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[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions
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Protesters announce Yunus's name as chief adviser of interim govt
Staff Correspondent 06 August, 2024, 04:35

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Professor Muhammad Yunus. | File photo

Protesters announced Professor Muhammad Yunus's name as the chief adviser of the interim government.

In a video statement issued on early Tuesday, they said that they had already talked to Yunus and he agreed with the decision of students and people.

'We will publish other proposed names of the members of the interim government in the morning,' Nahid Islam, one of the coordinators of the Student Movement Against Discrimination, said, adding that different conspiracies were underway to fail their movement.​
 
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Where interim govt has succeeded and where it has failed

Moinul Islam
Updated: 17 Jan 2026, 18: 10

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On 5 August 2024, Sheikh Hasina was ousted from power in a mass uprising and fled to India. On 8 August, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus. According to the announced schedule, the national parliamentary election will be held on 12 February 2026. The interim government will end its duties by handing over power to the elected government. If the election is conducted fairly, freely, and impartially, it will be considered the greatest and most historic success of the interim government.

On the same day, a referendum will be held to determine whether the proposed constitutional reform and election system reform "July Charter" are acceptable to the people. If the ''Yes'' vote wins in the referendum, it will create an obligation for the next elected parliament to implement these proposals. Both initiatives are the main historical missions of the interim government. If implemented, the threat of re-establishing autocratic rule in Bangladesh's politics will be significantly reduced.

However, the reality remains that by not allowing the Awami League, whose activities are now banned, to participate in the elections, some questions regarding the election’s acceptability persist. There is strong opposition among political parties and student leaders who led the mass uprising on this issue. The Awami League shows no remorse. At the same time, the fallen autocrat Sheikh Hasina is desperate to keep the leadership of the Awami League under her control at any cost.

The achievements and limitations of this interim period of the government provide important guidelines for determining the democratic future of Bangladesh. Only by ensuring responsible decisions, institutional stability, and the rule of law can the aspirations of the mass uprising be transformed into sustainable political reality. Otherwise, in this dangerous reality, there is only one message applicable for the nation—beware!

In my opinion, the greatest institutional success of the interim government is the enactment of an ordinance to completely free the judiciary from the control of the executive branch. Furthermore, the power of appointing, promoting, transferring, and relocating judges has been liberated from the executive branch. No government in the 54 years of independent Bangladesh has implemented this constitutional obligation. For this historic decision, the interim government and its advisers undoubtedly deserve praise.

Another significant success of the interim government could have been the initiative to form an independent police commission. However, according to informed circles, various measures have been added to maintain bureaucratic and political control over the proposed structure of the police commission, rendering it practically powerless. Consequently, reconsideration of this ordinance has become essential for the interim government.

The autocrat Sheikh Hasina had turned the police force into her obedient law enforcement unit. In an attempt to preserve Hasina's power, law enforcement agencies, including the police, indiscriminately fired and killed about 1,500 people. Around 20,000 people were injured in the process, a large part of whom have been permanently disabled or blinded. Moreover, the notion that almost all police officers and employees are bribe-takers and corrupt has firmly taken root in the public mind. The interim government’s failure to present a clear way out of this crisis is a serious shortcoming.

In restoring the banking sector, the interim government has shown notable success. The banking system, on the brink of bankruptcy, has been brought back to a temporary state of stability. During Sheikh Hasina's 15 and a half years of rule, the banking sector suffered the most atrocious plunder. Of the 61 banks, 11 banks neared bankruptcy. Despite no real necessity, a large number of bank licences were issued to facilitate looting by relatives, party leaders, and her patron oligarchs.

Among these 11, seven banks under the control of Chittagong's notorious bank looter S Alam were included. No other place in the world presents an example of seven banks being controlled by a single clique. Up until 5 August 2024, S Alam misappropriated approximately Tk 200 billion and laundered it abroad. The Land Minister of Sheikh Hasina's government, Saifuzzaman Chowdhury, plundered the United Commercial Bank, while Salman F Rahman's Beximco Group's default loans exceeded Tk 50 billion.

To solve this crisis, it is urgent to establish a special default loan tribunal to quickly bring top defaulters to justice. However, the indecision and inactivity of the interim government on this matter are unacceptable.

The government's biggest failure is in reinstating law and order. In the last 16 months, the government has failed to control mob terrorism. Various extremist forces are systematically targeting liberation war and progressive groups under the guise of mob terrorism. No effective measures have been seen from the government to suppress them. Particularly, the inactivity of the Home Adviser is glaring. The police force mostly remains a silent spectator.

