[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch

Saif · Dec 24, 2025

TIB finds misappropriation of Tk 2,926.88cr

The country incurred extra expenditure of about Tk 2,926.88 crore because of about 1.5 times higher than the actual cost of power generation from solar plants, according to a study conducted by the Transparency International Bangladesh, an anti-corruption watchdog...

www.newagebd.net

TIB finds misappropriation of Tk 2,926.88cr
25 December, 2025, 00:07

The country incurred extra expenditure of about Tk 2,926.88 crore because of about 1.5 times higher than the actual cost of power generation from solar plants, according to a study conducted by the Transparency International Bangladesh, an anti-corruption watchdog.

The study report was launched at an event at the TIB office in the capital Dhaka on Wednesday.

The study titled ‘Generating Power from Renewable Energy in Bangladesh: Governance Challenges and Way Forward’ showed that while Tk 8 crore a megawatt was required for solar power projects according to the Bangladesh Power Development Board, but the six projects under the study had an average estimated cost of Tk 13.8 crore a megawatt.

This means Tk 2,926.88 crore of state resources were wasted through inflated cost estimates, said TIB executive director Iftekharuzzaman at the report unveiling event.

To a query, he said that the study period was limited to the power purchase deals signed by the Awami League regime before being ousted on August 5, 2004, in the wake of a mass uprising.

The Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provision) Act, 2010, which was misused by the AL regime to sign inflated power purchase agreements on political consideration, was scrapped by the interim government that assumed power on August 8, 2024.

Some 37 renewable energy projects out of total 42 power plants approved by the AL were cancelled by the interim government.

The AL failed to implement the Bangladesh’s Renewable Energy Policy 2008, as the target of getting 10 per cent total electricity from renewable sources by 2020 was missed for too much emphasis on costly fossil fuels.

Bangladesh’s current electricity installed capacity, comprising contributions from both on-grid and off-grid sources, is 28,616.48 megawatts, of which only 1,314.70MW or four per cent come from renewable energy sources.

In the past month, the government approved a dozen solar power plants through competitive biddings.

Iftekharuzzaman said that they would examine the current projects in the future studies.

Responding to a question, the TIB executive director said that the reform initiatives by the interim government since the ouster of the AL regime on the state affairs should not be compared with the reforms in the power and energy sector.

It will take more than two to three years to mend the damage made during the AL regime to the crucial sector, he said.

The average electricity tariff of the selected renewable energy projects in this study is $0.124 per kWh.

In comparison, the average tariff in the neighbouring countries is significantly lower — $0.03 in India, $0.032 in Pakistan and $0.045 in China.

Thus, the tariff in Bangladesh is nearly four times higher than in these countries.

The report highlighted that the interests of the fossil fuel lobby were being protected by marginalising renewable energy in the energy sector’s master plans, resulting in the failure to realise the vast potential of renewable energy.

The TIB has proposed 15 recommendations to address the existing institutional and policy challenges and build a sustainable and transparent energy system.

The recommendations include immediate cancelation of the existing fossil fuel-dependent energy master plan and implementing a new master plan based on the principles of reducing fossil fuel use and increasing the share of renewable energy in the energy mix.

Formulation of a realistic road map for power generation from renewable sources with uniform targets in all existing policies, including the Renewable Energy Policy 2025, has also been suggested.

Besides, amendment to the Power Act 2018 to provide a legal basis for power generation from renewable energy and providing clear instructions on the transmission, supply, and distribution of generated power through national or alternative grids is among the recommendations.

TIB energy governance coordinator Newazul Moula and assistant coordinator Ashna Islam presented the report.

Saif · Dec 26, 2025

Corruption threatens clean energy drive

The transition to clean energy has emerged as an urgent priority for Bangladesh, yet it is disheartening to learn of rampant corruption and exploitation within the sector.

www.thedailystar.net

Corruption threatens clean energy drive
TIB study on solar power projects raises concerns

The transition to clean energy has emerged as an urgent priority for Bangladesh, yet it is disheartening to learn of rampant corruption and exploitation within the sector. A recent Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) study has revealed that around TK 250 crore has been siphoned off through corruption in land acquisition and compensation in five solar projects, with irregularities spanning every stage from approval to completion. The study also highlights a significant gap between official cost estimates and actual spending.

These projects were designed to deliver affordable clean power and are already in operation. Landowners interviewed for the study alleged that coercive measures were used to pressure them to sell land at dismally low prices, and in some cases, they did not receive their promised compensation at all. Another six projects examined by the TIB show that their combined cost was Tk 6,970 crore, far above the Tk 4,043 crore that would have been expected as per the Bangladesh Power Development Board's estimate of the average costs of setting up solar plants. In other words, about Tk 2,926 crore was overestimated compared to actual costs. Alarmingly, the study has found that the average electricity tariff of these projects is about $0.124 per kilowatt-hour, which is significantly higher than tariffs in our neighbouring countries.

