[🇧🇩] Consensus Commission.

[Saif]

Political parties still split over PM’s term

Most political parties on Sunday agreed to limit the tenure of the prime minister, but a complete consensus was not reached.

www.newagebd.net

Political parties still split over PM’s term
Staff Correspondent 22 June, 2025, 23:34

Focus Bangla photo

Most political parties on Sunday agreed to limit the tenure of the prime minister, but a complete consensus was not reached.

The parties also favoured adopting equality, social justice, and human dignity as fundamental principles of the state.

But the divergence in their interpretations and procedural approaches stalled the sixth-day discussion of the second round dialogue under the National Consensus Commission, prompting the comission vice-chair Professor Ali Riaz to adjourn the session attended by 30 political parties.

The dialogue session was as usual held at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka. The issue of limiting the prime minister’s tenure dominated the opening discussion, which began at 11:00am.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said that his party agreed on two consecutive terms, adding that their decision on the PM’s tenure depended on the formation of a proposed National Constitutional Council and the electoral process for a bicameral Jatiya Sangsad.

In Sunday’s meeting, BNP’s Salahuddin made a fresh suggestion that a year-based limit might be more pragmatic than a term-based one.

Earlier in the first-round NCC dialogue, the BNP agreed on a two-consecutive-term cap, but with an option for the two-term PM’s re-appointment after a gap.

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami nayeb-e-ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher also proposed a 10-year cap.

National Citizen Party joint convener Zaved Rasin and Rashtra Sanskar Andolan leader Syed Hasibuddin Hossain questioned the BNP’s logic behind linking the PM’s tenure to other issues.

In the Sunday’s meeting, National Democratic Party secretary general Mominul Amin, National People’s Party chair Fariduzzaman Farhad, Bangladesh Labour Party chair Mostafizur Rahman Iran, Jamiat Ulama-e Islam secretary general Maulna Manjurul Islam Afandi, Aam Janata Dal leader Sadhana Mahal backed the previous proposal from the BNP on the issue of PM’s term.

The Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh general secretary Saiful Huq and Socialist Party of Bangladesh general secretary Bazlur Rashid Firoz expressed support for a lifetime two-term limit.

Islami Andolan Bangladesh senior joint secretary general Gazi Ataur Rahman dismissed the debate as irrelevant, arguing that a competent PM should not be bound by any time limit.

As politicians were getting stuck to a single point for an extended period of time, Communist Party of Bangladesh general secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince warned against backtracking on earlier points of consensus, while Amar Bangladesh Party joint general secretary Suny Abdul Haque expressed frustration over the delays.

Amid requests from several politicians, including Ganosamhati Andolan chief convener Zonayed Saki, NCC vice-chair Professor Ali Riaz deferred the discussion until Wednesday to allow parties time to review the issue in their respective party forums and refine their positions.

After the lunch break, the focus shifted to reforming the fundamental principles of the constitution.

In 2011, the Awami League-led parliament passed the 15th amendment to the constitution, reinstating democracy, nationalism, secularism, and socialism as the fundamental principles, which were introduced in the 1972 constitution.

Citing outcomes of the NCC’s first-round dialogue, Ali Riaz said on Sunday that the proposed fundamental principles of the reformed constitution included religious liberty and harmony, along with the reform commission’s earlier recommendations of equality, social justice, human dignity, and democracy.

Political parties, including the CPB, SPB, Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh, and Jatiyo Gono Front, backed maintaining the existing fundamental principles and adding to those the commission-proposed ones.

On the contrary, religion-based parties like the IAB, Islami Oikya Jote, Khelafat Majlish, and Nezam-e-Islami voted for upholding ‘absolute trust in Allah’ and removing ‘secularism’ and ‘socialism’.

Opposition to the existing four principles was voiced by NCP’s Zaved Rasin, who dismissed the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-era ideals, while IAB’s Gazi Ataur Rahman viewed that secularism no longer matched the belief of the majority of Muslims in the country.

Meanwhile, parties like the Ganosamhati Andolan, Rashtra Sanskar Andolan, and Nagorik Oikya turned down any move towards a majoritarian state.

BNP’s Salahuddin proposed amending these principles in the future, depending on electoral mandates.

In the earlier meetings, the BNP recommended fundamental principles outlined by the fifth amendment to the constitution in 1979 that removed ‘secularism’ from the 1972 constitution and inserted in it ‘absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah’.

Jamaat’s Taher supported both ‘absolute trust in Allah’ and the reform commission-proposed fundamental principles. He suggested that a referendum might offer the ultimate resolution.