Another major failure of the government is in curbing corruption. Despite the formation of multiple reform commissions after assuming power, there has been no visible progress in anti-corruption reforms. The recommendations of the committee led by Dr. Iftekharuzzaman were disappointing, and the government has failed to implement them. Bangladesh has once again become one of the most corrupt countries in South Asia. There is a clear perception among the public that while the government is keen on constitutional reforms, it shows reluctance towards curbing corruption.

Finally, the most alarming failure is the growing infiltration of extremist groups at various levels of the state apparatus. If this trend continues, Bangladesh risks gradually turning into a failed state. In the upcoming elections, the victorious party could be endangered by violence from these groups, and attempts to render the new government ineffective will be made. Recent attacks on Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, Chhayanaut, and Udichi are proofs of this.

The achievements and limitations of this interim period of the government provide important guidelines for determining the democratic future of Bangladesh. Only by ensuring responsible decisions, institutional stability, and the rule of law can the aspirations of the mass uprising be transformed into sustainable political reality. Otherwise, in this dangerous reality, there is only one message applicable for the nation—beware!

● Dr. Moinul Islam is an economist and retired professor, Department of Economics, University of Chittagong.​
 
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Failures in the education sector mounting

Educationists say delays in textbook delivery are not merely administrative failures; they disrupt the continuity of students’ learning.


Mustak Ahmed Dhaka
Updated: 22 Jan 2026, 11: 46

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With the exception of one or two years, including the Covid-19 pandemic period, a continuity had been established for more than a decade whereby students at the primary and secondary levels received free textbooks at the very beginning of the academic year.

The excitement of students receiving new books, the relief of guardians, and the festive atmosphere together became a familiar scene marking the start of the academic year. The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) had regularly fulfilled this responsibility.

However, that continuity has been disrupted during the tenure of the interim government. Although the current government had the opportunity to distribute free textbooks in two academic years after assuming office, it has failed even once to ensure that all students received all their books at the start of the year.

Even now, the NCTB, under the Ministry of Education, has not been able to supply all secondary-level textbooks. The board had claimed that distribution would be completed by 15 January. But according to information available up to 18 January, 8,641,960 books were still pending delivery.

At the primary level, however, 100 per cent of the textbooks had reached the field before the start of the academic year. Last year, it took nearly three months after the academic year began to distribute all textbooks.

Educationists say delays in textbook delivery are not merely administrative failures; they disrupt the continuity of students’ learning. They argue that distributing free textbooks is a routine task.

Tendering, printing, and distribution should all be planned well in advance of the academic year. Failure to do so reflects broader managerial weaknesses within the Ministry of Education.

Beyond the failure to distribute textbooks on time, the interim government’s tenure has exposed widespread shortcomings in the education sector—marked by failure, lack of leadership, and indecision.

Since that incident, instances of “mob” behaviour have increased on campuses. Several teachers have been publicly humiliated. Pressure on teachers, resignations, and administrative instability across institutions have further complicated the situation.

After the fall of the Awami League government during the July mass uprising, there was hope that positive changes would begin in the education sector. In reality, that did not happen.

While commissions were formed in various sectors in the name of reform, no such commission was formed for education, one of the most critical sectors. According to stakeholders, this clearly reflects the government’s attitude toward education.

Toward the end of its tenure, the Ministry of Education, like the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education, has formed an advisory committee led by BRAC University emeritus professor Manzoor Ahmed. The committee is expected to submit its report before the 12 February election. However, there is little likelihood that any recommendations will be implemented within the current government’s term.

Educationists say that failures extend beyond policymaking to routine administrative work. While the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education has managed to make some progress, the Ministry of Education as a whole is struggling. Due to a lack of proper planning, weak implementation, and indecision, failures in the education sector are steadily piling up.

Flaws from the very beginning

Immediately after the fall of the Awami League government following the July mass uprising, a group of students staged protests inside the secretariat. In response to their demands, the postponed HSC and equivalent examinations were cancelled.

Later, results were published using an “alternative method.” A large section of education stakeholders view this as a major example of administrative weakness within the Ministry of Education.

Experts argue that making such decisions under pressure from a group of students exposes structural weaknesses within the education system. They warn that the impact will be felt in the long term.

Since that incident, instances of “mob” behaviour have increased on campuses. Several teachers have been publicly humiliated. Pressure on teachers, resignations, and administrative instability across institutions have further complicated the situation.

