. Reportedly, the Media Reform Commission proposed more than 100 reforms, yet not a single one has been implemented. Dropping the proposed Journalism Protection Act raises serious concerns about the safety of journalists, especially as the national election draws near. A free and secure media is central to any credible democratic process. The government's rejection of a plan to establish a permanent, independent media commission is also unfortunate.

While reforms cannot be achieved overnight, many of the recommendations made by the commissions could have been implemented through routine administrative orders or minor legal adjustments. The problem, therefore, is less about capacity and more about commitment. Economists and civil society leaders have rightly warned that Bangladesh's democratic decline has been driven by an alliance of political, bureaucratic, and business interests resistant to change.

Without progress in implementation, reforms risk becoming yet another missed opportunity—one the country can ill afford as it seeks a credible return to democratic governance.​
 
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Parties pledge democratic country thru reforms
Staff Correspondent 24 December, 2025, 00:05

Leaders of major political parties on Tuesday expressed grave concern, saying that the recent incidents of violence were casting uncertainty over the forthcoming 13th Jatiya Sangsad election.

They also outlined their respective visions for democratic reform, economic recovery and governance in post-uprising Bangladesh.

The leaders at a dialogue also pledged to build a new Bangladesh through necessary reforms and obliterating fascism, and by means of leading the country to achieve economic freedom, good governance, democracy, and by protecting the rights of the citizens, including women and national and religious minorities.

Their commitments came at the Star Elections Dialogue titled ‘Your Party, Voters’ Questions’, organised by The Daily Star at the Bangladesh-China Friendship Conference Centre in Dhaka.

Representatives of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Communist Party of Bangladesh and the National Citizen Party were present at the dialogue.

BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said at the dialogue that attacks on different institutions centring Sharif Osman Hadi’s death caused concern among the public over holding of the general elections.

‘The incidents that occurred over the past few months, and particularly in the past several days, have made people seriously anxious,’ he said, adding, ‘People are now once again questioning whether the election will be held at all.’

Fakhrul said that although an opportunity for a fair election emerged after the fall of the previous regime in a mass uprising, that opportunity now appeared to be ‘almost slipping away’.

‘Whenever we have an opportunity, certain groups and incidents destroy it. We want to remove that pall of anxiety and move towards the election with hope,’ he stated.

Highlighting BNP’s long-standing emphasis on elections, he said that the party was often criticised for prioritising polls.

‘But it is now proved that delays have given opportunities to sabotage the election. That is why we have always demanded election,’ he said.

Referring to BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia’s Vision 2030 announced in 2016, Fakhrul said that many of the current reform proposals were already included in that document among which was restructuring of the political system, balancing of power among state institutions, and ensuring full independence of the judiciary and media.

He also stated that his party placed strong emphasis on women empowerment.

He mentioned the party’s 31-point reform proposal made public in 2023 contained, among other propositions, formation of a constitutional reform commission, a national reconciliation commission, and the restoration of a non-party caretaker government system.

On economy, Fakhrul said that democratic and economic institutions were destroyed, creating an oligarchic system allowing a coterie to plunder national wealth.

The BNP prepared a comprehensive economic plan with a view to overcoming the economic crisis within five years.

CPB presidium member Mujahidul Islam Selim said that when the economy was dictated by ‘market fundamentalism’, lawmaker and ministerial positions became commodities.

‘Politics is the concentrated expression of economics. If the economy is one of looting, the politics will also be of looting,’ he said, adding that the War of Independence was not fought to establish a capitalist state.

He advocated allocating 30–40 per cent of the national budget to local governments, criticising the growing influence of money in elections, particularly the increase in candidate security deposits to Tk 50,000.

Jamaat-e-Islami assistant secretary general Hamidur Rahman Azad said that his party wanted to build a just, ‘insaf’ based Bangladesh ensuring economic freedom, good governance and democracy.

‘Just as a child is safe in a mother’s lap, we want citizens to feel safe in this country,’ he said, identifying corruption as the root cause of instability and pledging zero tolerance.

National Citizen Party convener Nahid Islam said that the upcoming election should be viewed as a referendum to realise the promises of the mass uprising, not merely a transfer of power.

He said that the uprising aimed to establish a democratic system, create an anti-discrimination and economically just society, and protect national sovereignty and dignity.

Nahid alleged that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami were competing to secure the vote bank of ousted Awami League and criticised the absence of a Truth Commission to address past crimes of the authoritarian regime.

‘Supporting a fascist party is a moral crime, but those involved in genocide must face justice,’ he said.

BNP and Jamaat leaders rejected the allegations of infiltration of AL people in their parties.

