[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

‘Won’t leave’ reform process to elected parliament, says Nahid

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convenor Nahid Islam has said his party “will not hand over” the reform process outlined in the July Charter to the next elected parliament. Instead, he insisted that the charter’s implementation must take place under the interim government. Speaking

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

‘Won’t leave’ reform process to elected parliament, says Nahid

bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 02, 2025 21:07
Updated :
Aug 02, 2025 21:07


National Citizen Party (NCP) Convenor Nahid Islam has said his party “will not hand over” the reform process outlined in the July Charter to the next elected parliament.

Instead, he insisted that the charter’s implementation must take place under the interim government.

Speaking at the party’s Banglamotor office in Dhaka on Saturday, Nahid said they had long been demanding that the charter be given a legal foundation and enforced immediately.

“The next election must be held on the basis of the July Charter,” he added. “We won’t leave the reform process to the elected parliament. Instead, the next parliament and Constituent Assembly must be formed in line with that charter.”

The NCP leader said the government had informed them that the July Proclamation would be made public on Aug 5 -- an initiative the party welcomes.

Nahid noted that the party has also demanded a resolution on the July Charter by Aug 5.

While he said most issues have been agreed upon, a few points of disagreement remain.

He criticised the National Consensus Commission for not clarifying its stance on the unresolved issues or outlining how the charter would be implemented.

According to him, a clear mechanism must be established before all parties can sign the document.

Nahid announced that the NCP’s ongoing nationwide “July March” will conclude on Sunday afternoon with a rally at the Central Shaheed Minar.

He said, “At that event, we’ll present our programme and outline our vision for a new Bangladesh.

“Alongside the demand for the July Charter, we’ll call for judicial reform and a new Constitution.”

As one of the leading figures of the July Uprising, Nahid recalled last year’s Aug 3 declaration at the same Shaheed Minar, where the demand for toppling the Awami government and dismantling the “fascist” system was first announced.

“That declaration was aimed at ending ‘fascism’ and laying the foundation for a new political settlement,” said Nahid.

“We’ve said in multiple NCP gatherings that while the ‘fascist’ government may have fallen, the ‘fascist’ system hasn’t. That’s why our struggle to build a new Bangladesh must continue,” he added.​

 

[Saif]

BNP presented nearly 99pc of the reforms long ago: Tarique Rahman

BNP’s Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman has said that nearly 99 per cent of the reforms the current government is talking about were already presented to the nation by the BNP a long time ago. He made these remarks today, Saturday afternoon, while addressing the National Council of the Doctors’...

en.prothomalo.com

BNP presented nearly 99pc of the reforms long ago: Tarique Rahman
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 09 Aug 2025, 16: 34

Tarique Rahman addresses the National Council of the Doctors’ Association of Bangladesh (DAB) on 9 August Prothom Alo

BNP’s Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman has said that nearly 99 per cent of the reforms the current government is talking about were already presented to the nation by the BNP a long time ago.

He made these remarks today, Saturday afternoon, while addressing the National Council of the Doctors’ Association of Bangladesh (DAB) as the chief guest.

Joining the event virtually from London, Tarique Rahman said, “We put forward 31 points. Today, the reforms being discussed, the reform commissions formed by the current government, and the opinions being shared by political parties—all of these discussions revolve around proposals of which 99 per cent were presented to the nation by the BNP two and a half years ago.”

Tarique Rahman said the DAB council proves that the claim of absence of democratic practice within political parties is not entirely true.

He added that late President Ziaur Rahman introduced multi-party democracy in the country, and Khaleda Zia steered the nation towards parliamentary democracy.

Therefore, it is the responsibility of the present generation to keep that democratic tradition alive and gradually strengthen its foundation, the BNP acting chairman noted.

Addressing physicians, Tarique Rahman said that among the BNP’s 31 points, the proposals related to the health sector require active participation from the medical community to be implemented.

“The government alone cannot implement these. Neither party MPs nor leaders will be able to do so. Your cooperation is needed—every member of DAB, every councilor must play an active role, otherwise it will not be possible.”

Tarique Rahman noted that over the past 15 years, thousands of people have been killed or subjected to violence, countless have been injured, and many have gone missing. The people’s expectation, he said, is for a peaceful Bangladesh.

“If we all work together to fulfill that expectation, it will certainly be possible to build a different Bangladesh. The country belongs to everyone, so building it is everyone’s responsibility,” he added.

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir also spoke at the event as a special guest.