The post of director general at the National Academy for Educational Management (NAEM) is also vacant, with a director performing routine duties. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education has failed to appoint a regular chairman to the NCTB for more than nine months.

In many cases, the burden of administrative decisions has fallen on teachers, leading to resignations and disciplinary actions—making the education environment even more fragile. This has also deteriorated teacher-student relationships.

Retreat in the curriculum

In August 2024, then education adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud announced on his very first day at the secretariat that the country would revert to the old curriculum.

This abrupt decision, taken without consultation, sparked debate both for and against it. Given the circumstances at the time, many viewed it as an attempt to restore temporary stability. However, no visible plan followed.

In June last year, current education adviser Chowdhury Rafiqul Abrar (CR Abrar) said a revised curriculum would be introduced from 2027. But no committee has yet been formed, nor has any framework been prepared for drafting the new curriculum.

With very limited time remaining, the interim government is effectively unable to prepare even a basic outline for a new curriculum. An NCTB source said there is little chance of any initiative on this issue during the government’s remaining tenure.

Educationists warn that while the world is moving toward skills-based and technology-driven education, Bangladesh is once again confining students within outdated structures, posing long-term risks not only to education but also to future employment and human resource development.

Leaderless institutions, administrative stagnation

One of the most important bodies under the Ministry of Education is the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education (DSHE). Since 15 October last year, it has had no regular director general. The post of director (planning and development) remained vacant for nearly a month. New directors were appointed to this and another wing on 6 January.

Several DSHE officials told Prothom Alo that a state of stagnation now prevails within the directorate.

Education stakeholders say leaving such key institutions leaderless is not mere negligence; it indicates administrative incompetence. Several educationists point out that the ministry’s biggest problem is the absence of any clear policy framework or direction.

The post of director general at the National Academy for Educational Management (NAEM) is also vacant, with a director performing routine duties. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education has failed to appoint a regular chairman to the NCTB for more than nine months.

Education stakeholders say leaving such key institutions leaderless is not mere negligence; it indicates administrative incompetence. Several educationists point out that the ministry’s biggest problem is the absence of any clear policy framework or direction.

From one crisis to another

The crisis surrounding Dhaka’s seven major government colleges remains unresolved. Under pressure from student movements, the government announced in January last year that the colleges would once again be separated from Dhaka University.

However, cancelling affiliation before finalising a new university made the situation even more complex. A new structure is now being proposed, but the ordinance is yet to be issued.

A senior education ministry official told Prothom Alo that efforts are underway to place the draft ordinance before the interim government’s advisory council as soon as possible.

Even if the ordinance is issued, doubts remain about whether all additional work can be completed in time to begin university operations.

The ministry has also initiated steps to replace the University Grants Commission (UGC) with a Bangladesh Higher Education Commission—another reform unlikely to materialise during the interim government’s remaining tenure.

Retirement benefits crisis persists

More than 600,000 teachers and employees at MPO-enlisted non-government educational institutions nationwide receive government salary support. Their welfare and retirement benefits are managed by two bodies: the Welfare Trust for Non-Government Educational Institution Teachers and Employees, and the Retirement Benefits Board.

According to the latest data from the Retirement Benefits Board, teachers and employees have not received retirement benefits since December 2021. The situation at the Welfare Trust is the same.

Ministry sources say education adviser CR Abrar sent a demi-official letter to finance adviser Salehuddin Ahmed on 12 November, explaining the situation and seeking Tk 71.76 billion for retirement benefits and Tk 28.13 billion for the Welfare Trust.

Even after all this time, the Ministry of Education has failed to form full boards for either institution, both of which continue to operate under temporary arrangements.

‘Expectations were not met’

Some progress has been made: upgrading primary school headteachers to Grade 10, increasing house rent allowances for MPO-enlisted staff, revising manpower structures and MPO policies, addressing stalled promotions and transfers within the education cadre, and initiating MPO enlistment and NTRCA-led recruitment for principals and headteachers at non-government institutions.

Still, overall conditions in the education sector during the interim government’s tenure have been disappointing, says BRAC University emeritus professor Manzoor Ahmed.

He told Prothom Alo that expectations existed but were not fulfilled.

“From the beginning, education was not truly prioritised through political commitment—this has been true of all governments,” he said.

Professor Ahmed noted that expectations were particularly high for the interim government to break this pattern, but that hope has failed.

While acknowledging the government’s limited capacity to solve all problems, he said it could at least have initiated a comprehensive, long-term vision for education.​
 
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