According to the TIB, a syndicate of plant officials, local land registration officials, union and upazila land office staff, middlemen, local public representatives, and even members of parliament were involved in the corruption. From the outset, vested interest groups exerted influence over policymaking and strategy formulation. The same networks reappeared during land acquisition and environmental clearance, leading to coordinated manipulation of compensation, leasing arrangements, and approval processes.

Such story of corruption during Awami League's tenure is widely known, but its impact on the renewable energy sector should particularly alarm policymakers. Renewables now account for about five percent of total generation capacity, with solar contributing more than 80 percent of that share. Solar remains a largely untapped resource to this day. Experts note that diversifying our solar approaches—such as floating photovoltaics, agrivoltaics, and advanced PV technologies—can expand capacity without displacing farmers or inflating costs, which can also address a lot of the irregularities identified by the study.

The interim government has set ambitious targets to raise the share of renewables to 20 percent by 2030 and 30 percent by 2041. But intention or initiation alone cannot deliver results. Current and future authorities must ensure proper execution as well. Land acquisition processes must be transparent, project costs must be subjected to timely review, and tariffs must be determined fairly. The promise of solar power will only be real if it meets proper planning and execution.

Saif · Jan 6, 2026

Corruption corrodes ICT-powered knowledge economy

sector steeped in misdealing sending billions of fast bucks into pockets of a small group of politically and commercially favoured firms. Such unholy practice happened in the fastest-growing knowledge economy as licensing decisions taken during the Awami League government between 2009 and 2024 fav

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

White-paper authors delve deep into rot at heart
Corruption corrodes ICT-powered knowledge economy

Ismail Hossain
Published :
Jan 06, 2026 23:45
Updated :
Jan 06, 2026 23:45

sector steeped in misdealing sending billions of fast bucks into pockets of a small group of politically and commercially favoured firms.

Such unholy practice happened in the fastest-growing knowledge economy as licensing decisions taken during the Awami League government between 2009 and 2024 favoured these cronies, leading to market concentration, regulatory distortions and potential losses of public revenue running into billions of taka, the findings show.

At the centre of the findings is Summit Communications Limited, which the white-paper authors describe as a prime example of how multiple licences across adjacent layers of the telecoms value chain were clustered among a "favoured few", undermining policy neutrality and fair competition.

The post-uprising government Monday published the white paper on the telecommunications sector, outlining corruption, irregularities, administrative weaknesses, and structural problems over the past 15 years.

The document was prepared by a taskforce formed in April last year with the approval from the chief adviser of the interim government to review and analyse allegations of corruption and misconduct within the posts and telecommunications ministry.

It reveals that licences concentrated across the value chain, resulting in the malpractices. A limited number of corporate groups "accumulated multiple high-value licences -- often spanning upstream and downstream infrastructure -- allowing them to consolidate market power in ways that policy didn't originally envisage".

"Summit Communications alone holds licences for Nationwide Telecommunication Transmission Network (NTTN), Submarine Cable Systems and Services, International Terrestrial Cable (ITC), International Internet Gateway (IIG), Interconnection Exchange (ICX) and tower sharing, placing it across nearly every critical layer of Bangladesh's digital backbone," the white paper reads.

Other companies identified as part of this "favoured few" include Fiber@Home Limited (NTTN, ITC, IIG), Novocom Limited (ITC, IIG, IGW), 1Asia Communication Limited (ITC, IIG, IGW), BDLink Communication Limited (ITC, IIG), and Mango Teleservices Limited (ITC, IIG, ICX, IGW).

The white-paper authors argue that such clustering of licences -- many of them adjacent in the value chain -- converted regulatory policy into "de facto cronyism, allowing select firms to dominate essential facilities while crowding out competitors".

Summit equity restructuring raises red flags. The most detailed case study in the white paper concerns Summit Communications' equity restructuring, which it says exposed procedural inconsistencies, valuation concerns and regulatory flip-flops with significant implications for state revenue and governance.

The transaction involved the issuance of 142,088,136 new shares at Tk 12 per share, amounting to Tk 1.70 billion, dramatically altering Summit's ownership structure.

Following the issuance, Global Energies (UAE) acquired roughly 49 percent, Sequoia Infra Tech (Mauritius) about 21 percent, while the chairman's direct holding fell from an estimated 95 percent to around 25 percent. The company's CEO retained a smaller stake.

Given Summit's control over a substantial portion of the national fibre backbone, the white paper notes, the restructuring amounted to a "de facto change of control", even though it was formally characterised as a new share issuance rather than a transfer of existing shares.

A major issue flagged in the report is the handling of the 5.5 percent share-transfer fee prescribed under a Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) circular issued in November 2021.