The council was chaired by BNP Chairperson’s Adviser and former secretary Ismail Zabihullah.

Other speakers included BNP chairperson’s adviser Syed Moazzem Hossain Alal and BNP’s central education secretary and Vice Chancellor of Bangladesh Open University (BOU), Professor ABM Obaidul Islam, among others.​

 

[Saif]

246 more reform proposals to be implemented soon

A further 246 recommendations from 10 commissions (excluding constitutional commissions) have been identified as immediately implementable.

en.prothomalo.com

246 more reform proposals to be implemented soon
Special Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 14 Aug 2025, 20: 41

Today, the Council of Advisers held a meeting chaired by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus PID

A further 246 recommendations from 10 commissions (excluding constitutional commissions) have been identified as immediately implementable. This brings the total number of recommendations marked for immediately implementable to 367, of which 37 have already been implemented.

This information was disclosed on Thursday at a meeting of the Advisory Council held at the Chief Adviser’s Office in Tejgaon, Dhaka. The meeting was chaired by the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Later, at a press conference held at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka, the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam, briefed the media on the meeting’s discussions.

The Press Secretary stated that last week it was reported that 121 recommendations were under implementation—of these, 16 had already been implemented, 14 had been partially implemented, and the rest were still in progress. It was reported today that that an additional 246 recommendations are under implementation, as informed to the Advisory Council.

According to the Press Secretary, 82 of the new 246 recommendations relate to labor reforms. Labour Affairs Adviser Brigadier General (retd) M Sakhawat Hossain said many of these were in the final stages of implementation, and some had already been implemented. The Women’s Affairs Reform Commission has 71 recommendations listed for implementation. In addition, there are 37 related to local government, 33 to health, and 23 to the Ministry of Information.

The Chief Adviser and other advisers at the meeting emphasised putting more effort into implementing these recommendations. Progress on this will be reported at the next meeting.

Committee to investigate purchase of surveillance equipment

The press conference also revealed that a probe committee has been formed to investigate the purchase of surveillance equipment during the tenure of the previous government, allegedly used to monitor citizens. Fayez Ahmad Taiyyeb, Special Assistant to the Chief Adviser on Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology, has been appointed head of the committee. The committee will investigate the total cost, source, and details of these purchases.

Regarding the surveillance equipment, the Press Secretary said preliminary reports indicate that much of it was purchased from Israel. The committee will investigate the entire matter. There is also an ongoing investigation into the purchase of lethal weapons for the police.

At the press conference, the Press Secretary said the Chief Adviser’s visit to Malaysia had been fruitful and highlighted various aspects of the trip.

Also present at the press conference were the Deputy Press Secretary to the Chief Adviser Mohammad Abul Kalam Azad Mazumder, and Senior Assistant Press Secretary Fayez Ahmed.​

 

[Bilal9]

Exporters to receive payments faster under new Bangladesh Central Bank policy​

 

[Saif]

Is ‘state reform’ only rhetoric for govt: TIB

TIB said this in a press release issued in response to the Advisory Council’s final approval of the Anti-Corruption Commission Ordinance, 2025.

en.prothomalo.com

ACC Ordinance draft
Is ‘state reform’ only rhetoric for govt: TIB

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 28 Nov 2025, 23: 02

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) on Friday questioned whether the state reforms are just a rhetoric for the government.

TIB said this in a press release issued in response to the Advisory Council’s final approval of the Anti-Corruption Commission Ordinance, 2025.

TIB expressed deep disappointment and indignation over the final approval of the ACC Ordinance by the Advisory Council, trampling on important strategic recommendations such as the formation of a "Selection and Review Committee" intended to ensure transparency, accountability and effectiveness in its activities along with the highest level of institutional independence.

This is expected to overcome the negative image of ACC which has become infamous as a tool for implementing the agenda of only harassing opponents at the behest of the ruling elite.

The exclusion of this provision from the final ordinance, despite being included in the July Charter with the complete consensus of all political parties and the consent of the relevant government interlocutors as a result of persistent advocacy by TIB, is not only disappointing, but also indicates that like almost all other cases of reform proposals the state reform agenda has become hostage to the conspiracies of anti-reform circles within the government.