Mujahidul Islam Selim remarked that political infiltration was a long-standing reality rooted in the country’s political culture.

The Daily Star editor and publisher Mahfuz Anam who could not attend the event due to illness, in a statement, expressed concern over the recent attacks on his office and that of Prothom Alo.

‘These were not just attacks on media houses. These attacks are against democracy and are meant to jeopardise the upcoming election,’ he said.

The Daily Star believed in democracy and in ‘an honest, accountable, and transparent government’ that protected people’s fundamental rights, the editor’s statement read.​
 
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What the priority of the new government must be
Selim Jahan
Published: 27 Dec 2025, 13: 30

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In less than two months, Bangladesh will be having a national election. Naturally, public conversation, discussion, and debate in the country are currently revolving around political issues. However, once the election is over and an elected government assumes office, a critical concern for the administration will be the state of the economy. This should be the new government’s highest priority.

Even setting aside all other matters, the economy is what weighs most heavily on the minds of ordinary people. This includes inflation, unemployment, inequality of opportunity, debt, the quality of basic social services, economic uncertainty, and mob violence, though the list is much longer. It is therefore only natural to expect that the new government will place the economy at the top of its agenda.

At the outset, attention needs to be drawn to three issues. First, alongside declaring a commitment to prioritising the economy, it is necessary to clearly identify which areas within the economy will receive priority.

Second, the commitments and identified priorities of the interim government should be incorporated into the new government’s policy framework.

Third, immediately after assuming power, the ruling party must formulate a medium-term economic roadmap for Bangladesh.

In view of the current realities of Bangladesh’s economy and its future prospects, this economic roadmap needs to give due importance to three types of challenges: ongoing challenges, accumulated challenges, and emerging challenges. At the top of the ongoing challenges are poverty and inequality. According to a World Bank report, much of Bangladesh’s recent progress in poverty reduction has been eroded in recent years.

Between 2010 and 2022, a span of twelve years, Bangladesh managed to lift around 34.9 million people above the poverty line. However, over the past three years, the poverty rate has risen again from 18 per cent to 21 per cent. Today, 36 million people in the country live below the poverty line.

One of the defining realities of our economy is inequality and disparity. According to the Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2022, the average under-five mortality rate in the country stands at 31 per 1,000 live births. While there is a gap between wealthy and poor households, among the poorest 20 per cent of families this rate typically remains around 45 to 50 per 1,000.

The second ongoing challenge is the poor quality of basic social services such as health and education. There is no doubt that the education and health sectors have expanded in quantitative terms; however, this expansion has not been accompanied by corresponding improvements in quality. In education, the primary objective has become the acquisition of certificates rather than the attainment of knowledge or skills.

In the health sector, the main focus remains the construction of physical infrastructure, not the delivery of high-quality care. In both sectors, high-quality services are largely reserved for the affluent. This kind of disparity acts as a driving force behind the acceleration of inequality in Bangladeshi society.

The third challenge is stagnation in savings, investment, and resource mobilisation. Compared to neighboring countries, Bangladesh’s savings rate is extremely low. In the past, Bangladesh has failed to attract a substantial volume of foreign direct investment. A glance at Vietnam makes this shortfall evident. Bangladesh’s tax-to-GDP ratio stands at only 8 to 9 per cent, compared with 19 per cent in Nepal and 12 per cent in India. Historically, Bangladesh has relied heavily on indirect taxes such as import duties, and this reliance has yet to shift meaningfully toward direct taxation.

The list of Bangladesh’s accumulated challenges is a long one. Jobless growth, massive unemployment, non-performing loans, and significant human deprivation have taken root in the country’s economy. According to official figures, the number of unemployed people currently stands at 2.7 million. Among university graduates, the unemployment rate is 13 per cent. Youth unemployment is twice the national average. At present, jobless growth and unemployment have become concentrated problems in Bangladesh’s economy.

On the global front, Bangladesh’s graduation from the group of least developed countries, along with the imposition of countervailing import tariffs by the United States, may give rise to a range of economic challenges in the coming years.

The country’s financial sector is in deep crisis. The volume of non-performing loans has reached the highest level in Bangladesh’s history, currently amounting to Tk 659,000 crore. None of the vast sums of money illegally siphoned abroad has been recovered. Discipline has yet to be restored in the financial sector.

Non-income human deprivation is becoming even more acute. Nearly 110 million people lack access to safe drinking water. Among children under the age of five, only 41 per cent are registered at birth, meaning 59 per cent have no birth certificate. After completing primary education, 57 per cent of children fail to reach Grade 10. Child labour has increased over the past six years, and the rate of child marriage has risen. The crisis of climate change is also intensifying, with adverse effects on economic growth and human development. In Bangladesh, discrimination against women and violence toward them are not merely disturbing realities; they have emerged as deeply entrenched crises.

