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🇧🇩 Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh (1 Viewer)

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🇧🇩 Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh (1 Viewer)

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Saif

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রাখাইন রাজ্যের মংডু টাউনশিপ থেকে আসা মুহুর্মুহু বিস্ফোরণের শব্দে কেঁপে উঠছে কক্সবাজার |


 

Saif

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Myanmar civil war: Bangladesh must be firm about territorial integrity
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VISUAL: STAR

M Humayun Kabir, president of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI) and a former ambassador, talks to Tamanna Khan of The Daily Star about the implication of the ongoing conflict in Myanmar's Rakhine state between the country's military and the Arakan Army.

Myanmar's internal conflict has been affecting our southeastern border, especially St Martin's Island. How do you analyse this situation?

It is a very complex and difficult situation because we have a problem with the Rohingya population that have taken shelter in Bangladesh. We have been bearing their responsibility for the last seven years. On top of that, a new problem has cropped up: the internal conflict in Myanmar that has now come to our border. In recent times, some bullets and shells from across the Myanmar border landed on Bangladesh. In the last two or three weeks, we have been having some difficulty also in the southeastern border areas, particularly around Cox's Bazar. We have seen St Martin's Island coming under fire from the Myanmar side as well.

We have taken a somewhat benign approach to this issue because we consider whatever is happening in Rakhine to be an internal matter of Myanmar. That's why we have refrained from taking any initiative other than the diplomatic one. We have lodged protests through the diplomatic channel against cross-border firing and also protested whenever there has been a report on border violations. We have also tried to maintain calm and arranged return of groups that entered Bangladesh. In the process, we sent a clear signal to the Myanmar side and to the international community that Bangladesh considers the ongoing conflict as an internal affair of Myanmar, and we have no intention and no interest to get involved in this process. Our key interest is to facilitate the quick return of the Rohingya population that have taken shelter in Bangladesh back to Myanmar as soon as possible. That remains our priority.

To be continued...................​
 

Saif

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What implications does this conflict have for Bangladesh?

It looks like the military conflict is intensifying and there is a growing prospect of the Arakan Army dominating the Rakhine landscape and taking control of the region from the Myanmar military. If that happens, it will create a situation that we have never faced before. For example, we want to maintain our relationship with Myanmar as a neighbouring country. If the Rakhine state, which is the connecting point between Myanmar and Bangladesh, goes under the Arakan Army's control, the question then will be: what kind of relationship should we maintain with the Myanmar government? Under that hypothetical scenario, what will happen to the repatriation possibility of the Rohingya? The Bangladesh government does not recognise the Arakan Army as a political entity. If they physically control Rakhine, what kind of relationship will we have with them? So, this internal armed conflict in Myanmar is opening up a scenario which is a potential diplomatic challenge for Bangladesh. Additionally, it will further complicate the Rohingya repatriation issue.

As for the firing on Bangladeshi boats from the Myanmar side, it makes our population living near the Myanmar border vulnerable. This also hampers communication between the mainland and St Martin's Island. In the last two to three weeks, there has been no regular traffic between the mainland and the island. Of late, we have heard remarks from different quarters about St Martin's. If the island comes under any kind of threat from the Myanmar side, it will raise questions about our territorial integrity. For Bangladesh, it means we are facing a three-dimensional threat: diplomatic, military, and strategic. That's why it is extremely important now for Bangladesh to not only diplomatically engage with Myanmar and let them know that we are not involved in their internal affairs, but also take appropriate action to defend our territorial integrity, should the situation aggravate further along the border.

Is there anything else that we should do?

I think that some kind of demonstration of our determination is also required. If needed, we can go back to our old playbook that could guide us to tackle any kind of challenge around St Martin's Island. I think since the issue is affecting our national security, we should be firm and then demonstrate that firmness to Myanmar. At the same time, we should convey that message to the Arakan Army too. At this point, I don't believe that they are intentionally violating our territorial integrity or shooting at St Martin's. Even in that kind of situation, it is important for us to convey a message to them that this is not acceptable. And if this continues, Bangladesh will have to protect its territorial integrity.