Iftekharuzzaman noted that the ACC Reform Commission had recommended the formation of a “Selection and Review Committee” considering the experience of the past two decades, the opinions of all stakeholders, international best practices, and the political and bureaucratic context of Bangladesh in order to ensure that the ACC does not continue to function as a tool of protection of those in power and harass political or other opponents,

He said, “This proposal was made to overcome the dire situation of ACC as the institution has been suffering from a lack of public trust since its inception, as a puppet of vested quarters, it has become a tool of protection for those in power and harassment of opponents. It is regrettable that the government has failed to understand the strategic value of this recommendation to transform the ACC into a truly accountable, independent, and impartial institution through half-yearly reviews, public hearings, and recommendations by the proposed committee. For a government responsible for state reforms, this is a self-contradictory and anti-reform precedent.”

Iftekharuzzaman further said, "The matter is even more disappointing because according to reliable sources, at least seven Advisors have opposed this proposal at the Cabinet meeting. Yet they know that all the political parties that signed the July Charter have fully agreed on this provision. Before creating such a bad precedent of violating the July Charter, why the government does not realise that through this the Government is by itself actually encouraging political parties to violate the July Charter? Why then unprecedented bloodletting sacrifices were made? What kind of state reform is it that blocks the way to effectively curb corruption?"

The draft of the ordinance that TIB had the opportunity to review seemed to be in some ways of a higher standard than the existing law for which the organisation commends the government.

However, the TIB Executive Director has expressed deep disappointment and regret as according to reliable sources, in addition to the mentioned issue several other important strategic recommendations on which political consensus was achieved have been omitted. This can be nothing but a corruption-enabling and anti-reform stance of vested interests and influential quarters within the government.​

 

[Saif]

Implementing so many reforms may be difficult for elected govt: Planning adviser

Planning adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud said it may be somewhat difficult for an elected government to fully implement all these reforms. “We believe the interim government implemented a large number of reforms, many of which were high-end or ambitious. I hope that most of the reforms, or at least...

en.prothomalo.com

Implementing so many reforms may be difficult for elected govt: Planning adviser

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 01 Dec 2025, 19: 54

Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud speaks after Monday's meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (ECNEC).Courtesy: The planning ministry

Planning adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud said it may be somewhat difficult for an elected government to fully implement all these reforms.

“We believe the interim government implemented a large number of reforms, many of which were high-end or ambitious. I hope that most of the reforms, or at least their essence, will be adopted," he added.

Wahiduddin Mahmud made these remarks to journalists after today’s meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (ECNEC).

Wahiduddin Mahmud further said, “We are leaving behind many ordinances. For example, there is an ordinance to make the judiciary independent. The new government will certainly review whether the judiciary has been given too much independence. In some cases, this may feel uncomfortable.”

The planning adviser explained that making the judiciary fully independent means that the law ministry no longer controls many matters. The judiciary has become autonomous. These are significant reforms.

During this time, Wahiduddin Mahmud highlighted various sectoral reform committees, the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), procurement policies, and other reforms. He expressed hope that the next National Parliament will review these ordinances and turn them into laws.

Wahiduddin Mahmud also noted that problems with project directors remain. The challenge is that now few people want to become project directors, and contractors are also less enthusiastic.

He added, “From what I have heard, corruption has not decreased significantly, and extortion still occurs.”

At today’s ECNEC meeting, a total of 17 projects were approved, with a total cost of Tk 153.83 billion.

Of this, government funding amounts to Tk 94.51 billion, project loans total Tk 56.10 billion, and the implementing agencies’ own funding is Tk 3.79 billion.

The meeting was held at the NEC Conference Hall in Sher-e-Bangla Nagar under the chairmanship of chief adviser and ECNEC Chairperson Professor Muhammad Yunus. Among the approved projects, 13 are new, and 5 are revised.​

 

[Saif]

Why is the question of empty rhetoric on state reform arising?

In recent times, the most frequently mentioned word in Bangladesh’s political discourse is perhaps 'reform'. Discussions and activities around reform began as soon as the interim government came to power. Numerous commissions, task forces, and committees were formed. Hundreds of recommendations...

en.prothomalo.com

Why is the question of empty rhetoric on state reform arising?
Kallol Mustafa
Published: 04 Dec 2025, 08: 22

In recent times, the most frequently mentioned word in Bangladesh’s political discourse is perhaps 'reform'. Discussions and activities around reform began as soon as the interim government came to power. Numerous commissions, task forces, and committees were formed. Hundreds of recommendations and proposals have been made by these commissions, task forces, and committees. However, after 15 months of the interim government, it appears that reforms in fundamental socio-economic areas are not even being discussed.