In June 2024, BTRC's legal adviser opined that the issuance of new shares did not constitute a "transfer" and therefore fell outside the scope of the fee. On that basis, the transaction was initially allowed to proceed without any levy, despite its control-altering impact.

Following the political transition in August 2024, the regulator reversed its position and demanded the fee. Summit subsequently reported paying around Tk 100 million.

The white paper describes this reversal as a "fee flip-flop" that both privileged a large infrastructure operator at the outset and later undermined regulatory predictability. "Such selective interpretations weaken confidence in the rule of law and expose regulators to allegations of politicised enforcement."

Valuation and potential revenue leakage: The white paper also questions the Tk 12-per-share valuation, suggesting it may have been significantly below market value for a company controlling critical national infrastructure.

If undervaluation occurred, the report notes, the state may have suffered revenue loss in two ways: through a lower regulatory levy base for the 5.5-percent fee, and through the effective transfer of control at a discounted price, conferring competitive advantages on incoming shareholders.

The combination of permissive legal interpretation and low pricing, the paper argues, created a credible pathway for revenue leakage, highlighting the absence of robust, independent valuation and scrutiny prior to approval.

Beyond Summit, the white paper documents opaque share transfers, weak verification of beneficial ownership and inconsistent application of fees across several International Gateway operators. Such practices, it says, complicated dues recovery and eroded regulatory credibility.

Where infrastructure operators occupy "quasi-monopolistic or essential-facility positions", even semantic distinctions-such as whether a transaction is deemed a "new issuance" or a "transfer"-carry major consequences for market structure, public revenue and national strategic safeguards.

The perception-and in some cases the evidence-of differential treatment for politically connected or large-scale actors during the 2009-2024 period has, according to the white paper, undermined investor confidence, invited litigation and weakened enforcement of licence obligations.

In the end comes a call for audits and reform as remedies. The white paper recommends forensic audits of licensing, share transfers and revenue-sharing arrangements, particularly for firms holding multiple infrastructure licences.

It also calls for tighter rules on ownership changes, clearer definitions of control, and stronger safeguards against regulatory capture.

Without such reforms, the experts warn, Bangladesh risks repeating a cycle in which telecom policy serves private concentration rather than public interest, at substantial cost to state revenue and market integrity.

Saif · Jan 15, 2026

ACC questions Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen over father’s corruption

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has questioned Asia’s first Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen, daughter of former Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) mayor Atiqul Islam, as part of an ongoing corruption investigation. She was interrogated at the ACC headquarters on Thursday morning for a

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

ACC questions Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen over father’s corruption

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jan 15, 2026 19:50
Updated :
Jan 15, 2026 19:50

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has questioned Asia’s first Chief Heat Officer Bushra Afreen, daughter of former Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) mayor Atiqul Islam, as part of an ongoing corruption investigation.

She was interrogated at the ACC headquarters on Thursday morning for around one and a half hours, starting at 9:30am.

ACC public relations officer Akhtarul Islam said Deputy Director Md Saeeduzzaman conducted the questioning.

A senior ACC official told bdnews24.com that Bushra was summoned as part of an inquiry into allegations of illegal wealth accumulation against her father.

“Details were sought on whether she had any involvement in the acquisition of these assets,” the official said.

Following the change in power after the July Uprising, Atiqul was arrested and is currently in jail.

The ACC said its inquiry and investigation into corruption allegations against him are ongoing.

A court on Jan 7 imposed a travel ban on Atiqul’s wife Shaila Shagufta Islam and daughter Bushra.

The ACC is investigating allegations that Atiqul and others were involved in abuse of power, tender irregularities, misuse of public funds in the procurement of equipment for spraying mosquito larvicide, corruption and money laundering.

During the inquiry, the commission said it found Atiqul and his family members own immovable and movable assets disproportionate to their known sources of income in various parts of Dhaka and elsewhere in the country, as well as abroad, including in Canada and the United States.

According to the ACC, information has also emerged suggesting that Atiqul, his wife, and daughter were attempting to flee abroad and transfer these assets.

Fearing that such moves could hamper the investigation, the commission sought court orders to restrict their foreign travel.

Earlier, on Oct 16, 2024, Atiqul was arrested from Mohakhali DOHS in the capital. He was subsequently shown arrested in multiple cases and questioned in custody.

Saif · Wednesday at 7:48 PM

Loan defaulters should be in jail, not parliament

The remark of an election commissioner that the loan-defaulting candidates were being validated ‘with a heavy heart’ speaks volumes for the Commission’s predicament in the absence of a robust legal mechanism and decisive political backing, writes Atiqul Kabir Tuhin Non-performing

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Loan defaulters should be in jail, not parliament

Atiqul Kabir Tuhin
Published :
Jan 21, 2026 23:58
Updated :
Jan 21, 2026 23:58

The remark of an election commissioner that the loan-defaulting candidates were being validated ‘with a heavy heart’ speaks volumes for the Commission’s predicament in the absence of a robust legal mechanism and decisive political backing, writes Atiqul Kabir Tuhin

Non-performing loans (NPLs) in the country’s banking sector have surged to an unprecedented Tk 6.44 trillion as of November 2025, accounting for a staggering 35.7 per cent of total outstanding loans. This is the highest NPL ratio recorded in the country in the past 25 years. Reports also suggest that Bangladesh now has the highest NPL ratio in the world. No other country, not even economies battered by war or prolonged recession, is currently reporting an NPL ratio above 30 per cent.