To be continued.................​
 

Saif

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Previously, you talked about Bangladesh facilitating a ceasefire. Is that still an option?

At that time, that could have been a possible move. But the situation has taken a different turn now. So, I do not believe that we are at that stage to talk about a ceasefire. Now, it looks like the conflict may take two shapes. Under the first scenario, the conflict in Rakhine may intensify with the Myanmar military deploying their land and air assets to overpower the Arakan Army, which seems remote. The second scenario could be that the Arakan Army takes full military control of the Rakhine state and then possibly negotiates a ceasefire. Whichever situation arises, new options have to be explored.

Do you think more Rohingya refugees might try to enter Bangladesh as the conflict escalates?

Well, there have been reports in the international media and humanitarian organisations in recent weeks that the Rohingya are being used or abused by both sides. There are reports that the Myanmar government is using the Rohingya. Some reports mentioned that some of the Rohingya are working for the Arakan Army as well. As a result, the Rohingya population is facing great difficulty within Myanmar and particularly in Rakhine now. There are reports that in the Buthidaung town, the Arakan Army burned thousands of houses of the Rohingya, but they issued statements denying their role in the arson and accusing the other side. The Rohingya are caught in the crossfire. There are about 600,000 Rohingya still living in Rakhine. If they are in difficulty, there is a possibility of them trying to cross over to Bangladesh, despite Bangladesh clearly stating that no more Rohingya will be accepted. So, multiple challenges are brewing up on the Myanmar front: diplomatic, humanitarian, military, and strategic. As a way forward, it is extremely important that we discuss this issue with our friends in India, China, Japan and Thailand—those who can somehow influence Myanmar and other groups, including the Arakan Army. One could also think of raising this issue with the United Nations. On our part, we should also take appropriate steps to protect our territorial integrity and safety of our own people, continue our work to ensure earliest possible repatriation of the Rohingya population back to Myanmar, and reach out to all actors to achieve our objectives.​
 

Saif

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First Myanmar junta conscripts to begin duty at end of month
Agence France-Presse . Yangon 24 June, 2024, 23:52

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A military parade in Naypyitaw, Myanmar. | AFP file photo

A first batch of 5,000 conscripts called up by Myanmar's junta will begin duty at the end of this month, military sources said on Monday, as the generals struggle to crush opposition to their coup.

The junta enforced a conscription law in February, three years after it seized power and sparked a widespread armed uprising that has spread across swathes of the Southeast Asian country.

The law allows the military to summon all men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27 to serve in the armed forces for at least two years.

'The first batch of recruits, who started in early April, will conclude training at the end of this month,' one military source said.

The source said that upon graduation the 5,000 conscripts would be posted to 'different military commands around the country to serve their duty', without giving details on how they would serve.

He requested anonymity as he was not authorised to talk to the media.

Another military source who also requested anonymity said individual military commands would decide how to employ the recruits they received.

'It will be up to the commands they arrive at after their training,' he said.

Myanmar has 14 regional military commands across the country, from the Himalayan foothills in the north to the sprawling Ayeyarwady delta region bordering the Indian Ocean.

At least 10 of them are currently engaged in fighting established ethnic minority armed groups or newer 'People's Defence Forces' that have sprung up to resist the junta.

The military service law was authored by a previous junta in 2010 but was never brought into force.

The terms of service can be extended up to five years during a state of emergency — which the junta declared when it seized power.

Those ignoring a summons to serve can be jailed for the same period.

Thousands of young men and women have been trying to leave the country since the law was enforced.

Conscripts from the third batch of 5,000 recruits have already begun arriving at training centres, the first source said.

A junta spokesman previously said the military has the capacity to train 50,000 a year although about 13 million people will be eligible to be called up.

Last month, state media quoted the junta's defence minister as saying the military had faced 'challenges' in filling quotas.

Local media have reported cases of young men being pulled off the streets in Yangon and other cities and taken away to undergo military training.

The junta has denied the reports.