Despite Jamaat’s Taher asserting that most parties supported the commission’s proposed fundamental principles, CPB’s Ruhin Hossain Prince and SPB’s Bazlur Rashid Firoz requested the NCC to avoid a hasty move to reach consensus on this ‘highly’ debatable issue.

With no agreement reached on both the issues, NCC vice-chair Ali Riaz adjourned the session at 5:00pm.

The NCC would not hold any session on Monday and Tuesday, said Ali Riaz.​

 

[Saif]

National Consensus Commission focuses on weakening executive branch: Salahuddin Ahmed

BNP standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said that there is more eating and drinking than discussion happening in the reform efforts led by the National Consensus Commission.

en.prothomalo.com

National Consensus Commission focuses on weakening executive branch: Salahuddin Ahmed

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 26 Jun 2025, 18: 27

BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed addresses a meeting at the National Press Club on 26 June. Prothom Alo

BNP standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said that there is more eating and drinking than discussion happening in the reform efforts led by the National Consensus Commission.

However, BNP believes that there will be a consensus in the end.

He made this remark today, Thursday, at an event held at the National Press Club auditorium, organised to mark the 13th founding anniversary of Nagarik Oikya.

Referring to the simultaneous movement by BNP as the foundation that planted the seed for the fall of the previous fascist government, Salahuddin Ahmed said, “We knew fascism would fall. But we did not know when, how, or by what method it would happen.”

Highlighting that BNP is cooperating with the government on reforms, he stated that the party agrees with the proposal that no individual should serve as Prime Minister of Bangladesh for more than ten years. This is where fascism has been resisted, he said.

Salahuddin added that the next step should be ensuring independence of judiciary, which he described as a shield for democracy.

Stressing the need to guarantee freedom of the press to protect democracy, Salahuddin Ahmed said that it has to be ensured that journalists serve their conscience, not their employers. As a political party, he affirmed, BNP will continue to support freedom of press in every possible way.

He expressed the view that a truly independent election commission could prevent the return of fascism.

However, he noted that weakening the executive branch alone is not enough to dismantle fascist structures.

He accused the National Consensus Commission of being overly focused on weakening the executive branch.

Just because one dictator emerged in the past doesn't mean the entire executive should be dismantled.

Salahuddin also added that BNP supports reforms, but not at the cost of weakening any particular branch of the state.​

 

[Saif]

BNP leader Salahuddin questions mandatory consensus on NCC proposals

BNP standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed on Sunday questioned why reform dialogue is needed if all parties are asked to fully agree with every proposal put forward by the National Consensus Commission. “If we are asked to agree 100 per cent with all proposals of the Commission, then wh

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

BNP leader Salahuddin questions mandatory consensus on NCC proposals

UNB
Published :
Jun 29, 2025 22:29
Updated :
Jun 29, 2025 22:29

BNP standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed on Sunday questioned why reform dialogue is needed if all parties are asked to fully agree with every proposal put forward by the National Consensus Commission.

“If we are asked to agree 100 per cent with all proposals of the Commission, then why were we invited for discussion?” he told reporters after the seventh day of the second phase of talks between the commission and political parties at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital.

The BNP leader said the July Charter or National Charter is supposed to be signed by bringing together all the issues on which the parties agree. “Now if we are forced here to agree on all the issues - that is not right,” he said replying to a question.

Noting that they never express disappointment, he said, “We express optimism. We are making this proposal -- all the issues that the parties and everyone will agree on will be signed as the July Charter.”

Focusing on BNP’s support to many reform proposals, Salahuddin said they agreed on the change in Article 70 of the constitution, the chairmanship of key parliamentary standing committees, conditionally agreed on the proposal of limiting a person’s tenure as prime minister to a maximum of 10 years during their lifetime (but in that case, the proposal to form any authority like National Constitutional Council or Appointment Committee for the constitutional and statutory institutions must be avoided).

He said BNP also agreed on the issue of electing the president through a secret ballot, allowing MPs to vote independently.

Salahuddin raised BNP’s previous position, objecting to the proposal to form an appointment committee for the constitutional and statutory bodies and introduction of Proportional Representation (PR) system (based on votes) in the proposed 100-seat Upper House.

He said BNP rather supports that the political parties should have representation in the Upper House based on the number of their respective MPs in the lower house in case of the bicameral parliament.