This colossal accumulation of bad loans, and their continued rise, is exerting heavy pressure on the entire financial sector and raising concerns about the overall health of the economy. A number of banks are grappling with huge deficit in their balance sheets, which have severely weakened their lending capacity and pushed up borrowing costs. The situation is also undermining investor confidence and, more worryingly, exposing depositors and the broader macro-economy to heightened risk. The current NPL crisis is therefore not merely a banking sector problem; it is fast becoming a threat to economic stability that demands urgent attention.

Against this backdrop, it is disheartening that at least 45 loan defaulters are going to contest in the upcoming elections, scheduled for February 12. Under the Representation of the People Order (RPO), a loan defaulter is not eligible to contest in the election. Although the Election Commission had initially scrapped the nominations of 82 parliamentary election aspirants for loan default, 45 of them have managed to stay in the race after securing court stay orders on their default status.

It is evident that loan defaulters are approaching the High Court without repaying their dues and filing writ petitions that drag on for years. A stay order then allows them to enjoy the same privileges as any other citizen until the case is finally disposed of.

Earlier, the high-ups of government had spoken of taking a tough stance against allowing loan defaulters to contest elections. Bangladesh Bank Governor Dr Ahsan H Mansur said that steps would be taken to ensure that even those who obtained stay orders would not be allowed to participate. Finance Adviser Dr Salehuddin Ahmed also said loan defaulters would not be given the opportunity to run. But in reality these commitments have not been reflected in practice. The Election Commission, too, has appeared helpless. The remark of an election commissioner that the loan-defaulting candidates were being validated ‘with a heavy heart’ speaks volumes for the Commission’s predicament in the absence of a robust legal mechanism and decisive political backing.

In the case of a Chattogram-based candidate who reportedly defaulted on a loan amounting Tk 11.42 billion from 19 banks and financial institutions, the Commission merely requested that he repay the loans. The question, however, is whether such ‘requests’ will carry any weight, or whether these candidates, once elected, will be further emboldened to evade repayment and shield themselves from accountability.

Given the scale of bad loans in the financial sector, a strong and effective Artha Rin Adalat system is imperative. Regrettably, however, the law ministry has recently turned down the central bank’s proposal to prepare a new Artha Rin Adalat. The Ministry instead suggested updating the existing law through necessary amendments. It is worth mentioning that successive political governments have not strengthened the money loan courts for various reasons. It was therefore hoped that the interim government would take a decisive action, but it too has failed to live up to that expectation.

Money Loan Courts have for long been suffering due to acute manpower shortages, resulting in a massive backlog of cases involving billions of taka. According to the report of the Task Force on Economic Reforms, as of February 2024 more than Tk 1.78 trillion was stuck in over 72,500 cases pending before money loan courts. The report identified the huge backlog under the Money Loan Court Act and the Bankruptcy Act as a major obstacle to loan recovery. Structural flaws in the Artha Rin Adalat Ain 2003, a low judge-to-population ratio and inadequate courtroom facilities continue to hinder the timely disposal of NPL-related cases.

Experts have therefore called for reforms to enable Money Loan Courts to function effectively. They suggest increasing the number of courts, appointing more judges, lawyers and support staff, and ensuring their regular presence. At the same time, many called for introducing a specific timeframe for disposing of cases. When defaulters see that even writ petitions are resolved within two to three months, they will no longer be able to exploit delays as a strategy.

Then again, the Artha Rin Adalat Ain itself requires reform to make recovery efforts more efficient. Defaulters routinely exploit legal loopholes to stall repayment. It has repeatedly been observed that they obtain stay orders from Higher Courts against the verdict of Money Loan Court only to keep the cases suspended for years. Experts have suggested introducing a provision requiring borrowers to deposit a certain portion of their outstanding loan before filing writ petitions against Money Loan Court orders. Such a measure could help curb abuse of the legal process and strengthen the culture of repayment.

The banking sector is the backbone of Bangladesh’s economy, and the country can no longer afford to carry the burden of mounting defaulted loans. Strengthening the Money Loan Courts and closing loopholes in the legal framework are now paramount for restoring discipline, credibility and public trust in the banking sector. As Bangladesh moves towards LDC graduation, the resilience and credibility of its banking system will determine its future growth trajectory.