Out of more than a thousand recommendations from five reform commissions on political and institutional matters, only 166 were discussed in the consensus commission. Even among these, political consensus has not been established on many fundamental reform issues. And in the cases where consensus has been reached, expected progress in implementation is lacking. In many instances, key elements are mysteriously omitted or altered. Examples include reforms in the police and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC).

The formation of an independent police commission, long discussed as a means to manage the police force professionally while keeping it free from political and bureaucratic influence, is underway during the interim government’s tenure. However, the way it is being formed raises concerns that the commission will become a powerless institution, dominated by the ruling political party and bureaucracy, similar to the current ACC.

In this way, a police commission formed based on recommendations from a selection committee led by the home minister—without powers over appointments, transfers, and promotions—cannot function impartially. Similarly, if the recommendation regarding the Selection and Review Committee is not implemented, the ACC will continue to act according to the wishes of those in power, as before. Meanwhile, the government will claim that reforms in the police and ACC have been achieved. Such superficial reforms may earn praise, but they will play no role in democratic transformation.

The core problem in the police force is the influence of illegal orders and political interference. This influence primarily manifests in appointments, transfers, promotions, and postings. If these functions could be handled by an independent police commission, it would create opportunities to reduce political influence in the police.

However, the interim government’s draft ordinance for forming the police commission does not grant it the authority over appointments, transfers, and promotions.

In other words, these powers will remain with the home ministry as before. The commission’s role will be limited to formulating policies and making recommendations. The draft ordinance does not include any binding mechanism for implementing these recommendations. Even the proposal to give the commission the power to form a three-member panel for ensuring transparency in appointing the IGP—a proposal made by the committee led by the law advisor—has been removed from the draft.

The committee responsible for selecting members of the police commission will be chaired by the home minister. This raises questions about how impartial the selection committee can be. Allegations have surfaced that by keeping the police under the home ministry as before, the bureaucracy is effectively ensuring that the police commission remains powerless. Some political circles also appear to support this.('Bureaucratic interference in the draft of the police commission', Prothom Alo, 30 November 2025)

The issue of bureaucratic obstruction also came up in the report of the Police Reform Commission. The report noted that the Public Security Division of the home ministry expressed a differing opinion regarding the formation of the Police Reform Commission. From the ministry’s comments sent to the Police Reform Commission, it is evident that the ministry stated: “If an independent police commission is formed, there will be no controlling authority. The home ministry will not be able to manage its functions or reasonably control the police force. Therefore, the Public Safety Division reasonably disagrees with the proposal to form an independent police commission.” (Police Reform Commission Report, Annex-9) This disagreement is likely reflected in the draft ordinance concerning the Police Commission.

Forming a commission does not automatically guarantee success. The most notable example of this is the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). At one time, the Bureau of Anti-Corruption functioned as a specialised agency to combat corruption. Being under the executive branch, there were widespread doubts and public dissatisfaction regarding its independence, effectiveness, and impartiality.

Against this backdrop, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) was established as an independent commission under the Anti-Corruption Act of 2004, replacing the bureau under the executive branch. Although the law stipulates that the ACC is an independent and impartial commission, in practice, for the past two decades, it has largely functioned as a compliant institution under the ruling party. One key reason for this is the significant influence of the ruling political party in appointing ACC commissioners through the existing selection committee.

To address this issue, the interim government’s ACC Reform Commission recommended forming a 'Selection and Review Committee' instead of the existing “Selection Committee” for appointing commissioners. This new committee would include representatives from the executive and judicial branches, as well as members from opposition parties and independent experts experienced in anti-corruption work. The committee would follow clear criteria to select commissioners transparently, impartially, and based on merit. Additionally, it would conduct quarterly reviews of the ACC’s work, organise public hearings, and provide recommendations.

Consensus on this matter was also established among all political parties in the July Charter. However, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) recently alleged that the interim government finalised the ACC ordinance while omitting this critical strategic recommendation to form the Selection and Review Committee.

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) has noted that the exclusion of this recommendation from the final ordinance, despite consensus among all political parties that signed the July Charter and the approval of the relevant government authorities, indicates the government’s reluctance to implement its commitment to state reform.