Myanmar has been in turmoil since the military coup in February 2021 toppled the government of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Since then, more than 5,200 people have been killed in the military crackdown on dissent, and more than 26,000 others arrested, according to a local monitoring group.​
 

Saif

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PM seeks Chinese support to resolve Rohingya crisis
Published :
Jun 24, 2024 21:44
Updated :
Jun 24, 2024 21:44

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Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on Monday sought Chinese support to solve the Rohingya crisis quickly.
"Bangladesh is now very much worried about Rohingya crisis due to uncertainty of solution as it has already been six years of influx of the forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals to Bangladesh," she said.

The Premier sought this support as Liu Jianchao, Minister of International Department of the Communist Party of China, called on her at her Jatiyo Sangsad Bhaban Office.

While briefing reporters after the call on, Prime Minister's Press Secretary Md Nayeemul Islam Khan quoted Sheikh Hasina as saying, "It (Rohingya crisis) is very much frustrating and worrying for us."

He said that the premier told the Chinese minister that "It's a special message (from myself) to convey to the Chinese President (for a amicable solution of Rohingya crisis)."

She also requested the minister to do something with own and extra interest for it, he added.​
 

Saif

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Ethnic armed groups battle junta in west, north
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Myanmar ethnic armed groups seized a popular beach resort town in the west of the country and launched dawn attacks on junta positions in the north, a military source and residents told AFP yesterday.

Fighting is raging across swathes of the Southeast Asian nation as ethnic armed groups and pro-democracy "People's Defence Forces" battle the military, which seized power in a 2021 coup.

In western Rakhine state, Arakan Army (AA) fighters have battled security forces for days around Ngapali beach, home to upmarket hotels and resorts owned by military-backed businesses.

Junta troops and police had retreated to an airport in the town of Thandwe, around two kilometres (more than a mile) away, a military source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP.

Hundreds of kilometres away in northern Shan state, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) launched dawn attacks on the military in the town of Kyaukme, the group and residents said.

One resident of the town, which sits on a vital highway to China, said they had heard artillery and gunfire around the town since the morning.

"Most people from the town are hiding inside their houses," another Kyaukme resident who works for a volunteer rescue team told AFP.

The TNLA had restricted travel around Kyaukme, they said, requesting anonymity for security reasons.

The AA and TNLA are members of the so-called "Three Brotherhood Alliance" that launched a surprise offensive against the junta last October across northern Shan state.

Their fighters seized swathes of territory and several lucrative trade crossings with China, dealing the junta its biggest blow since it seized power.

In January, China brokered a ceasefire that allowed the alliance to hold on to territory it had captured, but both sides have recently accused each other of breaking the truce.

The town of Thandwe, a few kilometres from Rakhine's Ngapali beach and home to the local airport, was largely deserted as of Monday, a resident who fled that day told AFP. "Almost everyone in the town has fled... Very few people are now in Thandwe," said the resident, who requested anonymity for security reasons.​
 

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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Civil war in Myanmar: Bangladesh should revisit its national security strategy
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The Myanmar civil war is the result of decades of non-democratic rule by authoritative, military regimes. PHOTO: REUTERS

As fighting between the military junta and ethnic groups rages on in war-torn Myanmar, its neighbours Bangladesh, India, China and Thailand are finding it difficult to keep violence off their own borders.

Bangladesh, for instance, is facing major national security challenges at multiple layers as a result of the uncontained and reckless fighting between the Myanmar military and the armed rebel groups.

Intense gun battle along the Naf River, earlier this month, cut off Bangladesh's communications with its only coral island, St Martin's, located about nine kilometres off the mainland, for about a week. As a result, the island, with a population of about 11,000, was exposed to security risk and essential supplies crisis. Around the same time, heavy explosions along the Naf also caused panic among the residents of Shah Porir Dwip, another island situated at the southernmost point of Bangladesh. It was also reported that a Myanmar warship had been spotted opposite the island.

Indeed, these fears and security concerns are not unfounded. Since 2022, Myanmar has continuously violated Bangladesh's territorial integrity, with the former violating the latter's air space as early as in September 2022, with two shells falling inside the Bangladesh territory, and multiple rounds being fired from fighter aircraft.