But most of the political parties, including Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, National Citizen Party-NCP, want the formation of the appointment committee and the PR system in the Upper House.​

 

[Saif]

Unity for durable democratic reform

The interim government's initiative to launch a comprehensive reform process through the National Consensus Commission (NCC) is a response to the growing public demand for structural change and democratic renewal. It is encouraging that political parties, through NCC-hosted discussions, are beginni

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Unity for durable democratic reform

Published :
Jul 05, 2025 22:19
Updated :
Jul 05, 2025 22:19

The interim government's initiative to launch a comprehensive reform process through the National Consensus Commission (NCC) is a response to the growing public demand for structural change and democratic renewal. It is encouraging that political parties, through NCC-hosted discussions, are beginning to rise above partisan divides and find common ground on key reforms vital for building durable democracy. A tangible result of this emerging consensus is the recent agreement among major political parties to curb the misuse of presidential clemency and decentralise the judiciary, two contentious constitutional issues that have long fuelled public distrust and centralised power. This development, revealed by NCC vice-chairman Professor Ali Riaz, follows discussions with representatives from 30 political parties and marks a collective step towards institutional accountability and judicial accessibility.

Under the current Article 49 of the constitution, the president holds unchecked authority to pardon, suspend or commute any court sentence. In practice, this authority has often been misued for political ends including the controversial pardoning of individuals convicted of serious crimes. The proposed amendment would retain the president's clemency power but make it subject to clear legal criteria and procedures. This change would bring Bangladesh in line with global norms that limit executive discretion and promote accountability. Similarly, decentralising the judiciary by establishing permanent High Court benches addresses a critical bottleneck in the legal system. The justice system is now struggling with a massive backlog of several million cases, causing trials to take an average of five to ten years. Compounding the issue, centralisation of higher judiciary functions in Dhaka places an undue burden on citizens living in remote districts. Amending Article 100 to establish permanent High Court benches in each division would ease this burden. It would improve access to justice and help close the longstanding gap between the judiciary and ordinary citizens.

The significance of these consensus-based steps must be understood within the context of broader reform agenda enabled by the mass uprising of July 2024. That uprising, and the sacrifices made during it, made clear that the people of Bangladesh no longer accept a political order where power is concentrated, unaccountable and shielded from public scrutiny. In conversations, public forums and national dialogues, a collective demand for democratic transformation emerged. The NCC is now engaging with political parties to channel these aspirations into concrete reforms. Alongside clemency and judicial structure, the NCC discussions have led to tentative agreements on other key issues including the caretaker government system, term limits for the Prime Minister and the creation of a second chamber in the legislature. However, disagreements persist on other matters including the structure of the upper house and appointments to constitutional bodies.

In a multiparty democracy, ideological and policy differences are natural. Democracy does not demand uniformity, but it does require that all actors move forward together. At the same time, it is essential to ensure the current negotiations do not unravel over divisive side issues. This July offers both a symbolic and practical opportunity to finalise what many hope will become the July Charter. Such a charter would not only honour the martyrs of the 2024 uprising but also reaffirm a shared commitment to a just and inclusive democratic state. The recent consensus on presidential clemency and judicial decentralisation proves that differences can be bridged through dialogue and compromise. Political parties must now resist the lure of short-term advantage and build on this progress by finalising concrete legislative proposals. Any delay, indecision or retreat would risk undermining this historic opportunity to secure a democratic future.​

 

[Saif]

Can upper house strike elusive balance of power?

The Constitution Reform Commission has proposed the formation of a bicameral legislature, where the upper house would serve as an “additional supervisory” layer. The aim is to reduce the absolute dominance and unilateral power of the ruling party in the lower house (parliament). This proposal...

en.prothomalo.com

Can upper house strike elusive balance of power?

Riadul Karim Dhaka
Published: 07 Jul 2025, 08: 48

Parliament building Prothom Alo

The Constitution Reform Commission has proposed the formation of a bicameral legislature, where the upper house would serve as an “additional supervisory” layer. The aim is to reduce the absolute dominance and unilateral power of the ruling party in the lower house (parliament).

This proposal has been discussed several times with political parties through the National Consensus Commission. Almost all parties have agreed on the formation of a bicameral parliament, but disagreements persist regarding the electoral system and jurisdiction of the upper house. Further discussions are expected on this issue.

Experts point out that simply forming an upper house will not ensure balance. Rather, its effectiveness will depend on how members are elected and what powers the upper house holds.