The emerging challenges facing Bangladesh’s economy will arise from both domestic and external sources. After many years of decline and stagnation, the fertility rate in Bangladesh has recently increased. This rise will affect population growth and urbanisation in the country.

This increase will generate adverse consequences for Bangladesh’s economy. Dhaka, with a population of 36.6 million, has already emerged as the world’s second-largest city by population. The city’s social infrastructure, such as air quality, sewage systems, and waste management, is steadily becoming fragile. Open spaces, ponds, and wetlands have disappeared, turning Dhaka into a city of brick and concrete. All of this is likely to create an impending crisis in everyday life.

On the global front, Bangladesh’s graduation from the group of least developed countries, along with the imposition of countervailing import tariffs by the United States, may give rise to a range of economic challenges in the coming years. The question is how prepared Bangladesh is for these crises, and whether, with thoughtful planning, it will be able to confront these dangers and move forward after overcoming them.

The next elected government of Bangladesh must keep these challenges in mind and incorporate them into its future economic roadmap. With objective and prudent policies backed by institutional strength, if the government proceeds along the right path, Bangladesh can chart an economic trajectory that ensures an equitable and non-discriminatory form of economic democracy and secures the well-being of its people. Failure to do so would represent a massive missed opportunity, one that has occurred many times in Bangladesh’s history.

* Dr Selim Jahan is the former Director of the Human Development Report Office and the Poverty Reduction Division at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).​
 
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Reforms largely fail: TIB

Executive, bureaucratic control reinforced


Staff Correspondent 13 January, 2026, 00:41

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Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman addresses a press conference titled Reform Apathy in Framing the Objectives of the Interim Government at TIB office on Dhanmondi 27 in Dhaka on Monday. | New Age photo

The Transparency International Bangladesh on Monday said that reforms initiated by the interim government after the ouster of the Awami League regime had largely failed to ensure institutional independence and accountability while they instead reinforced executive and bureaucratic control.

In an assessment of the ordinances enacted in 2025, the TIB found major shortcomings in ordinances related to the Anti-Corruption Commission, Police Commission, National Human Rights Commission, revenue administration, cyber security, and data protection.


TIB executive director Iftekharuzzaman revealed the assessment at a press conference at the MIDAS Centre in Dhaka.

Citing that different stakeholders contributed to the reform process with reviewed draft laws and specific recommendations, Iftekharuzzaman said, ‘However, in many cases, justified recommendations from stakeholders on governance and accountability were ignored.’

‘In some cases, proposals for amendment from stakeholders were ignored without any explanation, and in some cases the government carried out smear campaigns against certain stakeholders,’ he said.

Many crucial recommendations from reform commissions and the civil society, he added, were ignored and stakeholder consultation was minimal during drafting the ordinances although the interim government had pledged to build a discrimination-free, transparent and accountable ‘new Bangladesh’.

Assessing the influence of the bureaucracy, he said that a section of ‘powerful’ officials within the bureaucracy, rather than the council of advisers, made decisions on the ordinances.

Regarding the ACC Ordinance 2025, the TIB assessed that opposition parties were excluded from the selection process of the ACC chair and commissioners, while the proposal for forming a review committee to make the ACC accountable was ignored.

The Police Commission Ordinance 2025 was described as inconsistent with international standards, as it allows the body to be dominated by retired police officials and bureaucrats and places its operations under government influence.

The provision for allowing a former police official to serve as the member secretary would undermine the authority of the chair and other members of the commission, Iftekharuzzaman said.

While the TIB executive director praised the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance 2025, he warned that accommodating the cabinet secretary in the commission member selection committee could weaken the commission’s impartiality.

The TIB also raised concerns over Public Audit Ordinance 2025, observing that the restructuring of the National Board of Revenue was rushed and left the authority vulnerable to political control, while audit reforms weakened the constitutional role of the comptroller and auditor general.

On the Cyber Security Ordinance 2025, the TIB said that although it combined cyber security, cybercrime, and online freedom of expression into one law, it increased risks of misuse.

Overall, the TIB assessed, most of the ordinances enacted under the interim government diluted reform objectives and strengthened executive authority instead of ensuring transparency, accountability, and protection of common citizen’s rights.

TIB executive management adviser and law professor Sumaiya Khair and research and policy director Muhammad Badiuzzaman, among others, were present at the event.​
 
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