As fighting between the factions and Myanmar military escalated, multiple killings and injuries were reported inside Bangladesh's territory. In February this year, two were killed by a mortar shell fired by Myanmar on Bandarban's Gumdhum border, with a child being injured. As recently as April this year, two Bangladeshi fishermen in Teknaf were injured when Myanmar's Border Guard Police (BGP) opened fire.

The misadventures, if not provocative posturing, by both the Myanmar military and the armed rebel groups around the Bangladesh borders, including in the Bay of Bengal, pose major threat to Bangladesh's national security. The Bangladesh government must be commended for the restraint it has exercised in addressing the situation so far, but it seems that this patience is being misinterpreted by all the factions in Myanmar. While Bangladesh keeps trying to address the situation through meaningful dialogues in a constructive approach, the Myanmar factions have been pushing the nation further to the brink: Bangladesh has now threatened counterfire if Myanmar resumes violent activities along the restive border areas.

However, the security concerns for Bangladesh does not end here. It has been reported by multiple media sources that armed gangs operating inside Rohingya camps inside Bangladesh—Rohingya Salvation Organization (RSO), Arakan Rohingya Army (ARA), and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)—are actively and forcefully recruiting Rohingya men and boys (as young as 12) to fight in the civil war. In cases where the refugees are understandably unwilling to join, they are being kidnapped by the gangs. It has even been suggested that the recent arson incidents in the Kutupalong camp have been orchestrated by these gangs to coerce the refugees into joining the civil war. A recent turf war between ARSA and RSO has resulted in the death of three refugees.

What is even more alarming is that many of the refugees who have been forced away from the camps are currently being held inside the Bangladesh territory in the depths of the Bandarban hills, waiting to be pushed into Arakan. Many of the refugees, fearing illegal conscription by the various factions, including the Tatmadaw proxies, are voluntarily fleeing the camps and randomly spreading out across the greater Bandarban region, where it has been alleged that they are trying to assimilate with the locals.

If this is indeed the case, then the local authorities should beef up surveillance to avert internal security risks, given that the refugees are vulnerable to being manipulated by various quarters to serve their vested interests, and there is a high risk that the ones who are fleeing the camps could also potentially be exploited by groups with nefarious intentions.

In addition, Bangladesh has witnessed a new influx of refugees in recent months, as anticipated earlier, in the face of growing violence in the Rakhine state. A Bangladeshi official involved in refugee relief and repatriation told the media that many of the new refugees have been allowed to enter into Bangladesh territory unofficially. While Bangladesh has been generous in opening its doors to the Rohingya refugees, allowing them to do so unofficially or without tracking and accountability is a crisis in the making.

It is a no-brainer that in a desperate situation such as this, it would be difficult to keep the refugees from crossing over into Bangladesh. Under the current circumstances, without beefing up border security—and if required, ensuring a safe, official passage of the recently displaced Rohingya—infiltration would continue, resulting in the creation of small, sporadic pockets of illegal refugee settlement across the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The people in these pockets, desperate and vulnerable to the lures of various vested groups, can pose national security threats in the medium to long terms.

Bangladesh needs to revisit its national security strategy and adapt it to effectively navigate the shifting landscape. We need a multipronged approach to mitigate the emerging security threats.

First, we must acknowledge that our border security needs immediate attention and should do a thorough risk analysis with the support of defence experts and analysts, and come up with a comprehensive plan to counter these challenges.

Second, instead of hoping that the Rohingya refugees would not cross into Bangladesh, we should take stock of the situation and if required allow them official safe passage with strict monitoring of their whereabouts. This would be better than the refugees illegally infiltrating and then spreading across the greater CHT region, without any sight of their movement.

Third, the government should work in close collaboration with key regional players including India and China, since both have leverage with the Myanmar military and the armed factions in some cases, especially China—earlier this year, China brokered a ceasefire between the Myanmar junta and the armed groups—to convince all the parties to come to a negotiating table and discuss and ink a sustainable permanent ceasefire.