According to the proposal, the upper house would mainly have authority concerning constitutional amendments. Beyond that, its powers are largely symbolic. Still, the upper house’s authority to review bills, temporarily hold them, and offer recommendations could help better lawmaking. The actual impact will depend on the method of election. The proposed election system for the upper house has drawn objections from several parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

As per the commission’s proposal, elections for the lower house (parliament) would follow the existing seat-based system, while the upper house (Senate) would be elected through Proportional Representation (PR).

That means parties would gain seats in the upper house proportionate to the total national vote they receive in the general election for the lower house.

Experts argue that this system would prevent any single party from controlling the upper house. It would also promote balance and broader party representation because it is unlikely for any party to secure an outright majority in the upper house unless it wins more than 50 per cent of the national vote in the lower house elections.

In no credible election in Bangladesh’s history has any party achieved over 50 per cent of the national vote.

Furthermore, parties with no seats in the lower house could still gain representation in the upper house through their vote share.

Representation of various groups

The Electoral Reform Commission also proposed a bicameral system, recommending PR system for the upper house. However, it additionally suggested including representatives from various social and professional groups.

Under their plan, half of a party’s upper house seats would be filled by party members, and the other half by non-partisan representatives from civil society, academia, science, humanitarian service, labour, women’s rights activists, cultural figures, and marginalised communities. At least 30 per cent of these seats must go to women.

Powers of the Upper House

The proposal states that the upper house would not have the authority to introduce legislation. However, all bills except the finance ones passed by the lower house would need to be presented in both chambers.

The upper house couldn’t permanently block any bill. If it delays a bill for more than two months, it would be deemed approved. The upper house could review, approve, or reject bills within the stipulated time. If rejected, it could send the bill back to the lower house with recommended amendments.

The lower house could accept or reject these suggestions wholly or partially. If the upper house rejects the same bill passed in lower house in two successive sessions, the lower can send the bill, if passed for the third consecutive time, to the president without upper house approval.

Even though the upper house won’t have much say in general bills it will have an important role in constitutional amendment bills.

As per the proposal, approval from two-thirds of the combined membership of both chambers would be required for constitutional amendments.

Political parties’ positions

So far, there is general agreement that the upper house would have 100 seats. Most parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami and the NCP, support proportional representation for upper house elections.

Some parties, like Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Andolon Bangladesh, even favour proportional representation for the lower house.

However, some parties, including the BNP, oppose PR for the upper house. They propose allocating upper house seats based on the number of seats a party holds in the lower house.

They argue that a PR-based upper house would make it nearly impossible for any party to secure the two-thirds majority needed for constitutional amendments. Even making general legislation would be difficult.

Supporters of PR in the upper house argue that BNP’s model would simply replicate the lower house in the upper house. It will stymie the the purpose of balance of power as the ruling party will control the both house.

This issue was discussed during the consensus commission’s dialogue with political parties on 29 June.

On that day, Nagorik Oikya president Mahmudur Rahman said the upper house would just be a replica of the lower house if the seats are allocated the proportionate to the seats.

National Citizen Party member secretary Akhtar Hosen said it makes no sense if the seats of the upper house are allocated based on the lower house and if the upper house has no power, then it serves no purpose.

Why a bicameral system proposed?

The constitutional reform commission argued that Bangladesh’s unicameral system, in place since independence, has become increasingly ineffective in fulfilling its constitutional duties.

According to the commission, weak oversight of the executive, poor representation, and structural limitations have hindered parliamentary effectiveness.

It further said the dominance of the executive has limited meaningful parliamentary debate and scrutiny, while opposition boycotts have eroded accountability.

The report highlighted that weak review and rushed lawmaking without sufficient debate have also undermined the unicameral model. This has enabled repressive laws and power concentration, as seen in constitutional amendments like the Fourth Amendment (1975) and the Fifteenth Amendment (2011), which introduced a presidential system and abolished the caretaker government, respectively.

The commission said the current unicameral system failed to ensure broader representation, especially for minorities and marginalised groups. The commission there proposed a bicameral system to do away with structural and institutional weaknesses of the existing system.

Sources indicate that the requirement of a two-thirds majority in both chambers for constitutional amendments is meant to prevent partisan or personal interests from driving such changes. Without single-party control, any government would need to engage in dialogue and build national consensus for amendments.

Professor Nizam Uddin Ahmed, former professor of Chittagong University and parliament researcher, noted that aside from constitutional amendments, the proposed powers of the upper house are mostly symbolic. If upper house members are chosen based on lower house seats, the upper house would merely mirror the lower house.

PR elections are necessary for a meaningful upper house, he said.

He added that objections to PR lack strong justification and that the parties should decide how to nominate members to the upper house.​