TIB has also alleged that, in addition to the Selection and Review Committee, several other strategically important recommendations on which consensus had been reached were omitted from the final ordinance. TIB believes this reflects the position of self-interested and influential groups within the government, which are corruption-friendly and opposed to reforms. ('Is state reform just empty rhetoric for the government? TIB questions', Prothom Alo, 28 November 2025)

In this way, a police commission formed based on recommendations from a selection committee led by the home minister—without powers over appointments, transfers, and promotions—cannot function impartially. Similarly, if the recommendation regarding the Selection and Review Committee is not implemented, the ACC will continue to act according to the wishes of those in power, as before. Meanwhile, the government will claim that reforms in the police and ACC have been achieved. Such superficial reforms may earn praise, but they will play no role in democratic transformation.

The situation is such that, on one hand, many important reform proposals are not being implemented, and on the other, several reforms that are being implemented are done so irresponsibly. The interim government should ensure transparency and accountability in this regard. It is not only important to consider the quantity of reforms but also their qualitative value.

The situation is such that, on one hand, many important reform proposals are not being implemented, and on the other, several reforms that are being implemented are done so irresponsibly. The interim government should ensure transparency and accountability in this regard. It is not only important to consider the quantity of reforms but also their qualitative value.

It must be made clear which recommendations were made and to what extent they have been implemented. For this purpose, the government should publish a detailed central record on a dedicated website, showing all recommendations made by commissions, task forces, and committees, alongside the extent of their implementation.

#Kallol Mostafa is a writer on electricity, energy, environment, and development economics​

 

[Saif]

Prioritising reforms over governance: Putting the cart before the horse

Once the elected government decides to adopt a particular reform or set of reforms, they will need to operationalise this through legislation.

www.thedailystar.net

Prioritising reforms over governance: Putting the cart before the horse

FILE VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

To misquote Shakespeare,

"The fault, dear Yunus, lies not in our laws but in their implementation."

The cart before the horse

Every day our newspapers carry some story or op-ed article about why laws or regulations are not being implemented, projects are facing cost and time overruns, and completed projects are not delivering the outputs of products and services that they were expected to deliver. For instance, The Daily Star, on the front page of its November 25 issue, carried a story about how earthquake shocks may lead to building collapses across Dhaka due to the failure to observe and enforce building regulations. It also ran a report showing how women continue to be exposed to violence, both physical and digital, in spite of the numerous agencies and initiatives that have been put in place to provide them with protection.

Hardly a day goes by without some report of illicit land grabbing or encroachment on water bodies and other natural resources, in clear violation of the laws and regulations already in place. Failures in administrative compliance are compounded by reports of violence against vulnerable groups while law enforcement agencies remain ineffective. Governance inertia extends to judicial inaction or to the practice of one-eyed justice, where people continue to be incarcerated and denied bail for political or even personal reasons, and languish in jail without exposure to due process.

In all of those cases cited above, laws, policies, and regulations already on the statute books—generated by various reform initiatives undertaken by successive governments—are being ignored or abused. Implementation agencies, regulatory bodies, judicial institutions, and law enforcement agencies tend to demonstrate little capacity to discharge their designated responsibilities.

While such forms of governance failure were rife across the ousted Hasina government, and also those of its predecessors, we have sadly observed little noticeable improvement in addressing such governance malfunctions under the incumbent interim government of Prof Muhammad Yunus. The government has instead demonstrated, perhaps inspired by the expectations of the student-led mass uprising, a preoccupation with commissioning a plethora of reform initiatives related to the constitution, public administration, the judiciary, electoral system, police, Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), healthcare, local government, women's concerns, the economy, and so on.

We never got a chance to reform our state and politics like now. Let’s not waste it
While much time was devoted to preparing and then building a consensus around the reforms (the latter covering the first six of the reform areas cited above), less time appears to have been invested by the National Consensus Commission (NCC) and the interim government in substantively diagnosing and addressing the myriad governance failures that had provided the basis for some of those reforms. Closer attention to why laws and regulations relating to women's rights, the environment, or the banking sector—in place for many years—have not been properly implemented would have given us a better insight into our priorities and likely better guided the actions of the interim government. Such an understanding would have provided a clearer idea of how, and by whom, the reforms would eventually have to be implemented.

A quest for legitimacy

What little political capital was available to the interim government appears to have been misspent in securing commitments from the political parties to enact particular reforms. Measures to commit or bind a prospective elected regime to implement the reforms proposed by a medley of commissions, and prioritised by the NCC, appear to be based on hope triumphing over experience. In its anxiety to invest the reform agenda with some legitimacy, the government has annexed a proposal for a referendum held along with the forthcoming national elections, now scheduled to take place on February 12. Through the referendum, voters will be expected to express their opinion by voting "yes" or "no" to a set of four blanket propositions that obscure a more complex sub-text of 48 proposals containing the meat of the reform agenda.