Fourth, Bangladesh should continue using diplomatic channels to convince the international community to increase funding for the desperate Rohingya refugees, whose living conditions have declined over the years with aid dwindling fast.

Finally, the Bangladesh government should negotiate a practical and sustainable repatriation deal for the refugees with the Myanmar authorities with the mediation of China. Once peace is restored in Myanmar, China can play a pivotal role by leveraging their influence to offer the refugees a dignified life in their own homeland with full citizenship, rights and security.

The Myanmar civil war is the result of decades of non-democratic rule by authoritative, military regimes, resulting in the persecution of minority groups, which has inflicted deep wounds within the communities. Its solution lies in the return of democracy and acceptance of all its people. The wounds are deep, but in a true democratic system, with rights and dignity restored to all the ethnic groups and communities, and everyone given their due representation and voice, Myanmar can heal, and prosper even, realising the full potential of the diversity the country is gifted with.

In light of the ongoing situation, it is high time Bangladesh revised its national security strategy and worked in close collaboration with the other key regional players to help Myanmar find peace.

Tasneem Tayeb is a columnist for The Daily Star.​
 

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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মিয়ানমারে বিমান হামলায় বাংলাদেশ সীমান্তে আতঙ্ক
Published :
Jun 28, 2024 17:06
Updated :
Jun 28, 2024 17:06
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বাংলাদেশ-মিয়ানমার সীমান্তঘেঁষা রোহিঙ্গা অধ্যুষিত রাখাইন রাজ্যের মংডুতে সরকারি বাহিনীর সঙ্গে সশস্ত্র গোষ্ঠী আরাকান আর্মির তুমুল সংঘাত চলছে। গতকাল বৃহস্পতিবার ভোর থেকে শুরু হওয়া একের পর এক মর্টার শেল ও গোলার বিকট শব্দে এপারে কক্সবাজারের টেকনাফ সীমান্তের বাসিন্দাদের মাঝে আতঙ্ক বাড়ছে।

সীমান্তের বাসিন্দারা বলছেন, গত চার মাস ধরে নিজেদের অস্বিস্ত রক্ষায় মিয়ানমারের সরকারি বাহিনীর সঙ্গে আরাকান আর্মির সংঘাত চলছে। এতে ওপারের বেশ কিছু সীমান্ত চৌকি এখন বিদ্রোহী গোষ্ঠী আরকান আর্মির দখলে। ওপারের যুদ্ধের কারণে এপারে সীমান্তের টেকনাফের নাইট্যংপাড়া, কায়ুকখালীপাড়া, জালিয়াপাড়া, চৌধুরীপাড়া, উত্তরপাড়া, দক্ষিণপাড়া, কুলালপাড়া, খাংগার ডেইল, নাজিরপাড়া, মৌলভীপাড়া, সাবরাংয়ের মগপাড়া, আছারবনিয়া, ডেগিল্ল্যা বিল, নয়াপাড়া, শাহপরীর দ্বীপের জালিয়াপাড়ায় মর্টারশেল ও বোমার বিকট শব্দে বাড়ি-ঘর কাঁপছে।

আতঙ্কে রয়েছেন সীমান্ত এলাকাসহ পার্শ্ববর্তী এলাকার বাসিন্দারা।মিয়ানমারে তীব্র লড়াই চলছে। সকাল থেকে গ্রামখালি করতে মাইকিং করা হচ্ছে। লোকজন না সরায় যুদ্ধবিমান দিয়ে হামলা চালানো হচ্ছে। গইন্যা পাড়া ও গজ্জনিয়া পাড়াসহ কয়েকটি গ্রামে বিমান হামলা চালাচ্ছে জান্তা বাহিনী।

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উখিয়া রোহিঙ্গা ক্যাম্পের বাসিন্দারা বলেন, 'বৃহস্পতিবার বিকালেও ওপারে মংডুতে যুদ্ধবিমানে হামলা চালানো হয়েছে। এতে হতাহতের খবর পাওয়া যাচ্ছে। সেখানে থাকা রোহিঙ্গারা প্রাণ বাঁচাতে এদিক-ওদিক ছুটছে। অনেকে আবার এপারে আসতে চেষ্টা চালাচ্ছে বলে শুনেছি'।

এদিকে, সীমান্তের ওপারে রাখাইনে চলমান সংঘাতের কারণে নতুন করে বাংলাদেশে যাতে রোহিঙ্গা অনুপ্রবেশ না ঘটে সেজন্য বাড়তি নিরাপত্তা ব্যবস্থা নিয়েছে বাংলাদেশ কোস্ট গার্ড এবং সীমান্তরক্ষী বর্ডার গার্ড বিজিবি।

টেকনাফ-২ বিজিবির অধিনায়ক লেফটেন্যান্ট কর্নেল মো. মহিউদ্দিন আহমেদ বলেন, মিয়ানমারের রাখাইনে গোলাগুলি চলছে। এ কারণে এপারে বিকট শব্দ পাওয়া যাচ্ছে। কিন্তু আমাদের সীমান্তবর্তী লোকজনের ভয়ের কোনও কারণ নেই। সীমান্তে বিজিবি কঠোর অবস্থানে রয়েছে। পাশাপাশি এ সমস্যাকে কেন্দ্র করে নতুন করে যাতে কোনও রোহিঙ্গা অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটতে না পারে সেজন্য সীমান্তে টহল জোরদার করা হয়েছে।

টেকনাফ উপজেলা নির্বাহী কর্মকর্তা (ইউএনও) মোহাম্মদ আদনান চৌধুরী বলেন, ওপারে সংঘাত বৃদ্ধি পাওয়ায় সীমান্তে নজরদারি বাড়ানো হয়েছে। মিয়ানমারে চলমান সংঘাতে সীমান্তে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনীগুলো সতর্ক অবস্থায় রয়েছে। গোলার শব্দে সীমান্তের মানুষরা যাতে নির্ভয়ে থাকেন, সেজন্য সীমান্তের বসবাসকারীদের খোঁজখবর রাখছি।​
 

Muji.Iqbal

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Jan 24, 2024
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Tensions in Rakhine, Chin have wider implications for Bangladesh

Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. Yet, without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully



A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

A group of old Chin woman with web spider tattoo on face in village near Mrauk U region in Myanmars Rakhine state. Chin people, also known as the Kukis are a number of Tibeto Burman tribal. Photo: Narinjara

The heat of Myanmar's civil war has already reached the Bangladesh border. However, this war - either the one in central Myanmar or those around the states - did not start today.

Understanding the present war in Myanmar requires an understanding of the history of the country's ethnic clashes. Burma (now Myanmar) emerged as an independent country in 1948, a year also marked by budding resistance from many ethnic groups.

The movement prior to Burma's independence was organised around the establishment of a federal country with regional autonomy of ethnic peoples like the Shan, Karen, Kachin, Rakhine, and others. The former prime minister of British Burma, Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) was supposed to play the role of the coordinator. Unfortunately, Aung San was assassinated six months before Burma's independence.

As a result, the promise of a federal country was buried by the post-independent rulers led by the superior Bamar ethnic group, sparking armed resistance by the minorities. For the last 75 years, the demand for regional autonomy and resistance to Burmese authorities has flourished in the country, both in non-violent or violent formats.

However, a new element was added to this movement in 2021, when many Bamar people took to the streets protesting the Bamar-dominated Burmese military or the Tatmadaw-led coup that ousted the elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi — also a Bamar. The Suu Kyi-led political party National League carried on with non-violent protests for a year after the coup.

But now the party is leading the armed resistance against the Tatmadaw. This is a new phase in Myanmar's history and also indicates that the whole country is now in a civil war.

As a neighbour of Myanmar, Bangladesh has been facing implications of the war, specifically the ethnic resistance in the Rakhine state, which shares a border with Bangladesh.

We know that the Rakhine state — formerly Arakan — was an independent land, but the British Empire colonised it and later left it under the rule of the superior Bamar. Similar to other regions, the demand for an autonomous Arakan state has also persisted since Myanmar's independence. The United League of Arakan and its armed force, the Arakan Army, tried to push the demand both in non-violent and violent ways.