How far the nearly 12.8 crore voters can reasonably be expected to apply their minds to such an opaquely designed referendum—and the legitimacy derived from such a process—remains questionable. Whatever the outcome of the referendum, it is far from clear whether an elected government will feel committed to enact the full package of 48 reforms. An incoming government, hopefully elected through a free and fair election, may feel inclined to enact reforms that are politically convenient for them. Regardless of what the parties say now, the priorities set for them by their voters, expressed through an election manifesto and articulated in parliament by their elected representatives, will be expected to receive precedence over any referendum imposed on them by an unelected interim government. In any elected Jatiya Sangsad, prospective reform priorities are more likely to emerge out of the dialectic between the ruling party and the opposition, based on their respective elective strength in the House.

Once the elected government decides to adopt a particular reform or set of reforms, they will need to operationalise this through legislation. This will apply to such constitutional issues as an Upper House, which can only be set up through a constitutional amendment drafted by the elected government in parliament. Preparing such a bill will require detailing the small print of the amendment for incorporation into legislation, which will also involve consultations with bureaucrats and concerned stakeholders who will be involved in the actual logistics and administration of a prospective Upper House. This will further involve such issues as the modalities of identifying who will be put up by their respective parties, the possible composition in terms of gender and other identity issues, the specific powers located within the House, its budget, and administrative arrangements.

The tabled legislation will then be exposed to parliamentary debate on particular clauses of the bill. This will need to include the opposition, whether on the floor of the Parliament or within a parliamentary committee, prior to a final vote to enact it into law. The post-election reform enactment process may thus be both labour- and time-intensive, with wide variations in the time required for the legislative process involving particular bills, whose introduction on the floor of the House will need to be prioritised and sequenced by the government.

The chimera of implementation

Legislating and enacting a reform proposal into law may turn out to be the least of the problems, however. The principal challenge for any government will be to implement the reforms over time and deliver the promised outcomes. It is in this area that successive governments have failed to deliver over the years, whether because of administrative incompetence or malfeasance or due to political resistance by particular groups who may be impacted by a reform. It should be kept in mind here that those who oppose a particular reform do not always do so during the legislative process—which is more open to public scrutiny—but during the implementation stage, where the public is largely kept in the dark about what goes on behind the scenes.

Many examples can be cited where popular legislation or policies negotiated with international development partners have been sabotaged during the implementation process. For instance, financial sector reforms negotiated with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) over the years, going back to the 1990s, remain a case in point. The current Bangladesh Bank governor is largely having to draw upon financial sector reforms that have been taken up by previous governments but have only been superficially implemented.

In such circumstances, the outcomes from a particular reform can only emerge over a protracted period of trial and error. Any realistic assessment of the reformist commitment of any regime will thus hardly be possible in 120 or even 180 days but will need to be evaluated three or four years down the line. By that time, we may get some idea of how effectively an Upper House elected through proportional representation (PR) has met the expectations of its proponents, or whether an "empowered" president is able to exercise some restraint over an elected prime minister.

Muhammad Yunus and his interim government are to be commended for their good intentions in seeking to carry out reforms that would forestall a return to the bad old days of "fascism." Given the track record of past governments—including those who have held and expect to hold office—in implementing their own laws, policies, and regulations of the time, it remains to be seen what the current reform package tabled through a referendum will eventually manage to deliver.

If any part of the interim government's reform agenda is to be implemented at all, much will depend on: the credibility, inclusivity, and eventual legitimacy of the scheduled February 2026 elections; the political compulsions of the elected ruling party to carry out particular reforms; the presence of a strong, proactive, and committed opposition willing to intelligently use the parliamentary system to oversee the implementation process; the effectiveness of parliament as an institution in exercising oversight and accountability over the machinery of government; the sincerity and capacity of the bureaucracy to implement rather than frustrate reforms; and the oversight and activism exercised by civil society and the media in tracking the reform process from enactment to implementation.

If hope is indeed to triumph over experience, we will need to look forward not just to a new government but to a new political, bureaucratic, and civic culture to bring about the social transformation we all want, and for which so many young people shed their blood during the 2024 July Uprising.

Prof Rehman Sobhan, one of Bangladesh's most distinguished economists and a celebrated public intellectual, is founder and chairman of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).​