However, the Arakan Army mustered more strength and sharpened its counterattack against the Burmese military in 2017. The Arakan Army is now trying to shift its headquarters to the Rakhine state so that finance for the guerrilla movement can be generated easily.

Similarly, in the last three years, strong armed resistance by the Chin ethnic group has weakened the presence of the Burmese military in the Chin state, which also shares a small border with Bangladesh.

Simultaneously, the security conditions in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh have deteriorated. At least 90 Rohingyas in the camps were murdered in internal clashes that occurred last year. Their demand for quick repatriation has become louder, amid dwindling global relief for the Rohingya.

So the flourishing of armed resistance in the Rakhine and Chin states, as well as the tension in the Rohingya camps, is very much concerning for Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has been negotiating with Myanmar's central government for the repatriation of one million Rohingya people who fled the Burmese military-led crackdown in 2017. Now, the Arakan Army has emerged as another party to discuss with. Apart from Rohingya repatriation, Bangladesh would need to talk to the Arakan Army regarding the century-old border trade with Myanmar.

I would like to mention that Chin people in Myanmar, Mizos and Kukis in India's Mizoram and Manipur, belong to a common larger Zo ethnicity. There are similar ethnic people in Bangladesh's Bandarban district. So, the tension in Manipur, Chin and Rakhine needs to be discussed with great importance.

The Burmese military, cornered on the ground in the last three months due to strong resistance by the ethnic groups, will certainly intensify airstrikes over the conflict zones. Already, the Chin state has been affected and many people have taken refuge in Mizoram. The possibility of a new influx from Myanmar to Bangladesh is high.

During an interview, Arakan Army commander-in-chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing told us that the Arakan Army is willing to accept the Rohingya diaspora as citizens of Myanmar. But the Buddhist-dominated Arakan Army does not acknowledge the legitimacy of Rohingya ethnicity, which will be a concern in the repatriation process. However, Major General Naing showed interest in discussing the issues with the Bangladesh government.

It needs to be noted that Bangladesh cannot initiate a formal discussion with a non-state party like the Arakan Army. It will certainly annoy Myanmar. The great dilemma for Bangladesh is that without any engagement of the Arakan Army, no Rohingya can be repatriated peacefully.

The author is a researcher of history and author of 'Burma: Jatigoto Shonghater Shaat Doshok.'
I do not think what happens in Myanmar affects Bangladesh.

India and even China have influence Bangladesh more.
 

Saif

Senior Member
Jan 24, 2024
3,022
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I do not think what happens in Myanmar affects Bangladesh.

India and even China have influence Bangladesh more.
Insurgency in Myanmar has caused influx of Rohingyas in Bangladesh. Besides, scores of Myanmar security personnel have taken refuge in Bangladesh to save their lives from Arakan army. The unrest in Myanmar is the sole reason for diminishing law and order situation in the border areas of Bangladesh. Bangladesh is the only country in South Asia which has become a victim of insurgency in Myanmar.
 

Saif

Senior Member
Jan 24, 2024
3,022
1,043




POST-COUP MYANMAR
Central bank denies UN report on weapons transactions


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Myanmar's central bank denied a UN report that the military government can still access money and weapons for its war against anti-coup forces, saying financial institutions under bank's supervision followed prescribed procedures.

The Central Bank of Myanmar "expressed our strong objection to the UN Special Rapporteur's report", it said in a statement published in a junta newspaper on Saturday. "The UN report severely harms the interests of Myanmar civilians and the relationship between Myanmar and other countries."

The rapporteur on Myanmar's human rights, Tom Andrews, reported on Wednesday that while international efforts to isolate the junta appear to have dented its ability to buy military equipment, it still imported $253 million worth of weapons, dual-use technologies, manufacturing equipment and other materials in the 12 months to March.

The report said Myanmar had the help of international banks, including those from Southeast Asian neighbour Thailand, for its purchases.

Facing its biggest challenge since its 2021 coup against Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's government, Myanmar's military is caught up in multiple, low-intensity conflicts and grappling to stabilise a crumbling economy.​
 

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